Battle: Dar es Salaam vs Nairobi

Battle: Dar es Salaam vs Nairobi

FB_IMG_16157093356433807.jpg

FB_IMG_16157093485612971.jpg

FB_IMG_16157096997635606.jpg
 
Hii ishu somalia hana chake sababu hata akishinda mahakamani sidhani kama kenya watamuachia amiliki hilo eneo la bahari. Kwa kenya ni rahisi zaidi kuidhibiti somalia kwa nguvu kuliko kufungua kesi kama hiyo dhidi ya Tanzania kudai eneo la bahari wakati alishakuwa nalo kabla. Sioni jumuiya ya kimataifa ikiwa upande wa somalia kwa maamuzi yoyote yale ambayo kenya atayachukua ukizingatia pia ni mshirika mkubwa wa marekani na uingereza ukanda huu.
Unaonekana huna Latest info kwenye hiki suala, hio Kenya unayodhani italindwa na UK na USA imeona ni bora kujitoa kwenye mkataba wa International Court of Justice (ICJ) kwa sasa imetambua kuwa Somalia inakaribia kushinda kesi.

Na suala la kusema eti kwakua Somalia kashinda kesi then sasa twende tukaombe eneo la mpaka wa TZ ni wishful thinking.

Kisheria ni lazima uwe na sababu yenye mshiko otherwise dunia nzima nchi zitaanza kufungulia a similar cases ili zipewe maeneo ya nchi jirani.

FYI, Somalia wana historical evidence kuwa wao ndio wamiliki halali wa hilo eneo since the establishment of their stste na hicho kitu Kenya wanajua lakini walijaribu kujitutumua wakidhani Somalia itakata tamaa mpaka sasa wameona hali mbaya na kuamua kujitoa ICJ.
 
Ukweli utajidhiirisha soon🙂
Chances za Somali kushinda hii kesi zipo juu nimekua nikifatilia hii issue kwa ukaribu Sana tusubiri tuone🙂
Taja legal reasons why. Taja sababu za kisheria sio rumours.
 
Wacha ujinga. Unamaanisha nini unaposema Kenya haiwezi kushinda hii kesi, kwamba Somalia wana nguvu? Wana nguvu kivipi? Kisheria au kijeshi au kiuchumi? Hii ni Mahakama na the only thing that matters is the law. Ulitakiwa unieleze kisheria ni kwa nini unafikiri Somalia watashinda. Sio kuniambia kwamba Somalia wana nguvu, hata sisi tuna nguvu kuwashinda kijeshi na kiuchumi.

Hapo Kenya haina chake. Ikubali tu matokeo.
 
mbona imejengwa kibahili sana hii mzee. Hio njia ya chini kabisa nadhani lengo ilikuwa kukwepa kuweka njia ya juu tu kwa sababu hata hiyo ya juu nayo mmeiminya sana.
Sawa injinia, chora ya kwako ya kijanja na wewe..
Manake mfano wako wa kiboya sana, unajitia ujuaji nkm eti hapo unapajua..
 
Amekufa, alilazwa Nairobi, akapelekwa India, akarudi Tanzania Mzena Hospital akajifia, Leo ndio tunafanya mazishi yake.
Umejibu kinyonge sana maskini, yani huna taarifa zozote kumhusu lkn bado unanengua tu..
Si mtakufa kw presha jamani
 
Taja legal reasons why. Taja sababu za kisheria sio rumours.

border dispute over resource-rich waters to the International Court of Justice, Kenya is trying to force and out-of-court settlement.​

History has a strange habit of reversing roles. It was only yesterday when Somalia’s irredentist quest of pan-Somali unification strategy cast an overarching shadow on the Horn of Africa; pressuring Kenya to relinquish the Somali-inhabited part of northeastern Kenya. The roles today are ironically reversed, with Somalia now on the receiving end of Kenya’s intensifying diplomatic pressure to resolve its maritime boundary dispute out of court rather than through the International Court of Justice (ICJ).

The maritime boundary dispute is primarily fuelled by the claims on natural resources such as marine fish, oil and gas made by both countries. Interest in Kenya (and later on Somalia) for oil and gas exploration has seen a sharp increase in recent years. The ICJ at The Hague is set to convene on September 9 to listen to testimony by both parties in their maritime delimitation dispute.

The Kenya-Somalia legal tussle started in August 2014 when Somalia filed a case before the ICJ. At the heart of the dispute are Kenya and Somalia’s claims to an overlapping area of continental shelf. Oil deposits are found in the disputed 42,000 square kilometres in the Indian Ocean between the line of parallel latitude and the equidistance line, the latter of which lies in Somalia. This creates a disputed triangle of more than 100,000 square kilometres – roughly the same size as the Jubbaland region of Somalia – of oil and gas-rich waters.

Somalia wants the maritime border to run along the line of the land border to the south-east whilst Kenya wants it determined by a parallel line of latitude to the east.

Why Kenya wants to settle out of court

In 2009, Kenya and Somalia signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU), and in 2011 they brought it to the UN. Both countries have put forward conflicting interpretations of the MoU. Kenya asserts that it contains a method for an out-of-court settlement of the maritime dispute. On the other hand, Somalia had as early as 2010 declared the MoU as "non-actionable" after it gave rise to controversy in Somalia.

Somalia quickly engaged the ICJ as a recourse to negotiation, fearing that Kenya would make a new reservation by altering its Optional Clause acceptance to exclude the World Court's jurisdiction over maritime boundary disputes. As expected, Kenya confirmed those suspicions on January 24 2017 when it lodged a new reservation opting out of the compulsory dispute settlement procedure concerning maritime delimitations.

Since then, Kenya has been actively pushing for an out-of-court settlement, chiefly because it believes that it has a slim chance of actually winning the dispute. There is some truth to this concern as it’s most likely that the court will favour Somalia (entirely or partly). This is due to Somalia's boundary claim which is rested on the ‘three-stage’ delimitation approach that is systematically followed in the jurisprudence of the ICJ. It is the standard practice for maritime delimitation disputes.

What’s more, Kenya is fully aware of its somewhat limited options. Any sign of recalcitrance over formally recognising and complying with the outcome will inevitably invite strong regional and international consequences. Indeed, following Nigeria's disapproval of the ICJ’s judgement in the land and maritime boundary dispute between itself and Cameroon, the United States, United Kingdom and France exerted substantial diplomatic pressure on Nigeria to ensure full compliance with the decision. This troubling fact has been picked up by ordinary Kenyans, where on June 28, a group of private lawyers filed a petition with the court arguing that the case contravenes Kenya’s constitution.

Borrowing a page from China’s playbook

Kenya’s approach to this issue resembles one pursued by a larger country thousands of miles away. Presently, China is involved in territorial disputes with Southeast Asian nations over maritime delimitations and the sovereignty of offshore islands in the South China Sea.

China has strategically pursued negotiation through the so-called ‘dual-track’ approach to find solutions to the South China Sea issue. It believes that the only way these disputes can be resolved is through direct negotiations and dialogue with the parties concerned, with joint development as the most likely outcome.

Similarly, Kenya argues that the disputed sea-shelf area can be settled through direct negotiations with the hope that the eventual outcome will be a joint development zone between both countries. In reality, China’s ‘dual-track’ approach is centred around a dual-strategy that employs the subliminal carrot (trade and investment) and stick (diplomatic pressure) approach.

Kenya is aware of this and has thus far exerted considerable effort in replicating China’s tested approach by deploying both carrots and sticks. For example, in September 2016, Kenya ostensibly lifted a decade-old travel ban by agreement. For the first time since 2006, direct flights from Mogadishu to Nairobi were launched, thus deploying the attractive carrot. However, in May 2019, Kenya re-introduced the ban and further banned unaccompanied luggage on aircraft from Somalia – hammering Somalia with the proverbial stick.

In a similar move, in March 2017, Kenya presented Somalia with an enticing promise of visa-waivers for Somali diplomatic and service passport holders – only for that policy to be unexpectedly rescinded in May 2019 when Kenya deliberately barred three Somali officials over their failure to obtain visas from the Kenyan embassy in Mogadishu.

Exacerbating the diplomatic row between the countries, Kenya tweeted in June about a meeting with the president of the breakaway northern territory of Somaliland, suggesting that it is an independent country.

However, Kenya’s dual strategy of diplomatic pressure and inducement have so far failed to convince Somalia to discontinue the court case and settle it through direct negotiations. As Kenya ramps up its punitive diplomatic measures against its neighbour; Somalia continues to adopt a measured tone. Perhaps this assured entrenchment is rooted in Somalia’s strong legal claim and defence, and as such, Somalia doesn’t feel the need to escalate the tit-for-tat diplomatic war and, in the process, shoot itself in the foot.

Kenya, by now, is aware that its attempted arm-twisting tactics against Somalia seem to be counterproductive. There appears to be no sign of climbdown from Somalia in withdrawing from litigation. Moreover, Kenya’s campaign of diplomatic pressure poses a real threat to the peace, prosperity and cooperation that both countries have enjoyed over the years. It’s important for both countries to wait for the verdict of the ICJ without worsening the already complicated situation with diplomatic sabre-rattling.
 
Mbona mnamfumo wa kizamani hvo, yani unajiingilia kw mtandao kijinga jinga tu wala hata account huna..

Sisi e-citizien account ukiingia ndani unakuta kila kitu ndani wala sio mambo na ku search
Hii mbona umeruka mzee baba, au hko kwenu hamna haya mambo ni mpka search kila kitu kivyake km hapo kw hyo screenshot yako ya passport uliyotuletea
Unajua kitu kinaitwa USSD!? Tanzania ipo mbele sana kijana.
View attachment 1725714View attachment 1725717
 
Unaonekana huna Latest info kwenye hiki suala, hio Kenya unayodhani italindwa na UK na USA imeona ni bora kujitoa kwenye mkataba wa International Court of Justice (ICJ) kwa sasa imetambua kuwa Somalia inakaribia kushinda kesi.

Na suala la kusema eti kwakua Somalia kashinda kesi then sasa twende tukaombe eneo la mpaka wa TZ ni wishful thinking.

Kisheria ni lazima uwe na sababu yenye mshiko otherwise dunia nzima nchi zitaanza kufungulia a similar cases ili zipewe maeneo ya nchi jirani.

FYI, Somalia wana historical evidence kuwa wao ndio wamiliki halali wa hilo eneo since the establishment of their stste na hicho kitu Kenya wanajua lakini walijaribu kujitutumua wakidhani Somalia itakata tamaa mpaka sasa wameona hali mbaya na kuamua kujitoa ICJ.
Sijajua umetumia kigezo gani kuamini somalia inakaribia kushinda wakati kesi bado inaendelea( kesho inasikilizwa tena). Sio wishful thinking binafsi sihitaji hilo lakini hapa itategemea somalia ameshinda kwa sheria ipi. Hizo historical evidence sidhani kama zitatosha kuwapa ushindi labda ungetoa mfano japo mmoja wa mgogoro mmoja ambao nchi imenyanganywa eneo la maji kwa sababu za kihistoria. Hawajajitoa ICj wamejitoa kwenye kesi.

Matekelezo ya hukumu za ICJ yanafanywa na security council ambayo ni taasisi ya kisiasa. Sasa unaamini taasisi hiyo endapo kama kenya ameshindwa inaweza kumbana? Binafsi maazimio ya security council siku zote huwa naona nguvu yake inategemea na marekani anasema nini kuhusiana jambo husika.
 
Back
Top Bottom