Huyu c ww huyu [emoji121][emoji121][emoji3][emoji3][emoji3] hapa vp au picha yakutengeneza[emoji116][emoji116][emoji3][emoji3][emoji3]View attachment 1592464
Naongelea kulingana na hku kwetu, wako wengi sana katika department ya usalama wanatumia hayo magari..ila huwezi kuelewa chochote manake gari plates ni GK
Wewe jamaa utakuwa na matatizo sana. Unadhani Issue zenu za kenya ndiyo issue za TZ
Na unatakiwa uwe tayari kujifunza. Tatizo lako ujiaji wa kijinga na hautaki kujifundisha.
Anyways:
PT = Polisi Tanzania
MT = Magereza Tanzania
UT = Uhamiaji Tanzania
JW = Jeshi la wananchi
SU = Shirika la Umma
SM = Serikali za mitaa
ST(K,J...) Serikali ya Tanzania
CD = Diplomat Car
E = Escort
S = Spika
NS= Naibu Spika
CS = Katibu mkuu kiongozi
JM = Jaji mkuu
CDF = Mkuu wa majeshi
RC = Reginal Cammisioner
eye anadhani sisi ni failed state kama wao...yaani gari za serikali hazina identity,eti serikali yao inacheza na plates..hahahaahhaa when they say kenya is failed state,they mean it
Escort na za maafisa wa ngazi za juu ndio inapigia kelele [emoji23][emoji23][emoji23][emoji23], police vehicles hamtoshi kamwe!., ebu niwekee ile vogue imechoka kishenzi na plate ya PT., hiyo kitu ni ovyo, that model cannot be imported in Kenya, outdated[emoji23][emoji23][emoji23], eti Range! V8, zile ni za police bosses na escort huku, kwa mahitaji bado sana!!.,
Dan Banik
Professor of political science and Director of the Oslo SDG Initiative, University of Oslo
Joseph Chunga
Lecturer & Research fellow, University of Cape Town
Disclosure statement
Happy Kayuni receives funding from the Research Council of Norway and the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (Norad).
Dan Banik receives funding from the Research Council of Norway and the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (Norad).
Joseph Chunga receives funding from the Research Council of Norway and the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (Norad).
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A small boat carries passengers across the Zambezi river. Wikimedia Commons
Malawi’s landlocked status places a huge burden on its economy. This makes imports and exports expensive. Because of time-consuming and poor-quality rail and road transport, the country’s transport costs are among the highest in Africa.
The search for a solution has dominated Malawi’s foreign policy since independence in 1964. Malawi relies on four main trade corridors: the ports of Dar es Salaam in Tanzania; Beira and Nacala in Mozambique and Durban in South Africa.
An alternative route is a waterway to the Indian Ocean through Mozambique. It was first proposed in 1891. The now controversial idea was revived in 2005 by Malawi’s third president, Bingu wa Mutharika (2004-2012) as a signature foreign policy project. It was known as the Shire-Zambezi Waterway.
Believing it would be an important legacy of his presidency, he consistently claimed that using the route from Nsanje in Malawi to Chinde in Mozambique would drastically reduce Malawi’s transport costs and boost economic growth.
Malawi’s main exports are tobacco, tea, sugar. It imports oils, consumer goods and fertilisers.
But Malawi has so far failed to get access to the Indian Ocean. Our research suggests this is because of two important factors: Malawi’s diplomatic strategy and the absence of Mozambique’s buy-in.
We found that for the project to happen, Malawi must change its diplomatic approach and the two countries must ensure that their national interests in the project are closely aligned.
Yet there may be renewed hope for the project. This is because there are recent signs that the two countries do in fact have interests in common and can collaborate on a project.
The Shire-Zambezi waterway
Malawi’s diplomatic relations with Mozambique have not been harmonious since independence. Historically, Malawi was aligned to apartheid South Africa, which provided support to the Renamo rebel movement during Mozambique’s 16-year civil war.
Mozambique’s leaders therefore showed little interest in Mutharika’s vision of a waterway running through its territory. The other factor was Mozambique would likely lose out on the toll or freight charges for foreign vehicles that use its transport network.
Instead, in 2009 they announced plans to rehabilitate the port of Beira, rather than Chinde’s, and improve the country’s road network.
Still, Mutharika pursued the waterway project. First, beginning in 2005, he sought support from other African leaders at meetings of the African Union, Southern African Development Community (SADC) and New Partnership For Africa’s Development (NEPAD).
Second, he bolstered the credibility of the project by formally and informally including Zambia, Zimbabwe and the Democratic Republic of Congo. As a former Secretary General of the Preferential Trade Area of East and Central Africa (PTA), he believed that a regional integration component would win his project favour.
Third, Mutharika insisted that the project be completed quickly, even in the absence of Mozambican approval. He may have reasoned that if he demonstrated his commitment, Mozambique would be forced to comply for the sake of neighbourly relations.
Megaphone diplomacy
Mutharika’s strategy demonstrated the shortcomings of “megaphone diplomacy” in international relations. Megaphone diplomacy is generally understood as the use of mass media to advance contentious diplomatic aims. This is the opposite of “quiet diplomacy” through traditional diplomatic channels.
Without consulting the Mozambican government and after almost a year in power, Mutharika organised a highly publicised groundbreaking ceremony in Nsanje port in southern Malawi in October 2005. Subsequently, his administration engaged a private Portuguese company to begin phase one of the construction of the port.
This phase was quickly completed and Mutharika’s government went ahead to publicise the official opening of the waterway. Billboards went up across the country emblazoned with the words
“The dream becomes reality: Nsanje Port opens October 2010”.
The presidents of Zambia and Zimbabwe were invited to the public ceremony to celebrate the planned arrival of a barge carrying 60 tonnes of imported fertiliser.
Mozambique objected to the project on grounds that no economic feasibility study or environmental impact assessment had been carried out. It also claimed that Malawi had not even requested official clearance of the barge.
The final blow for Malawi’s diplomatic debacle was the publication of the feasibility report commissioned by the SADC. The 2013 report concluded that the project is
“technically feasible but not financially viable.”
Although the waterway is Malawi’s shortest route to the sea, the report concluded that only 273,200 tonnes per year could be transported through the waterway. Annual dredging and removal of aquatic plants would cost 80 million US dollars per year, the report further said.
Mozambican response
The report provided a legitimate reason for Mozambique’s withdrawal from the project, but failed diplomacy undoubtedly led to the collapse of the waterway project.
Mozambique was operating from a position of power as it controls access to the sea. And it was unlikely to benefit much from the Shire-Zambezi Waterway. If Malawi changes its diplomatic approach, the project may ultimately see the light of day.
Indeed, Malawi’s tactics appeared to reinforce Mozambique’s opposition to the project, which it felt undermined its national interests.
In recent months, Malawi’s current president Peter Mutharika (Bingu Mutharika’s brother) has been drumming up support for the project again. Mozambique continues to ignore such signals.
But the two countries recently signed an agreement that will allow the Electricity Supply Corporation of Malawi to purchase 200 megawatts of power from Mozambique starting in 2022. This is a clear case of a successful partnership with both countries sharing a common national interest on power generation and supply.
Despite the African Union’s talk of globalisation, regional integration and partnerships, national interest continues to rule in international diplomacy. For the Shire-Zambezi project to go ahead, Malawi and Mozambique must have a frank discussion about how they could both benefit from it.
MY TAKE
I hope Chakwera will take a different path and avoid approaches that makes Malawi in a confrontation with neighbors just like Kenya does with her solo tembo weupe projects!
Doubts over Malawi port project Projects
Not a ship sent up the waterway to test the waters so to speak, writes Peter Fabricius
Daily News
26 Oct 2010
LANDLOCKED: Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe, left, and his counterpart Malawi President Bingu wa Mutharika. Mozambican President Armando Guebuza, bottom right, snubbed Mutharika’s invitation to attend the launch of the Shire-Zambezi waterway.
IN THE wonderful 1982 Werner Herzog film Fitz
carrraldo, the would-be rubber-baron of that name drags a large steamship over a high, steep hill in Peru, because it is the only way to get his rubber past treacherous and impassable rapids in the Ucayali River and thence to the Amazon and the Atlantic to finance his dream – an opera house in the remote interior city of Iquitos.
Fitzcarraldo sprang to mind this past weekend as Malawian President Bingu wa Mutharika ceremoniously “launched” the Shire-Zambezi waterway from Nsanje on the Shire River in southern Malawi via the Zambezi River to the Indian Ocean port of Chinde in Mozambique about 238km away.
Mutharika intends the waterway to cut the costs of imports and exports to and from his landlocked country by about 60 percent and thereby to render it landlocked no more.
From Nsanje, railways and road are to link it to the rest of Malawi and other countries, including also landlocked Zimbabwe and Zambia.
Germany’s Hamburg inland port inspired the “Nsanje World Inland Port”.
It already includes a dock of about 200m which can berth three medium-sized ships or barges and should eventually move about 10 000 containers a year.
Nearly half of the eventual estimated US$6 billion cost of the project has apparently already been spent and an airport and other transport infrastructure are being built at Nsanje to connect the waterway to the interior.
Mutharika hoped to launch Nsanje port and the waterway in the only appropriate way on Saturday by receiving its first vessel, a barge carrying fertiliser for his acclaimed agricultural projects.
But the barge never arrived. The Mozambique authorities “impounded” it, according to news reports, insisting that the navigability of the Shire and Zambezi Rivers should be properly established before they would allow vessels to ply the waterway.
Mozambican President Armando Guebuza “snubbed” Mutharika by declining his invitation to attend the inauguration ceremony, Malawian journalists reported.
They also suggested Mozambique was obstructing the project for fear of losing business at its main ports of Maputo and Beira.
Yet others have also questioned the navigability of the two rivers, including a German firm which undertook a feasibility study with European Union funding and no scientific study yet seems to have judged the project viable.
Malawian business people also seem sceptical, prompting Mutharika to criticise them for not investing in Nsanje.
Defenders of the project retort that the Shire-Zambezi route was used by 19th century explorers and missionaries and that as recently as 1970 a Malawian sugar company used it to transport molasses by barge to the sea.
This is hardly compelling evidence for the viability of such an ambitious project, and it seems astonishing that Mutharika has pressed so far ahead without actually sending a ship up the waterway to test the waters, so to speak.
It can hardly have been reassuring to Mutharika that Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe, one of only two regional presidents to attend Saturday’s launch (the other being Zambian President Rupiah Banda) implicitly criticised Guebuza for his scepticism and promised Zimbabwe’s full support to the waterway.
This is after all the man at the helm of the good ship Zimbabwe which Banda’s predecessor, the late Levy Mwanawasa, once likened to the Titanic because he said so many Zimbabweans were jumping ship.
Curse
Being landlocked is a curse for more than a quarter of Africa’s nations, imposing extra burdens on countries struggling to make ends meet.
So one can understand Mutharika’s dream of breaking that lock and escaping to the sea. And his people mostly seem to share his dream as most of the commentary of ordinary citizens seems so far to have been surprisingly favourable.
But let us hope that, like Fitzcarraldo – or indeed like Herzog, whose film was just as crazily ambitious as its protagonist’s project – Mutharika does not end up having to drag his ships overland to realise his dream.
Hapa unapajua? Miaka michache iliyopita hapakuwa hvyo so the same as Ubungo miaka michache ijayo hapatokuwa hvyo cz hapastahili tena kuwa hvyo mana kuna infrastructure ambazo hazipatikani EA nzma plus jengo la BRT litakalowekwa pembeni hapo ni lazima kuwe moto zaidi ya unapopaona hapa chini [emoji116][emoji116]
Hapa unapajua? Miaka michache iliyopita hapakuwa hvyo so the same as Ubungo miaka michache ijayo hapatokuwa hvyo cz hapastahili tena kuwa hvyo mana kuna infrastructure ambazo hazipatikani EA nzma plus jengo la BRT litakalowekwa pembeni hapo ni lazima kuwe moto zaidi ya unapopaona hapa chini [emoji116][emoji116]View attachment 1592897
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