The Radar Scandal: Investigation & Progress

The Radar Scandal: Investigation & Progress

sam

the whole deal liko very fishy.

Swali = tumeibiwa Vipi

Jibu = Mimi Ogah Nakupa mkopo wa rada yenye thamani ya 26b, however nakudai 40b (somehow one can guess kuwa the price of this rada imekuwa inflated kwa kuwa sisi ni wadanganyika, au ndio tuseme come what may hiyo ndio interest tutakayolipa au ndio tumeshalipa au NDIO MLUNGULA ambao ndio unajadiliwa hapa)

Kati ya hizo 14b dalali wako ana 1% yake ya contract price. Zilizobaki ndio MJADALA MZIMA HAPA.

1.Je, bei imekuwa inflated kwakuwa sisi ni wadanganyika na hivyo akina TONY wamechangamkia DILI i.e interest ya GUARDIAN?? Siamini kwamba eti WAZUNGU WANATUPENDA KIASI CHA KUTUFANYIA UCHUNGUZI WADANGANYIKA....FORGET IT!!!, hapa kuna big shots in UK nahisi watakuwa implicated kwenye hii kesi. I can smell it!!!

2. Je, ni Interest ya Mkopo ambao tutalipa au tumeshalipa na kilichobaki ni kulipa hiyo 26b?? Kiuchumi mahesabu haya hayakubaliki unless by force. JE hiyo force imetoka wapi? UK au TZ? NANI WAHUSIKA?

3.Je Ni MLUNGULA? na kama ni MLUNGULA NI WA NANI?? UK AU TZ? na JE ni akina NANI wahusika?

Huo ndio uelewa wangu mdogo, masahihisho rukhsa....................
 
Ogah,
Ni kweli kabisa bila Uingereza kuliwekea kitimoto hili jambo kutokana na siasa zao za Upinzani lingezimwa. Swala hili la rada limeibuka kama kesi ya huyo rais wa Israel, wengi watajikuta wameingia hali target kubwa ni huyo rais.
Hawa marais msifikirie kuwa wao wema kiasi kwamba hawawezi kuvunja sheria zao. Mmesahau ya Nixon?
 
•
Sakata la rada languruma katika Bunge la Uingereza



*Tony Blair abanwa, akwepa swali, apiga siasa
*Aikana habari iliyoandikwa na The Guardian

Na Mwandishi Wetu

MBUNGE wa Fife North East katika Bunge la Makabwela la Uingereza, Bw. Menzies Campbell (Liberal Democrat), ameibua upya mjadala kuhusu rushwa katika mauzo ya rada ambayo Serikali ya Tanzania iliinunua mwaka 2002 kutoka kampuni ya BAE Systems ya Uingereza.

Mbunge huyo aliliibua sakata hilo mbele ya Waziri Mkuu wa Uingereza, Bw. Tony Blair, aliyekuwa akijibu maswali ya moja kwa moja ya wabunge. Mwaka 2002 Bw. Blair aliunga mkono Tanzania kuuziwa rada hiyo.

Kampuni ya BAE Systems licha ya kuingia katika tuhuma za kutoa kiasi cha sh. bilioni 12 kwa ajili ya kamisheni kwa vigogo wa Tanzania, ili kufanikisha biashara hiyo pia inatuhumiwa kuhusika na vitendo vya rushwa katika mikataba mingine, hasa dhidi ya Saudi Arabia na Afrika Kusini.

Bw. Campbell alianza kwa kumhoji Bw. Blair kuhusu uamuzi wake wa kusitisha uchunguzi wa awali uliokuwa ukifanywa na wachunguzi wa Uingereza dhidi ya tuhuma za Saudi Arabia.

"Jana (Jumanne) Serikali (ya Uingereza) iliitwa kujieleza mbele ya Jumuiya ya Ushirikiano wa Kiuchumi ya Ulaya, kujitetea kwa nini ilichukua uamuzi wa kusitisha uchunguzi wa tuhuma za rushwa katika mauzo ya silaha nchini Saudi Arabia. Ni lini Waziri Mkuu utaamua kuchapishwa kwa kile Serikali ilichojitetea huko ili watu waamue wenyewe?," aliuliza.

Akijibu swali hilo, Bw. Blair alisema wananchi tayari wameshatoa uamuzi wao, kwa sababu Serikali yake iliposimamisha uchunguzi huo, ilitoa sababu kuwa ni za kiusalama na kudumisha uhusiano.

"Kwa hakika uchunguzi ule ungeathiri sana uhusiano wetu na Saudi Arabia, ambayo tunashirikiana nayo katika masuala ya kupambana na ugaidi na kuleta amani ya Mashariki ya Kati, achilia mbali kazi ambazo watu wangepoteza kama mkataba huo ungevunjwa, ingawa hiyo si sababu muhimu.

"Nilichukua uamuzi ule kwa sababu niliziamini sababu na ninaendelea kuziamini za kufanya hivyo mpaka sasa. Wakati fulani unapokuwa serikalini, unalazimika kuchukua uamuzi na unakuwa tayari kukubali lawama zake," alisisitiza Bw. Blair huku baadhi ya wabunge wakionesha kutoridhishwa na majibu hayo.

Baada ya kujibiwa swali hilo, Bw. Campbell alisimama tena na kupewa nafasi na Spika ya kuuliza swali la nyongeza.
Safari hii akaibua tuhuma za rushwa Tanzania na kumtaka Bw. Blair atoe kauli ya kuthibitisha kama uchunguzi huo nao atausimamisha au la.

"Kutokana na majibu hayo, je sasa tutarajie uchunguzi mwingine wa tuhuma za rushwa unaoendelea nchini Tanzania, kwa mfano, kwamba nao sasa utasimamishwa katika mazingira kama hayo? Je, Serikali katika kuyashughulikia masuala hayo itatimiza vipi falsafa ya Waziri Mkuu ya kuwa safi katika utendaji wake?"

Kimsingi Blair hakujibu swali hilo, badala yake akaonekana kulikwepa na kupiga siasa zaidi.

"Naweza kukubaliana na Mheshimiwa Mbunge iwapo atataka tukubali, kwamba tusingejali hata masuala ya usalama wa Taifa na badala yake tukaendelea na uchunguzi tu, bila kujali hata uhusiano wetu na Saudi Arabia," alisema na kukwepa kabisa kutaja sakata hilo la Tanzania, kama alivyoulizwa, badala yake akaendelea kuzungumzia lile la Saudi Arabia akisisitiza:

"Na kama atakubali hivyo na kuona hakuna hasara yoyote na uchunguzi huo uendelee, ni wazi (Campbell) anaonesha jinsi watu wa Liberal Democrats walivyo; wanaonekana hawana busara za kiuongozi."

Kabla ya Bw. Blair kuhutubia Bunge la Makabwela, msemaji wake, ambaye kila siku hukutana na waandishi wa habari mara mbili kwa siku kwenye ofisi zilizoko 10 Downing Street, alisema kiongozi huyo anadhani suala la tuhuma za rushwa linakuzwa ili kuipaka matope Wizara ya Ulinzi.

Katika mkutano wa juzi asubuhi, msemaji huyo alisisitiza kuwa Bw. Blair anaamini habari iliyoandikwa na gazeti la The Guardian la Uingereza ikieleza kuwa kampuni ya BAE Systems ilitoa sh. bilioni 12 kwa ajili ya rushwa kwa viongozi, haikuwa sahihi.

"Waziri Mkuu hapendi kuzungumzia undani wa habari alizozipata kutoka kwa wanausalama, ila tu anajaribu kueleza, kwamba kwa mtazamo wake, habari iliyoandikwa na The Guardian, haikuwa sahihi," alisema na kuongeza:

"Lazima tutofautishe tuhuma na ukweli na hakuna mashitaka yanayoweza kufunguliwa pale ambapo bado tuhuma ziko mbali na ukweli."

hii issue kumbe ni serious hivi???god help.
 
Hivi hizo hesabu zenu mnazitoa wapi.
Serikali ya Tony ilitoa pound 28 mil ambazo ni sawa na US $40 mil.
Tukilipa $40 mil tutakuwa tumelipa mkopo bila riba. Na wao hawatakuwa wamepata faida yoyote.

BAE imetoa commission aka rushwa ya 29% ya thamani ya rada.

29% ya $40 mil ni $12 mil.

Pia ilitoa 1% ya thamani ya rada kama commission inayotambulika.

Ukifanya hesabu hapo utaona BAE wameuza rada kwa $28 mil (ukiondoa commission na rushwa) hapo labda ndiyo Ogah unadhani serikali ya Uingereza ilitoa $28 mil. Ilitoa pound 28 mil siyo $28 mil.

Ogah
Kama wangetupa $28 mil na kutudai $40, hivi wao ni wapumbavu kiasi gani kuanza kuchunguza dili ambayo wamepata faida karibu 100%.
Leo niliamua nisome post zenu na za Baregu nikaona hazi make any sense to me ndiyo maana nikaamua kuuliza.

Na Tony amesema haamini kama kuna 29%. Watu wa UK hilo gazeti la Guardian liko mlengo gani?
 
Watanzania wenzangu, jinsi mlivyoitika kuhusu makala yangu nimetiwa moyo kuliko nilivyotarajia. Michango yenu, maswali na hoja zenu zinaonesha ni jinsi gani siyo tu mnafuatilia mambo ya Taifa lenu, bali pia mnaangalia kwa undani pande zote za hoja ili suluhisho litakapopatikana basi liwe zima na linalofaa, na lenye kujali maslahi yetu. Ni kwa sababu hiyo basi nimeamua kuandika nyongeza hii ili kufafanua mambo mbalimbali ambayo labda hayakueleweka vizuri kwenye taarifa yangu ya kwanza.

Utangulizi wa Sakata la Rada
Tanzania ilionesha kwa mara ya kwanza nia ya kununua rada mpya na ya kisasa kwa matumizi yake mwaka 1993. Hata hivyo, baada ya hatua za awali ilikuwa mpaka August 1997 ndipo hatua za mwanzo zilipoanza. Makubaliano ya awali yalianza kutekelezwa kwa kampuni ya BAE Systems kuanza kutengeneza rada hiyo na baadhi ya vifaa vyake kuanza kusafirishwa Tanzania. Wakati hilo linafanyika Bunge la Tanzania lilikuwa halijazungumzia ununuzi wa rada hiyo! Tukumbuke kuwa Tanzania tulisikia juu ya rada hiyo siyo toka kwa viongozi wetu bali toka mgogoro uliozuka katika Bunge la Uingereza wakati Bi. Clare Short alipoongoza pingamizi la mradi huo.

Ilikuwa hadi Disemba 2001 ndipo kampuni ya BAE ilipoamua kuomba kibali cha kusarisha nje rada hiyo (kwenda Tanzania) ambayo ni ya kijeshi na yenye matumizi ya kiraia. Kwa vile rada hiyo ilikwisha anza kutengenezwa hivyo kusitisha mauzo hayo kampuni ya BAE ingepoteza ajira karibu 250 (siyo 2000 kama nilivyoripoti awali) na kukatisha mkataba huo wakati umeshaanza kutekelezwa ungeiadhibu Tanzania (mambo ya IPTL bila ya shaka mnayakumbuka). Hivyo, wakati kibali hicho kinajadiliwa Bungeni na kutobolewa kuwa Tanzania inataka kununua rada hiyo mambo kadhaa yalikuwa yanaendelea.

- Mkataba ushaingiwa
- Rada ishaanza kutengenezwa
- Sehemu ya rada ilishaanza kuungwanishwa Tanzania
- Kupunguza bei au kujitoa halikuwezekana!

Kwanini tulihitaji rada hiyo?
Kwa kifupi ni kuwa tulihataji rada mpya kwa ajili ya viwanja vyetu kwa ajili ya usalama wa anga (airspace security). ili kuboresha viwanja vyetu. Hata hivyo tulichonunua siyo rada tuliyohihitaji. Tulichonunua ni rada ya ulinzi wa anga (Air Defence). Kwa mujibu wa ripoti ya Benki ya Dunia iliyotathmini mradi huu tangu mwanzo, walisema kuwa Tanzania ingeweza kupata rada mpya ya kiraia na ya kisasa (modern civilian radar) ambayo ingetupa usalama wa anga (tunaoutafuta) kwa robo ya bei (Dola milioni 10) badala ya kununua rada ya matumizi ya kijeshi na kiraia (Tanzania inadaiwa ina ndege za kivita nane, ukiondoa za mafunzo na usafiri). Tulicholipia hasa kwenye rada hiyo ni hivyo vikolombwezo vya kijeshi vikiwemo vya kuvuruga elektroniki (jamming capability) na kufuatilia hadi anga ya kimataifa. Pungufu kubwa la rada hiyo tuliyonunua ni kuwa licha kuwa ni ya kisasa zaidi haiangalii nchi nzima isipokuwa viwanja vya Dar na KIA na maeneo hayo ya pwani zaidi. Ili kuweza kuangalia nchi nzima tunahitaji rada nyingine mbili zenye uwezo kama huo! Na kama tukitaka kuzinunua kwa bei hiyo hiyo (nitashangaa kwanini bei iwe tofauti) basi tutakohoa dola Milioni 80!!

Swali ambalo linanijia ni je inawezekana tulinunua rada hiyo ili kuangalia ndege mpya ya Rais ambayo nayo imegharimu karibu kiasi hicho hicho?

Bei yake je?
Bila shaka unaweza kuona kuwa tatizo kubwa ambalo wengi wanalo na mimi mmoja wao sio haja ya kupatikana kwa rada mpya ya kuongozea viwanja vyetu bali upatikanaji wa rada tusiyohihitaji kwa bei kubwa kiasi hicho, na zaidi ya yote jinsi mchakato mzima ulivyokwenda wa kununua rada hiyo na jinsi unavyoashiria rushwa kubwa kabisa na ufisadi.

Pesa tulitoa wapi?
Kama tulivyosema hapo mwanzoni kuwa bei ya rada hiyo yenye matumizi ya aina mbili imetugharimu kiasi cha shilingi bilioni 40. Je tulitoa wapi fedha hizo? Swali jingine la kuuliza ni kuwa nimeshasema kuwa rada hiyo ilishaanza kutengenezwa kabla ya kibali kupatikana. Hata hivyo hawakuanza kutengeneza bure! Tanzania ililipa malipo ya mwanzo (downpayment) ya shilingi bilioni 5. Hata hivyo hakuna mtu anayeweza kutueleza fedha hizo zilitoka kwenye bajeti gani na ya mwaka gani? na ni lini kamati au taasisi ya serikali ilipanga matumizi hayo na kuyatengea fedha. Kulikuwa na Benki nyingine ambazo zilikuwa tayari kutupa fedha kwa riba ndogo zaidi ya hiyo kununua rada ya kisasa na ya kiraia.

Kwa kifupi ni kuwa pesa tumekopa toka benki ya Barclay ambayo na yenyewe ina hisa kwenye kwenye kampuni ya BAE kwa riba ya asilimia 4.9. Kwa maana hiyo ni kuwa pesa hizo lazima tuzilipe kwa namna fulani toka katika mapato yetu! Benki ya dunia ilikataa kulipia dili hilo. Benki hii ya Barclay ilikuwa imepewa leseni mwaka mmoja kabla ya hapo ya kufungua biashara zake Tanzania. Ni benki hiyo hiyo ambayo ingawa inatambuwa jumuiya za wafanyakazi katika nchi kadhaa za kiafrika, imekataa wafanyakazi wake wa Tanzania waungane!

Wakati dili hilo linaingiwa, Uingereza ilikuwa ikitoa msaada wa kwenye bajeti wa karibu dola milioni 40! Hivyo kutupa msaada wa dola milioni 40 na baadaye kutuuzia rada kwa bei kama hiyo siyo sawa na kutupa na kuchukua? Baada ya kuingia kwenye dili ya kununua majenereta kwa bei ya dola milioni 170 na baadaye kupewa msaada na waingereza wa milioni karibu 200 ni sababu ya kufurahia.

Je walioingiza Taifa kwenye mikataba hii walikuwa wanafuata amri tu?
Mtu yeyote aneyefuata amri isiyo halali anastahili adhabu. Kwa wale tuliopitia jeshini unaweza kukataa kutekeleza amri yoyote ile ambayo kwa dhamira yako na ufahamu wako inapingana na kanuni za kijeshi. Generali hawezi kuja na kukuambia mpige bunduki mmachinga na wewe ukafanya hivyo ukidhania "nilikuwa nafuata amri" inaweza kuwa kinga!

Kutekelezwa kwa mradi huu kumeonesha mambo kadhaa. Kwamba katika Tanzania hatuna watu wanaouliza maswali, wapo wale wanaosema "ndiyo mzee" au hatuna watu wenye dhamira safi! Tungekuwa nao tusingejikuta kwenye mikataba ya ajabu ya namna hii kila mwaka!

Tumeibiwaje?
Kwa mtu ambaye anafuatilia mambo ya serikali ya Tanzania na masuala ya mikataba ni rahisi kwake kuona ni jinsi tunaweza tukawa tumeibiwa mchana kweupe! Kwa wale ambao wamewahi kwenda Kariakoo na kujikuta wakiuziwa makaratasi kwenye boksi la viatu huku wakiapa kuwa waliona viatu vimewekwa ndani yake, ni dhahiri wanaweza kuona ni jinsi gani tumeingizwa mjini.

a. Rada tuliyonunua haistahili kulipia dola milioni 40! Kama tungekuwa na wazungumzaji wazuri kwenye majadiliano hayo tungeweza kuipata rada hiyo hiyo kwa bei ya chini (karibu Milioni 20!). Kama ni kweli BAE wamemlipa Vithlani dola milioni 12 ina maana gharama ya kutuuzia sisi huo mtambo ni dola milioni 28! kwanini hatukujitahidi kununua mtambo huo kwa bei hiyo? Hivyo, BAE wamepata pesa zao, dalali kapata pesa zake, na sisi tumepata rada yetu isiyokidhi mahitaji yetu!!

b. Kwa vile anayelipa fedha hizo za milioni 40 ni serikali na siyo mtu binafsi, basi mtu yeyote anayeweza kuifanya serikali ilipe fedha hizo lazima awe na njia ya yeye kunufaika pia. Wale tuliofanya kazi kwenye makampuni mbalimbali au idara mbalimbali za serikali tunalielewa hili. Kwa mfano, Unatakiwa uende kutafuta mtu wa kutengeneza samani za ofisi, na umeambia idara iko tayari kutumia shilingi milioni 20 kwa ajili ya kununulia samani hizo. Unaenda pale Keko Gerezani na kumpata fundi seremala wa uhakika. Unamtajia vitu unavyovihitaji na jinsi unavyovitaka viwe. Anapiga mahesabu yake ya kila kitu na kukuambia gharama ya vyote hivyo hadi kuvisafirisha nyumbani kwenu Mikocheni ni shilingi milioni 12! Tatizo ni kuwa wewe unajua idara iko tayari kulipa shilingi milioni 20. Hivyo unamuambia huyo Seremala wako kuwa apige mahesabu tena ili ifikie shilingi milioni 20 kwa makubaliano kuwa baada ya yeye kulipwa basi akukatie zile milioni nane zilizozidi ili ugawiane na bosi wako, msaidizi wake, mweka hazina, na mwanasheria wenu!

Idara inalipa fedha hizo shilingi milioni 20 licha ya mafundi seremala wengine kusema wangeweza kukutengenezea samani hizo hizo na vile vile kwa thamani ya shilingi milioni 8! Badala ya kuwasilikiza wewe unang'ang'ania kusema "samani toka kwa fundi huyo ndiyo tunazitaka, na haijalishi tunalipia kiasi gani kwani mambo ya ofisini kwetu ni ya ofisini kwetu". Tatizo ni kuwa hizo fedha unazikopa kwa kampuni nyingine ya seremala yule yule kwa riba kubwa! Na anakupa masharti mengine ya mkopo huo! Hivyo analipwa mara mbili kwenye samani na kwenye mkopo!

c. Baada ya serikali kulipa fedha hizo dalali aliyeshughulikia mambo haya anaenda Uswisi anakatiwa kitu chake na anaambiwa wewe uwalipe waliokupa hilo dili kwenye serikali. Hana shida ya kuwatambua kwani ameshafanya nayo kwenye dili la helikopta, malori, ndege n.k. Anawatumia ujumbe na kuwaambia "chakula kiko tayari"! Wao wanafunga safari kwenda Uswisi na kumegewa sehemu ya zile dola 12 Milioni. Baada ya pesa kugawanywa, dalali anabakiwa na fedha kidogo za kiasi cha dola milioni 3 tu wakati zile tisa zimegawanywa kwa watu tofauti tofauti ambao baada ya kuzipata wamerudi nyumbani na kuanza kuporomosha majumba, miradi, n.k! Watanzania wanajiuliza hawa watu wamepata wapi fedha hizi! Ulichoshuhudia ndugu zangu ni mazingaombwe ya daraja la kwanza!!

Nani alaumiwe?
Wa kwanza kulaumiwa bila ya shaka ni viongozi wetu kung'ang'ani kununua kitu wasichokihitaji kwa kisingizo ya ulinzi wa anga. Hakuna hata mmoa aliyetuambia kuwa Tanzania ilikuwa inatishiwa na nchi gani kijeshi kiasi cha kununua mtambo kama huo? Hakuna aliyetuambia inakuwaje kama kweli tunataka kulinda anga letu kuweka rada inayoangalia Dar na KIA (maeneo ambayo hayatishiwi kijeshi) badala ya kuweka inayoangalia maeneo ya Kigoma, Ngara, n.k ambako ziko karibu na nchi zenye machafuko!? Inakuwaje viongozi wetu wanang'ang'ania kununua rada ya shilingi Bilioni 40 wakati kuna misaada ya bure (grants) iliyokuwa kutolewa ili tununue rada ya kisasa na ya kiraia bila kukopa?

Pili, lazima tulaumiwe sisi wenyewe kwa kukubali maneno ya kisiasa "masuala ya Watanzania ni ya watanzania wenyewe" Hivi Marekani wakitaka kutushambulia hako karada katatusaidia vipi? Ni usalama gani ambao hiyo rada imetupatia? Kabla ya kuwepo kwa hiyo rada ni ajali ngapi za ndege zimetokea Tanzania na kuja kwake kumepunguza ajali ngapi? Sisi kuendelea kuwapigia makofi kwa maneno yao yanayofanana na ya kizalendo ni kosa letu wenyewe. Kama wanajua tutakuwa upande wao kwanini wasiendelee kumegeana?

Tatu, Uingereza ni wao ambao kama kweli wangetaka wangekataza hicho kibali. Hata hivyo kwao maslahi ya wafanyakazi 250 huko Isle of Wight yana thamani zaidi kuliko watoto yatima milioni moja, shule zetu za msingi na sekondari, n.k n.k Kama kweli tuna ubavu kwanini tusitunishe misuli yetu na kusema hatulipi dola milioni 40 kununua hiyo rada na dili livunjike! Bahati mbaya tukivunja dili tunalipa milioni nyingine nyingi, vyovyote iwavyo ni sisi tunaopoteza (it is a lose-lose situationf).

Haya nikome hapa niwaachie wengine nao wajinome.
 
Mwanakijiji
Ahsante kwa maelezo yako marefu. Naomba unieleze kwa kifupi sana hii hela imetoka wapi. Kwenye maelezo yako umesema ni msaada uliotolewa na serikali ya uingereza pia umesema tumekopa benki sasa sielewi tumepata hela mara mbili. Naomba ufafanuzi.
 
pesa zimetoka Benki ya Barclay kama deni siyo msaada. Ila wakati tunapokea msaada kwa upande mwingine toka Uingereza, tunakopa toka Uingereza huko huko kuilipa kampuni ya Kiingereza. Kampuni tunayokopa fedha kwa riba ya asilimia 4.9 ina hisa za kawaida kwenye kampuni tunayonunua rada! Hivyo tumeongeza deni la taifa kwa kuchukua huo mkopo ambao tunaulipa lakini inaonekana sasa waingereza wanatusaidia kulipa deni walilokubali tuingie. Hata hivyo, waliochukua hizo pesa za ziada wameshazichukua!!!
 
Sasa naona nimeanza kuelewa. Ni kwamba Barclay walitukopesha hela na serikali ya uingereza inatulipia.
Two more questions.
1. Hiyo Interest (4.9%) ni Simple Interest au ni Compound Interest?
2. How much do we have to pay as a country?
 
JAMBO FORUMS nimewakubali sana! Issues dicussed here are eye openers !. Kwa kweli tumeliwa..... Kama hawa viongozi wetuw angekuwa makini na kuacha u-selfish tungekuwa mbali sana. Jamani hatuwezi kuprotest hata kwa kutumia mtandao? I suggest we write a letter and circulate it to as many peole as possible....na hata JK mwenyewe. this is becoming too much...na watu wako "juu" kama hamna kinachotokea ..... Wanaendelea tu na business as usual!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
 
Wapinzani kuandamana kuhoji ununuzi wa rada



na Mwandishi Wetu


VYAMA vitano vya upinzani vyenye wabunge, vimeidaka hoja ya kashfa ya ununuzi wa rada na sasa vinapanga kuitumia kama ajenda ya kisiasa katika kuishinikiza serikali ichunguze kashfa zenye harufu ya rushwa.


Kwa mujibu wa taarifa ya pamoja iliyotolewa na vyama hivyo, vinapanga kuandamana jijini Dar es Salaam kesho na kashfa ya ununuzi wa rada kutoka kwa Kampuni ya BAE System ya Uingereza, itakuwa ni ajenda yao kuu.


Maandamano hayo yametajwa kama njia ya kutoa mshikamano wa kisiasa na kuunga mkono jitihada za wabunge wa upinzani za kukabiliana na vitendo vya rushwa.


Taarifa iliyotolewa jana na Naibu Katibu Mkuu wa Chama cha Wananchi (CUF), ambaye ni mratibu wa maandamano hayo, Wilfred Lwakatare, ilisema yameandaliwa na vyama vya CUF, CHADEMA, TLP, UDP na NCCR-Mageuzi kwa ushirikiano na kambi ya upinzani bungeni.


Alipotakiwa na gazeti hili kueleza iwapo wameshapata baraka za vyombo vya dola kuendesha maandamano hayo, Lwakatare alisema wameshatimiza vigezo vyote kisheria.


“Sheria haitaki polisi watupe kibali. Tunachotakiwa kufanya ni kuwataarifu kwa maandishi na wao hawatakiwi hata kujibu… kama kuna pinganmizi ndio wanatakiwa kututaarifu wakitoa sababu kwa nini wanayazuia maandamano,” alisema.


Aidha, Lwakatare alisema kuwa, kamati inayoratibu maandamano hayo, ilishapeleka taarifa polisi tangu jana saa tatu asubuhi na mpaka nyakati za alasiri, alipokuwa anazungumza na gazeti hili, walikuwa hawajaletewa pingamizi.


Taarifa kwa vyombo vya habari iliyosainiwa na Mkurugenzi wa Vijana wa CHADEMA, ambaye pia ni mjumbe wa kamati ya maandalizi, John Mnyika, ilisema kuwa, maandamano hayo yamepangwa kuanzia Ubungo, mkabala na Ofisi za Mamlaka ya Mapato Tanzania (TRA) majira ya saa 5 asubuhi.


Alisema, maandamano yatapitia Barabara ya Morogoro mpaka viwanja vya Jangwani ambako mkutano mkubwa wa hadhara utafanyika.


“Lengo kuu la maandamano hayo ni kuunganisha nguvu ya umma, kulaani ufisadi uliokithiri katika serikali inayoongozwa kwa utawala mbovu na CCM, unaojitokeza katika nyanja mbalimbali, ambao ni chimbuko la kuendelea kwa umaskini miongoni mwa Watanzania,” ilisema sehemu ya tarifa hiyo.


Mnyika alisema, maandamano hayo pia yatatoa ujumbe wa mshikamano na kuunga mkono jitihada za wabunge wa upinzani za kukabiliana na vitendo vya rushwa, vinavyoendelea kufumbiwa macho na serikali pamoja na tuhuma nyingine za kuingiliwa kwa shughuli za Bunge.


Aliema katika maandamano hayo, masuala yenye mazingira ya rushwa kubwa yatawekwa wazi, ili Watanzania waweze kuelewa athari za vitendo hivyo vya ufisadi.


“Baadhi ya masuala yatakayozungumziwa ni kashfa ya ununuzi wa rada, tuhuma ya rushwa kwa wabunge na mhimili wa serikali kuingilia Bunge kama ilivyoibuliwa na Mheshimiwa (Phillemon) Ndesamburo na kashfa ya mikataba katika sekta ya nishati, ikiwemo Richmond na IPTL,” iliongeza taarifa hiyo.


Mambo mengine yatakayozungumziwa ni pamoja na mazingira ya rushwa katika mikataba ya madini, gharama kubwa za ujenzi wa jengo la Benki Kuu (BoT) na matumizi ya pesa za mifuko ya hifadhi za jamii (NSSF/PSPF).


Kwa mujibu wa Mnyika, maandamano na mkutano huo wa hadhara vitaongozwa na viongozi wakuu wa vyama na wabunge wa kambi ya upinzani.


“Tunawaomba Watanzania wote bila kujali itikadi, kufika kwa wingi katika maandamano na mkutano huu, kujua siri zilizomo katika masuala haya na athari zake kwa maisha ya wananchi ya kila siku. Katika mkutano huu maazimio maalumu yatafikiwa kuhusu mwelekeo wa kukabiliana na ufisadi nchini,” ilisema taarifa hiyo.
 
Wana Jambo someni hapo juu mawazo ya Mama Lu tuone la kufanya .Tuwe na mwelekeo na tuweke tofauti za imani za Kisiasa pembeni and let's unite and think for Tanzania. Can we make a diff if we decide to act ?
 
Haya maandamano ni ya Dar -all the best watakaoweza kuhudhuria. I suggest mtu expert wa ku "weave words" andike hiyo barua kuweka msisitizo...the President to play his part "NOW" . Iwe previewed hapa then let us sent it to all Tanzanians every where anywhere...... Wana JAMBO nchi hii ni yetu. Kodi hizo ni zetu! Wanaotabika ni wazazi wetu, ndugu zetu na watoto wetu. Zaidi sana ni jasho letu hili.
 
Nakuunga mkono 100% Mama Lu. Amini usiamini, lazima barua ama waraka huo utakuwa na certain impact itakayosaidia kizazi kijacho. Kukaa kimya inaashiria kukubali yanayoendelea
 
Nadhani JJ ndiye atakayejibu maswali yangu. Hiyo barua nadhani iwe ya kutaka kujua ukweli it seems that nobody knows nothing hasa kuhusu ununuzi wa rada.
Hizi data za media mara nyingine huwa zinanipa wasiwasi wa kuziamini. Kwa mfano mara baada ya uteuzi wa Mama Migiro Washington Post na New York Times ziliandika wazi kwamba uteuzi huo ni rushwa. Na New York Times ilitoa details information kwa nini huo uteuzi ni rushwa. UK media ambayo nayo haikubaliani na uteuzi wa Mama Migiro nayo inakuja na hii 29% yenye utata mkubwa kwangu sijawahi kuona biashara ambayo mtu anapata commission hiyo kama ni kweli basi hiyo rada ilikuwa over priced. Ni kwa nini tuliamini The Guardian tusiyaamini Washington Post na New York Times. Haya magazeti mawili Bush akiyasikia tu anajiharishia.
Sipendi kuziunganisha hizo issue pamoja kwa wakati huu nazichukulia kama hazihusiani mpaka pale maswali yangu juu ya rada yatakapopata ufumbuzi. Hizo hela za rada zinaonekana zinalipwa na serikali ya uingereza na sijui sisi tunatakiwa kutoa kiasi gani na hakuna mtu mwenye infomation hizo. Wote tunajua zile $170 zakina richmonduli zilitoka Hazina pale tumeliwa kweli na IPTL tunalipia umeme tusioutumia, poor tanzania.
 
Sam,
Najua inakuwa vigumu sana kwa mtu kuamini maneno haya lakini kama mlivyoshindwa kuamini Darwin's Nightmare huo ndio UKWELI -REALITY.

Sasa kwa kukufungua macho tu, kumbuka Drawin's Nightmare tuliwatazama wale wazungu kwanza au sio?.... kisha tukaunganisha uchafu wao na uzembe wa serikali yetu na jinsi rushwa linavyoendeshwa. Hivyo basi turudie tena utafiti wetu kama ule ule tulioufanya ktk Darwin's nightmare.
Kwa kuanza kuwafahamu hawa BAE ni akina nani nje ya hilo baibui walovaa.
Kutoka ktk wachungizi wa CorpWatch tena mwaka 2003 kabla kabisa sakata hili halijafumka. Hii ndio habari iliyotolewa hapo chini isome kisha mwenyewe nambie kama kweli hapa hakuna harufu mbaya ya RUSHWA.


BAE System's Dirty Dealings

by Sasha Lilley, Special to CorpWatch
November 11th, 2003
It sounds like the stuff of pulp fiction: The UK's largest armaments producer running a £20 million ($33.4 million) slush fund to finance prostitutes, gambling trips, yachts, sports cars, and more for its most important clients the Saudi royal family and their intermediaries, greasing the wheels of the largest business deal in UK history. These are the accusations made last month by a former employee of weapons giant BAE Systems. And evidence has surfaced that members of the British government were aware of the bribe arrangement, but looked the other way.
BAE Systems, formerly known as British Aerospace, is one of the world's top arms producers. It manufactures warplanes, avionics, submarines, surface ships, radar, electronics, and guided weapons systems, generating annual sales of £12 billion ($20 billion) in 130 countries. The arms giant was formed as a nationalized British defense corporation in 1977, which was subsequently privatized in the early 1980s, and changed its name to BAE when British Aerospace merged with Marconi Electronic Systems in 1999.
BAE Systems' North American branch has an unusual special relationship with the Pentagon where it is treated as a domestic arms company. According to Ian Prichard of the British Campaign Against Arms Trade (CAAT), "BAES North America appears to be virtually a separate company - even top UK executives are not privy to the more sensitive work carried out by 'their' company in the US."
For years the company has been accused of selling arms to impoverished and dictatorial regimes, polluting the environment, and has been dogged for years by allegations of corrupt dealings.
Now those allegations have exploded into the open. Revelations point to BAE's provision of enticements to the Saudis over a fifteen year period, starting in the late 1980s, using a front company Robert Lee International (RLI), to divert funds to the arms clients and their middlemen. Among other allegations, RLI procured prostitutes for visiting Saudi officials and bought houses for mistresses, while an internal BAE statement reportedly refers to "sex and bondage with Saudi princes". According to documents published by The Guardian, the British government's Serious Fraud Office (SFO) alerted the Ministry of Defense of the possible involvement of BAE's chairman Sir Richard Evans in the bribe scheme, but the Ministry of Defense did nothing.
BAE Systems' chief executive Mike Turner didn't deny the slush fund charges. At a press conference following the revelations, he stated, "They are old allegations and they are old hat. They are history." Turner added, "Everything we do is legal and that is all I am prepared to say. Whatever the law is, we are legal."

Al-Yamamah
The slush fund allegations are tied to the biggest export agreement in British history - the Al-Yamamah (The Dove) arms deals that the British government signed with the Saudi royal family. BAE, then known as British Aerospace, was to sell the Saudis 72 Tornado and 30 Hawk advanced fighter-bombers along with other tranches of military hardware.
In an unusual barter arrangement between the two governments, the Saudis were to purchase the armaments in payments of oil, over an unspecified period of time. Over the last two and a half decades, the deals have amounted to the sale of 96 Tornado Fighters and more than 100 Hawk jets and other training aircraft totaling at least £20 billion ($33.4 billion), with BAE taking in an estimated £1.5 billion a year. BAE is currently in negotiations with the Saudis for a further extension of the Al-Yamamah deal.
The first Al-Yamamah deal was signed in 1986, when the Saudis' main armaments supplier, the United States, was blocked from selling arms to their longtime ally by an historic Congressional vote. The House of Saud turned to British weapons manufacturers instead. The Saudis were happy to reduce their dependence on the US, while the UK saw the petrodollar-rich Saudis as a long term bonanza. A second deal between the two governments was signed in 1988. Some analysts believe that Al-Yamamah kept BAE afloat through the 1990s when the company was facing financial difficulties.

Rotten from the Beginning
While armaments transactions are known to be fraught with bribery, British journalist and arms trade opponent Gideon Burrows states that Al-Yamamah "may be the world's most corrupt deal". And while the scandal around allegations of the BAE slush fund are particularly lurid, accusations of corruption date back to the creation of Al-Yamamah I and II, as they've come to be known.
According to former CIA operative Robert Baer much of the money that BAE registered as earnings from Al-Yamamah was earmarked from its inception for kickbacks to members of the Saudi royal family and other intermediaries. "[Al-Yamamah] was a huge commission-generating machine. British Aerospace overcharged for its hardware and spare parts, with the difference going to commissions."
The Saudis are not the only ones who may have profited from Al-Yamamah kickbacks. In 1994 MP Tam Dalyell accused the son of then Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher of receiving a £12 million commission from the Al-Yamamah deal, but the government declined to investigate the charges against Mark Thatcher. Less fortunate was British Defense Procurement Minister Jonathan Aiken who played a key role in setting up Al-Yamamah II. He was imprisoned in 1993 for letting the Saudis pick up his tab at the Paris Ritz.
The British government and BAE have been criticized from the start by arms watchdog groups for selling weapons to a despotic, theocratic regime. Amnesty International characterizes Saudi Arabia, the world's top arms buyer, as a major violator of human rights: "Summary, unfair and secret trials are the norm in Saudi Arabia and torture is a common practice to extract confessions from suspects. Defendants facing capital charge are invariably convicted after trials which lack the most basic standards of fairness." A 1995 Channel 4 "Dispatches" documentary revealed that BAE tried to sell electric shock batons to Saudi Arabia two years earlier, which could be used for the torture of prisoners.

Hawk Jets
If the current allegations of the Saudi slush fund weren't bad enough, BAE is in the center of another storm of controversy. This summer, BAE finally clinched a highly contentious deal to sell 66 Hawk jets to India - for which the poverty-stricken nation paid £1billion ($1.7 billion).
The agreement, which threatened to fall through a number of times, was helped along by the intervention of the British government. In 2002, in the midst of heightened tensions between India and Pakistan over Kashmir that threatened to turn into a nuclear war, British Prime Minister Tony Blair visited the two countries ostensibly on a peace-making mission. However, as the Indian media revealed, he used the visit as an opportunity to promote the sale of BAE Systems Hawk jets, as did his Foreign Secretary Geoff Hoon later in the year.
"The same time that the prime minister and the foreign secretary have been over in India trying to play a role as a peace broker in the Kashmir crisis, we've also in effect been acting as an arms broker," says Andy McLean of the London-based think tank Saferworld. "And the government has been directly pushing the sale of jets which we will know could be used both directly in Kashmir and also will be used to train Indian pilots to fly much more deadly fighter jets which could also be used in Kashmir and potentially which could be used to carry nuclear weapons."
McLean says that BAE Systems' dealings in India are not an anomaly. "The Hawk jet [has] almost become synonymous in the UK with scandal in the arms trade," he says. "It was Hawk jets that were licensed for export to Indonesia and were then found after years of protestation from human rights groups to have been used to intimate the civilian population in East Timor. This was denied by the government for years but was then actually admitted by the Indonesian armed forces."
The British government also allowed export licenses for the sale of BAE's Hawk jets to Zimbabwe, which is was later forced to revoke Zimbabwe became involved in the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. BAE has targeted other poor African countries for arms sales. "It was also British Aerospace which manufactured the military radar system that has cost the Tanzania people £28 million ($46.8 million) that could have been used on providing fresh water and vaccinations for the population there," says McLean.

Government Role
Business between BAE and the governments of impoverished countries like Indonesia, Zaire and Tanzania would not be possible without the sanctioning of the British state, which must issue export licenses for such sales to go through. Fortunately for BAE, the UK government - the world's second largest arms exporter - is a most faithful ally, promoting BAE's interests through the Ministry of Defense's Defense Export Sales Organisation (DESO), whose role is to encourage the sale of British weapons abroad.
BAE and other arms companies get further assistance from the British government's Export Credit Guarantee Department (ECGD) which underwrites the transactions between the weapons companies and potentially unreliable buyers, loaning out UK tax payers' money for the foreign purchase of British-made arms. BAE has received more Export Credit Guarantees than any other UK company in recent times.
The Blair Labour government has proved itself as steadfast a supporter of the arms industry in general, and BAE in particular, like the governments of its Conservative predecessors Margaret Thatcher and John Major - The Observer refers to BAE chairman Sir Richard Evans as "one of the few businessmen who can see Blair on request". Before its ascendancy to power, the Labour government promised to publish the conclusions of a 1992 investigation into charges of corruption by BAE in the Al-Yamamah deals by the National Audit Office (NAO). However, the audit has never been published.
The Blair government has defended its backing of the arms industry by claiming that companies like BAE Systems play a central role in the economy. Arms critic Richard Bingley and former member of CAAT disagrees. "On the face of it, the arms export business is reckoned to be quite lucrative, its worth about £5 billion to the UK Exchequer every year. However, when you take away overheads and then also look at the fact that the arms trade is subsidized by about £1 billion per year by the UK Exchequer, actually you begin to see there's no profit line by exporting arms. So literally, it is at best an industry that pays for itself."
 
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