Pascal Mayalla
Platinum Member
- Sep 22, 2008
- 50,442
- 113,452
Wanabodi,
Angalizo Kuhusu Uzalendo.
Rais wa nchi ni kama baba kwenye familia, na sisi wananchi wote, haijalishi umri, rais ni kama baba yetu, sisi ni kama watoto, hata kama kuna waliomzidi umri. Inapotokea baba anakosea, mfano baba ni mlevi, na akilewa huwa anampiga mama huku sisi Watoto tunaona, tunaweza kumzuia, kumkosoa na hata kumtukana, baba acha ulevi, na isiwe a big deal!, lakini inapofikia baba yako ananyooshewa vidole na majirani au mitaani kuwa Fulani ni mlevi, au watu baki wanamtukana baba yako, huwezi kufurahi wala kushangilia!, haiwezekani kuona baba yako anatukanwa na wewe ukakaa kimya, vivyo hivyo kwa rais Magufuli, pamoja na madhaifu yake yote ya kibinaadamu, Watanzania wazalendo, hawawezi kuona rais wao akitukanwa na kusingiziwa uongo, huku tumekaa kimya. Ukiona rais wako anatukanwa na kudhalilishwa kwa vitu vingine vya uongo na uzushi na wewe ukawa unajua ni uongo, lakini bado ukakubali na kukaa kimya au hata kushangilia, ujijue una matatizo!, ukimuimagine rais Magufuli kama ni baba yako, hutakubali atukanwe, adhalilishwe, na asingiziwe uongo, ila kama yote yanayosemwa ni ni kweli, then, its ok japo hupendi, lakini hakuna jinsi, acha tuu aambiwe, hata kama ukweli huo ni mchungu vipi, au unauma vipi!, itakubidi tuu ukae kimya na kunyong'onyea.
Sio mara moja wala mara mbili, nimekuwa nikisisitiza humu, uongo ukisemwa sana, na kuachwa kujirudia rudia bila kukanushwa, mwisho wake sio tuu utaonekana kama ni ukweli, bali unaweza kugeuka ndio ukweli wenyewe kwa sababu kauli huumba!.
Ni muda sasa jarida la The Economist limekuwa likiisema vibaya nchi yetu, na kumsema vibaya rais wetu, ikiwemo kumuita majina ya ajabu ajabu, mimi nikiwa ni mwandishi wa habari, kanuni kuu nambari moja kwa mwandishi wa habari, ni kusema ukweli daima, hivyo sina tatizo kabisa na chochote kitakachoandikwa kwenye gazeti, kuihusu inchi yetu Tanzania, au rais wetu Magufuli, kama kitu hicho ni cha kweli, lakini natatizwa sana na uongo wowote unaoandikwa kwenye magazeti na majarida ya kimataifa, likiwemo jarida hili la The Economist, kwa lengo la kuhadaa ulimwengu kwa kutoa story za uongo kuhusu Tanzania na rais wetu, na kuzieneza kimataifa zisambae dunia mzima, wanaoujua ukweli kuhusu haya yanayosemwa ni sisi Watanzania, nchi yetu inatungiwa uongo, tumenyamaza!, rais wetu anatungiwa na kusingiziwa uongo, tumenyamaza!, rais wetu anapachikwa majina ya ajabu ajabu, dikiteta, dinasauria wa Dodoma, na sasa ameitwa rogue, tumenyamaza!, rais anadhalilishwa na kutukanwa huku sisi tumenyamaza!, huu ni uzalendo gani?!.
Kuna wanaoamini kila kinachosemwa na media za nje kuhusu Tanzania ni kweli, na kila kinachosemwa kumhusu rais Magufuli ni kweli, huo ni mtazamo wao kutegemea na uwezo wa uoni wa jicho lao, linaona vipi, kuna kitu mmoja anaweza kukiona ni sawa, na mwingine akakiona sii sawa, mimi kwa upande wangu, naona sii sawa kwa nchi yetu kusemwa vibaya na rais wetu kuzushiwa uongo na kusingiziwa uongo.
Kwa vile uongo huu unasambazwa kimataifa na huku sisi Watanzania wenyewe tumenyamaza bila kuukanusha, matokeo yake sio tuu, jamii ya kimataifa, utauamini uongo huo, bali hivyo ndivyo itakavyo tuelewa na hivyo ndivyo itakavyo muelewa rais wetu, bali uongo ukisemwa sana bila kukanushwa, uongo huo hugeuka kuwa ukweli!. Hii tabia ya kusikia uongo na kuunyamazia, kunaweza kabisa kupelekea haya ya uongo yanayosemwa sasa, kuja kuwa ya ni ya ukweli na yatakuja kutokea Tanzania kwa siku za usoni!, ni mpaka pale yatakapokuja kutokea, ndipo watu watalia na kusaga meno!, tena wakati huo ukifiki, it might be too little too late.
The Economist walianzia hapa Tusikubali udhalilishaji wa Jarida la The Economist, lamwita Rais wetu "Dinasauria wa Dodoma” na "bullheaded socialist"
Tukanyamaza, sasa wameibuka tena na uongo mwingine
Tanzania's rogue president - Democracy under assault - The Economist
Katika report hiyo, wamemtukana rais wetu kuwa Rogue President. Kwa vile mimi sijui Kiingereza, ilinibidi nikatafute kwanza kamusi kuangalia neno rogue maana yake ni nini, mtu anaeitwa rogue ni mtu wa namna gani, na taifa likiitwa rogue state ni taifa la namna gani, naomba kwa heshima ya rais wetu, nisitoe tafsiri ya neno hilo, ila kwa kifupi ni kuwa, rais wetu ametukanwa!.
Kwenye report yao, wameripoti mambo mengi ya kweli kuhusu kuhusu Tanzania, lakini pia wamechomekea mambo mengine ya uongo kumhusu rais wetu.
Story yenyewe ni hii, naomba nisiitafasiri nisije nikabadili maana, ila nimekufahamu kutukanwa huku kupita thread hii
Economist: Tanzanias Rogue President
Democracy under assaultTanzania’s rogue president
Strong constitutions matter
Mr Magufuli was an unlikely candidate to run Tanzania. Though it has had multiparty elections since 1994, the country has been run exclusively by one organisation, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), the “party of the revolution”, since its formation in 1977. But unlike his predecessors, Mr Magufuli is no party man. In the nomination process for the election of 2015 he was not the favourite of any faction. Facing the biggest challenge to its rule since 1994, however, the party seemed minded to pick somebody with the aura of being an “outsider” who was not tainted by the allegations of corruption dogging it. Mr Magufuli seems to have won by having few enemies rather than many allies.
Within weeks of taking office, he excited even sceptics. He turned up at offices to check if Tanzania’s famously lackadaisical civil servants were at work. Businesspeople swooned after he sacked dozens of officials suspected of cronyism. In neighbouring Kenya, where president Uhuru Kenyatta’s government has not prosecuted a single major corruption case in six years, fans demanded their own Magufuli.
But the honeymoon did not last long. When Mr Magufuli last year presented Acacia, a London-listed gold-mining company, with a bill for $190bn in supposedly unpaid taxes (a figure equivalent to roughly four times Tanzania’s entire GDP), it was the latest confirmation that Mr Magufuli’s anti-corruption strategy is about as precise as a blunderbuss. He distrusts not only Western investors but also the Chinese, who are building infrastructure across east Africa. He tells his ministers that they are “not the same Chinese” as the Maoists who built the Tazara railway line linking Tanzania to Zambia in the 1970s. Rather than being freed from corruption, the economy is grinding to a halt under the weight of arbitrary tax demands.
Mr Magufuli’s approach to political opposition is no better. Though CCM has never lost an election, in recent years Tanzania’s politics did seem to have been opening up. Under Mr Magufuli, that has all changed. Less than a year after coming to power, he had banned all political rallies (the president gets around the ban himself by having “non-political” public events with civil servants). MPs are allowed to campaign only in their own constituencies (and several have been arrested). Several newspapers have been temporarily closed by the government, and two, linked to Chadema, an opposition party, remain so.
Extrajudicial violence, which used to be almost unknown on the mainland, is escalating. In September Tundu Lissu, a prominent opposition MP, was shot and injured outside his house in Dodoma, the sleepy capital. Minor political figures have simply disappeared.
Not all of the violence is by the state. Over the past year about a dozen police officers have been killed in Kibiti, a mostly Muslim coastal town about 70km south of Dar es Salaam. The police have seemingly responded in kind. Yet little news leaks out from the region. Foreign journalists are turned back long before they reach Kibiti; a Tanzanian journalist investigating the killings has been missing for three months.
Tanzania’s politics have never been truly open, but what is different now is that even CCM, which is by far the country’s most stable institution, is cowed. Under Tanzania’s constitution, little changed since it was written in 1977 by Julius Nyerere, the country’s founding father, power is almost entirely concentrated in the presidency (Nyerere himself once joked to a BBC reporter: “I have sufficient powers under the constitution to be a dictator”). Mr Magufuli is both head of state and chairman of the party, with the power to hire and fire civil servants, including judges, as he pleases. On taking office, he quickly filled important posts in the government and the party with his own allies.
Few are willing to speak up against the presidency, says one CCM MP. There is little hope of change coming through the ballot box since the opposition is crushed and the next election, in 2020, will probably be rigged. Nor is there much hope that the party can restrain Mr Magufuli. Some hope that Jakaya Kikwete and Benjamin Mkapa, two former presidents, can persuade him to change course. Others dream, seemingly forlornly, that the party will revolt.
The main lesson of Tanzania is that constitutions which concentrate power in the presidency can quickly be subverted. Democracy flourished between 1994 and 2015 because the bigwigs in CCM saw the benefits of a more open, pluralistic economy. But they failed to do the tedious work of strengthening institutions and limiting the powers of their successors. Now they have lost their chance to embed the reforms and the country faces ruin. That should be a lesson to other African elites.
This article appeared in the Middle East and Africa section of the print edition under the headline "Falling into dictatorship"
Mkuu Nairobian, asante kutujulisha jinsi rais wetu anavyotukanwa na hili jarida la the economist, ngoja nimweleze Dr. Abasi pale Maelezo ili jarida hili lipewe onyo na ikibidi lifungiwe kama the East African.
Hapa sasa, naichambua makala nzima, kwenye ukweli nitapasema na kwenye uongo pia nitaonyesha kama ifuatavyo.
Kauli huumba, hata mjusi tuu, kila siku ukimuita kenge, kuna siku hiyo kaulli yako itambadili huyo mjusi na kumgeuza kenge ukweli!. Huu uongo wa kila siku kumuita rais Magufuli kuwa ni Dikiteta na hakuna anayekanusha, mimi naogopa sana pale uongo unaposemwa na kuachwa kujirudia rudia bila kukanushwa, sio naogopa kwa sababu uongo huo unaweza kuonekana kama ukweli, bali naogopa sana uongo huu utakapo kuja kugeuka na kuwa ndio ukweli ukweli!, na wakati huo ukifika!, sina hata uhakika kama akina sisi tunaowapeni taarifa hizi kama tutakuwepo!, maana mageuzi hayo ninayoyaogopa, mara zote huanzia na watu wa sekta yetu ya habari, unless labda kama Mungu ataingilia kati kwa...
Nawatakia Furahi Day Njema,
Paskali
Rejea
Tusikubali udhalilishaji wa Jarida la The Economist, lamwita Rais wetu "Dinasauria wa Dodoma” na "bullheaded socialist"
Rais Magufuli ametukanwa tena na Jarida la Economist. Tukiendelea kunyamaza, itafika siku Uongo huu utageuka Ukweli!
Jarida la The Economist ladai uchumi wa Tanzania unaporomoka, lahamasisha Rais Magufuli adhibitiwe kwa vikwazo kiuchumi
Serikali yetu Kuitwa "Sinister" na "Authoritarian": Je, ni kweli? Kama si kweli, Tusiukubali Uongo huu, Tuukanushe!
Huku sio kudhalilishwa kwa Rais wetu na Media za Nje? Je, watanzania tukubali, Tukae kimya?
Serikali ikanushe uongo huu wa SABC kumsema vibaya Rais wetu Magufuli kuwa ni Dikteta!
update.
Kuna mtu ametafasiri.
Update 2.
Kuna mtu, ameliponda the Economist kwa kuandika uongo kuhusu Tanzania.
Angalizo Kuhusu Uzalendo.
Rais wa nchi ni kama baba kwenye familia, na sisi wananchi wote, haijalishi umri, rais ni kama baba yetu, sisi ni kama watoto, hata kama kuna waliomzidi umri. Inapotokea baba anakosea, mfano baba ni mlevi, na akilewa huwa anampiga mama huku sisi Watoto tunaona, tunaweza kumzuia, kumkosoa na hata kumtukana, baba acha ulevi, na isiwe a big deal!, lakini inapofikia baba yako ananyooshewa vidole na majirani au mitaani kuwa Fulani ni mlevi, au watu baki wanamtukana baba yako, huwezi kufurahi wala kushangilia!, haiwezekani kuona baba yako anatukanwa na wewe ukakaa kimya, vivyo hivyo kwa rais Magufuli, pamoja na madhaifu yake yote ya kibinaadamu, Watanzania wazalendo, hawawezi kuona rais wao akitukanwa na kusingiziwa uongo, huku tumekaa kimya. Ukiona rais wako anatukanwa na kudhalilishwa kwa vitu vingine vya uongo na uzushi na wewe ukawa unajua ni uongo, lakini bado ukakubali na kukaa kimya au hata kushangilia, ujijue una matatizo!, ukimuimagine rais Magufuli kama ni baba yako, hutakubali atukanwe, adhalilishwe, na asingiziwe uongo, ila kama yote yanayosemwa ni ni kweli, then, its ok japo hupendi, lakini hakuna jinsi, acha tuu aambiwe, hata kama ukweli huo ni mchungu vipi, au unauma vipi!, itakubidi tuu ukae kimya na kunyong'onyea.
Sio mara moja wala mara mbili, nimekuwa nikisisitiza humu, uongo ukisemwa sana, na kuachwa kujirudia rudia bila kukanushwa, mwisho wake sio tuu utaonekana kama ni ukweli, bali unaweza kugeuka ndio ukweli wenyewe kwa sababu kauli huumba!.
Ni muda sasa jarida la The Economist limekuwa likiisema vibaya nchi yetu, na kumsema vibaya rais wetu, ikiwemo kumuita majina ya ajabu ajabu, mimi nikiwa ni mwandishi wa habari, kanuni kuu nambari moja kwa mwandishi wa habari, ni kusema ukweli daima, hivyo sina tatizo kabisa na chochote kitakachoandikwa kwenye gazeti, kuihusu inchi yetu Tanzania, au rais wetu Magufuli, kama kitu hicho ni cha kweli, lakini natatizwa sana na uongo wowote unaoandikwa kwenye magazeti na majarida ya kimataifa, likiwemo jarida hili la The Economist, kwa lengo la kuhadaa ulimwengu kwa kutoa story za uongo kuhusu Tanzania na rais wetu, na kuzieneza kimataifa zisambae dunia mzima, wanaoujua ukweli kuhusu haya yanayosemwa ni sisi Watanzania, nchi yetu inatungiwa uongo, tumenyamaza!, rais wetu anatungiwa na kusingiziwa uongo, tumenyamaza!, rais wetu anapachikwa majina ya ajabu ajabu, dikiteta, dinasauria wa Dodoma, na sasa ameitwa rogue, tumenyamaza!, rais anadhalilishwa na kutukanwa huku sisi tumenyamaza!, huu ni uzalendo gani?!.
Kuna wanaoamini kila kinachosemwa na media za nje kuhusu Tanzania ni kweli, na kila kinachosemwa kumhusu rais Magufuli ni kweli, huo ni mtazamo wao kutegemea na uwezo wa uoni wa jicho lao, linaona vipi, kuna kitu mmoja anaweza kukiona ni sawa, na mwingine akakiona sii sawa, mimi kwa upande wangu, naona sii sawa kwa nchi yetu kusemwa vibaya na rais wetu kuzushiwa uongo na kusingiziwa uongo.
Kwa vile uongo huu unasambazwa kimataifa na huku sisi Watanzania wenyewe tumenyamaza bila kuukanusha, matokeo yake sio tuu, jamii ya kimataifa, utauamini uongo huo, bali hivyo ndivyo itakavyo tuelewa na hivyo ndivyo itakavyo muelewa rais wetu, bali uongo ukisemwa sana bila kukanushwa, uongo huo hugeuka kuwa ukweli!. Hii tabia ya kusikia uongo na kuunyamazia, kunaweza kabisa kupelekea haya ya uongo yanayosemwa sasa, kuja kuwa ya ni ya ukweli na yatakuja kutokea Tanzania kwa siku za usoni!, ni mpaka pale yatakapokuja kutokea, ndipo watu watalia na kusaga meno!, tena wakati huo ukifiki, it might be too little too late.
The Economist walianzia hapa Tusikubali udhalilishaji wa Jarida la The Economist, lamwita Rais wetu "Dinasauria wa Dodoma” na "bullheaded socialist"
Tukanyamaza, sasa wameibuka tena na uongo mwingine
Tanzania's rogue president - Democracy under assault - The Economist
Katika report hiyo, wamemtukana rais wetu kuwa Rogue President. Kwa vile mimi sijui Kiingereza, ilinibidi nikatafute kwanza kamusi kuangalia neno rogue maana yake ni nini, mtu anaeitwa rogue ni mtu wa namna gani, na taifa likiitwa rogue state ni taifa la namna gani, naomba kwa heshima ya rais wetu, nisitoe tafsiri ya neno hilo, ila kwa kifupi ni kuwa, rais wetu ametukanwa!.
Kwenye report yao, wameripoti mambo mengi ya kweli kuhusu kuhusu Tanzania, lakini pia wamechomekea mambo mengine ya uongo kumhusu rais wetu.
Story yenyewe ni hii, naomba nisiitafasiri nisije nikabadili maana, ila nimekufahamu kutukanwa huku kupita thread hii
Economist: Tanzanias Rogue President
Democracy under assaultTanzania’s rogue president
Strong constitutions matter
Mr Magufuli was an unlikely candidate to run Tanzania. Though it has had multiparty elections since 1994, the country has been run exclusively by one organisation, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), the “party of the revolution”, since its formation in 1977. But unlike his predecessors, Mr Magufuli is no party man. In the nomination process for the election of 2015 he was not the favourite of any faction. Facing the biggest challenge to its rule since 1994, however, the party seemed minded to pick somebody with the aura of being an “outsider” who was not tainted by the allegations of corruption dogging it. Mr Magufuli seems to have won by having few enemies rather than many allies.
Within weeks of taking office, he excited even sceptics. He turned up at offices to check if Tanzania’s famously lackadaisical civil servants were at work. Businesspeople swooned after he sacked dozens of officials suspected of cronyism. In neighbouring Kenya, where president Uhuru Kenyatta’s government has not prosecuted a single major corruption case in six years, fans demanded their own Magufuli.
But the honeymoon did not last long. When Mr Magufuli last year presented Acacia, a London-listed gold-mining company, with a bill for $190bn in supposedly unpaid taxes (a figure equivalent to roughly four times Tanzania’s entire GDP), it was the latest confirmation that Mr Magufuli’s anti-corruption strategy is about as precise as a blunderbuss. He distrusts not only Western investors but also the Chinese, who are building infrastructure across east Africa. He tells his ministers that they are “not the same Chinese” as the Maoists who built the Tazara railway line linking Tanzania to Zambia in the 1970s. Rather than being freed from corruption, the economy is grinding to a halt under the weight of arbitrary tax demands.
Mr Magufuli’s approach to political opposition is no better. Though CCM has never lost an election, in recent years Tanzania’s politics did seem to have been opening up. Under Mr Magufuli, that has all changed. Less than a year after coming to power, he had banned all political rallies (the president gets around the ban himself by having “non-political” public events with civil servants). MPs are allowed to campaign only in their own constituencies (and several have been arrested). Several newspapers have been temporarily closed by the government, and two, linked to Chadema, an opposition party, remain so.
Extrajudicial violence, which used to be almost unknown on the mainland, is escalating. In September Tundu Lissu, a prominent opposition MP, was shot and injured outside his house in Dodoma, the sleepy capital. Minor political figures have simply disappeared.
Not all of the violence is by the state. Over the past year about a dozen police officers have been killed in Kibiti, a mostly Muslim coastal town about 70km south of Dar es Salaam. The police have seemingly responded in kind. Yet little news leaks out from the region. Foreign journalists are turned back long before they reach Kibiti; a Tanzanian journalist investigating the killings has been missing for three months.
Tanzania’s politics have never been truly open, but what is different now is that even CCM, which is by far the country’s most stable institution, is cowed. Under Tanzania’s constitution, little changed since it was written in 1977 by Julius Nyerere, the country’s founding father, power is almost entirely concentrated in the presidency (Nyerere himself once joked to a BBC reporter: “I have sufficient powers under the constitution to be a dictator”). Mr Magufuli is both head of state and chairman of the party, with the power to hire and fire civil servants, including judges, as he pleases. On taking office, he quickly filled important posts in the government and the party with his own allies.
Few are willing to speak up against the presidency, says one CCM MP. There is little hope of change coming through the ballot box since the opposition is crushed and the next election, in 2020, will probably be rigged. Nor is there much hope that the party can restrain Mr Magufuli. Some hope that Jakaya Kikwete and Benjamin Mkapa, two former presidents, can persuade him to change course. Others dream, seemingly forlornly, that the party will revolt.
The main lesson of Tanzania is that constitutions which concentrate power in the presidency can quickly be subverted. Democracy flourished between 1994 and 2015 because the bigwigs in CCM saw the benefits of a more open, pluralistic economy. But they failed to do the tedious work of strengthening institutions and limiting the powers of their successors. Now they have lost their chance to embed the reforms and the country faces ruin. That should be a lesson to other African elites.
This article appeared in the Middle East and Africa section of the print edition under the headline "Falling into dictatorship"
Mkuu Nairobian, asante kutujulisha jinsi rais wetu anavyotukanwa na hili jarida la the economist, ngoja nimweleze Dr. Abasi pale Maelezo ili jarida hili lipewe onyo na ikibidi lifungiwe kama the East African.
Hapa sasa, naichambua makala nzima, kwenye ukweli nitapasema na kwenye uongo pia nitaonyesha kama ifuatavyo.
- Kichwa cha habari, Democracy under assault Tanzania’s rogue president, Japo ni kweli demokrasia yetu Tanzania iko under assault, jee ni kweli rais Magufuli ni rogue?
- Mr Magufuli was an unlikely candidate to run Tanzania-hapa wanamaanisha Magufuli hana uwezo wa kuitawala Tanzania!, jee hii ni kweli?.
- Though it has had multiparty elections since 1994, the country has been run exclusively by one organisation, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), the “party of the revolution”, since its formation in 1977. Hii ni kweli.
- But unlike his predecessors, Mr Magufuli is no party man-hapa wanasema Magufuli hakuwa kada!, jee ni kweli?.
- In the nomination process for the election of 2015 he was not the favourite of any faction-hapa wanadai katika uteuzi Magufuli hakuwa anapendwa na upande wowote!, hii ni kweli?.
- Facing the biggest challenge to its rule since 1994, however, the party seemed minded to pick somebody with the aura of being an “outsider” who was not tainted by the allegations of corruption dogging it. Wanasema kuduatia CCM kuchafukwa kwa rushwa, waliamua kumtafuta mtu baki.
- Mr Magufuli seems to have won by having few enemies rather than many allies. Magufuli alishinda uteuzi kwa sababu alikuwa na maadui wachache, lakini sio wengi waungaji mkono wengi.
- Within weeks of taking office, he excited even sceptics. He turned up at offices to check if Tanzania’s famously lackadaisical civil servants were at work. Hapa wamewatukana watumishi wote wa umma Tanzania kwa kuwaita lackadaisical civil servants, jee ni kweli watumishi wetu wa umma ni lackadaisical?.
- Businesspeople swooned after he sacked dozens of officials suspected of cronyism. In neighbouring Kenya, where president Uhuru Kenyatta’s government has not prosecuted a single major corruption case in six years, fans demanded their own Magufuli. Hapa wanaisifu kasi yake ya tumbua tumbua za mwanza zilizofanya Kenya watake kuwa na Magufuli wao.
- But the honeymoon did not last long. When Mr Magufuli last year presented Acacia, a London-listed gold-mining company, with a bill for $190bn in supposedly unpaid taxes (a figure equivalent to roughly four times Tanzania’s entire GDP), it was the latest confirmation that Mr Magufuli’s anti-corruption strategy is about as precise as a blunderbuss. Hapa wanamponda kuwa vita vyake vya rushwa ni blunderbuss!. Wamezungumzia bili ya Acacia kuwa ni mara 4 ya GDP ya Tanzania!, hii ikimaanisha wanaitangaza Tanzania kama nchi ya ajabu, kuwa huwezi kudai bili ya mara 4 ya GDP yako!, na hapa ndipo Watanzania tunabidi kuungana na rais wetu kuwa hata kipimo cha GDP yetu kiko chini kwa sababu utajiri wetu wote ulikuwa unaibiwa!, hivyo baada ya kutolea Acacia ile bili ya $190bn. BOT ipeleke WB taarifa hiyo ijumlishwe kwenye pato la taifa, hivyo kuinua GDP yetu!. Kumbe Tanzania ndio nchi mzalishaji kubwa wa dhahabu number moja duniani!, lakini dhahabu yetu yote ilikuwa inabiwa na hawa Acacia!. Tuwadai Fedha zetu, watu tupewe Noah zetu!.
- He distrusts not only Western investors but also the Chinese, who are building infrastructure across east Africa. Hapa wanasema Magufuli hawaamini wawekezaji wa Ulaya na hata Wachina!. Huu ni uchonganishi!, jee ni kweli rais Magufuli hawaamini wawekezaji?.
- He tells his ministers that they are “not the same Chinese” as the Maoists who built the Tazara railway line linking Tanzania to Zambia in the 1970s. Jee ni kweli rais Magufuli amewaambia mawaziri wake kuwa wawekezaji wa kichini hawa wa sasa sio kama wale wa Enzi za Mao?.
- Rather than being freed from corruption, the economy is grinding to a halt under the weight of arbitrary tax demands. Wanadai badala ya rushwa kupungua, uchumi wa Tanzania unaporomoka na serikali inakamua kodi za ajabu!.
- Mr Magufuli’s approach to political opposition is no better. Though CCM has never lost an election, in recent years Tanzania’s politics did seem to have been opening up. Under Mr Magufuli, that has all changed. Less than a year after coming to power, he had banned all political rallies (the president gets around the ban himself by having “non-political” public events with civil servants). MPs are allowed to campaign only in their own constituencies (and several have been arrested). Several newspapers have been temporarily closed by the government, and two, linked to Chadema, an opposition party, remain so. Hapa kuna ukweli na ndio huu udikiteta tunaouzungumza.
- Extrajudicial violence, which used to be almost unknown on the mainland, is escalating. In September Tundu Lissu, a prominent opposition MP, was shot and injured outside his house in Dodoma, the sleepy capital. Minor political figures have simply disappeared. Hii ni kweli.
- Not all of the violence is by the state. Over the past year about a dozen police officers have been killed in Kibiti, a mostly Muslim coastal town about 70km south of Dar es Salaam. The police have seemingly responded in kind. Yet little news leaks out from the region. Foreign journalists are turned back long before they reach Kibiti; a Tanzanian journalist investigating the killings has been missing for three months. Kunakitu hapa kimezungumzwa kuhusu Kibiti, naomba nisikiseme, ila wanadai waandishi wa nje wamezuiliwa wasikaribie Kibiti na kumtaja Azori aliyepotea hadi sasa.
- Tanzania’s politics have never been truly open, but what is different now is that even CCM, which is by far the country’s most stable institution, is cowed. Hapa wanadai siasa Tanzania hazijawahi kuwa za uwazi! ba sasa hata CCM wenyewe ni waoga!, huu ni uongo wa ncha kweupe!.
- Under Tanzania’s constitution, little changed since it was written in 1977 by Julius Nyerere, the country’s founding father, power is almost entirely concentrated in the presidency (Nyerere himself once joked to a BBC reporter: “I have sufficient powers under the constitution to be a dictator”). Hapa wanasema ni Katiba ya Tanzania inayompa mamlaka rais wa Tanzania akitaka kuwa dikiteta anaweza. Kama ni katiba ya Tanzania inamruhusu rais kuwa Dikiteta na Nyerere anasema hakutaka, them Magufuli ametaka, hivyo kila anachokifa kiko kwenye Katiba!, swali linabaki jee ni kweli kila anachofanya rais Magufuli, anafanya kwa mujibu wa Katiba?.
- Mr Magufuli is both head of state and chairman of the party, with the power to hire and fire civil servants, including judges, as he pleases. On taking office, he quickly filled important posts in the government and the party with his own allies. Hapa pia ni uongo wa mchana kweupe kuwa rais Magufuli anaweza kufukuza kazi watumishi wote hadi majaji!. Sii kweli, wanamsingizia, rais gana mamlaka ya kumfukuza kazi jaji!.
- Few are willing to speak up against the presidency, says one CCM MP. There is little hope of change coming through the ballot box since the opposition is crushed and the next election, in 2020, will probably be rigged. Hapa wanasema Magufuli anaogopwa sana kuambiwa ukweli. Sisi hapa jf hatumuogopi rais Magufuli bali tunamuheshimu, ndio maana kila ukicha tunampa ukweli point blank, ila hapa pia wamedanganya kuwa uchaguzi wa 2020 utavurugika!. Hawa the Economist bi prophets of the doom, wanatiombea mabaya, leo ni 2018, uchaguzi ujao ni 2020, wamejuaje uchaguzi utaharibika?!.
- Nor is there much hope that the party can restrain Mr Magufuli. Hapa wanadai eti kuna matumaini CCM, itamzuia Magufuli asigombee tena!, sijui ni nani anayewadanganya watu hawa!, CCM gani ya kumzuia Magufuli?!, kama hapa alipo, Magufuli tayari yuko juu ya Katiba, hawajui kuwa Magufuli ndie CCM!, na CCM wanaule uratibu wao wa rais aliye madarakani hapingwi!, kuna CCM gani ya kumzuia Magufuli wakati yeye ndiye CCM?.
- Some hope that Jakaya Kikwete and Benjamin Mkapa, two former presidents, can persuade him to change course. Others dream, seemingly forlornly, that the party will revolt. Haua pia ni matumani ya ndoto kuwa Mkapa na JK watamkabili Magufuli kumshawizi abadlike,na eti wana CCM wataasi!. Hawajui kuwa CCM ni kipusa watu wanagombea kujiunga!.
- The main lesson of Tanzania is that constitutions which concentrate power in the presidency can quickly be subverted. Hapa wanazungumzia matumaini ya Katiba mpya!.
- Democracy flourished between 1994 and 2015 because the bigwigs in CCM saw the benefits of a more open, pluralistic economy. But they failed to do the tedious work of strengthening institutions and limiting the powers of their successors. Now they have lost their chance to embed the reforms and the country faces ruin. That should be a lesson to other African elites. Hapa kuna ukweli ila jee ni kweli taifa letu linakwenda kuangamia?.
Kauli huumba, hata mjusi tuu, kila siku ukimuita kenge, kuna siku hiyo kaulli yako itambadili huyo mjusi na kumgeuza kenge ukweli!. Huu uongo wa kila siku kumuita rais Magufuli kuwa ni Dikiteta na hakuna anayekanusha, mimi naogopa sana pale uongo unaposemwa na kuachwa kujirudia rudia bila kukanushwa, sio naogopa kwa sababu uongo huo unaweza kuonekana kama ukweli, bali naogopa sana uongo huu utakapo kuja kugeuka na kuwa ndio ukweli ukweli!, na wakati huo ukifika!, sina hata uhakika kama akina sisi tunaowapeni taarifa hizi kama tutakuwepo!, maana mageuzi hayo ninayoyaogopa, mara zote huanzia na watu wa sekta yetu ya habari, unless labda kama Mungu ataingilia kati kwa...
Nawatakia Furahi Day Njema,
Paskali
Rejea
Tusikubali udhalilishaji wa Jarida la The Economist, lamwita Rais wetu "Dinasauria wa Dodoma” na "bullheaded socialist"
Rais Magufuli ametukanwa tena na Jarida la Economist. Tukiendelea kunyamaza, itafika siku Uongo huu utageuka Ukweli!
Jarida la The Economist ladai uchumi wa Tanzania unaporomoka, lahamasisha Rais Magufuli adhibitiwe kwa vikwazo kiuchumi
Serikali yetu Kuitwa "Sinister" na "Authoritarian": Je, ni kweli? Kama si kweli, Tusiukubali Uongo huu, Tuukanushe!
Huku sio kudhalilishwa kwa Rais wetu na Media za Nje? Je, watanzania tukubali, Tukae kimya?
Serikali ikanushe uongo huu wa SABC kumsema vibaya Rais wetu Magufuli kuwa ni Dikteta!
update.
Kuna mtu ametafasiri.
Update 2.
Kuna mtu, ameliponda the Economist kwa kuandika uongo kuhusu Tanzania.
Facts The Economist Got Them Wrong on Magufuli
DAR ES SALAAM, East Africa:
By Dr. Herman Louise Verhofstadt*
“A BIT like President Donald Trump, Tanzania’s president, John Magufuli, likes to fire employees on television. In November Mr. Magufuli used a live broadcast from a small town in the north of the country summarily to dismiss two officials,” this is an extract from a recent online article I came across from the newspaper that I admired when I was growing up in Europe back in 1990’s; the Economist.
Before I venture into other serious issues, the excerpts above contains gross factual errors; my own fact-check indicates that in the named public rally during the opening of Kagera Airport, there was no summary dismissal of the two officials instantly on television, as alleged. Instead, the two, one District Executive Directors for Bukoba Urban and another for Rural were relieved their duties later through a press release from President’s Office.
This is my prima impressio reading the Economist this week, a publication known for its top notch ethical and analytical standards, that has now vanished into a hell of sensational journalism, half baked facts, lack of objectivity and a clear sense of bias.
Contrary to the fact deprived article, it is my candid observation that to objectively critique Magufuli’s presidency in the circumstances of the transformation he is doing for his people in Tanzania, requires the level of conscious that is unfortunately lacking in the current editorial team at the Economist.
Living in Tanzania for close to half a decade now, it makes me a better eye-witness than the Westminster based editorial team. To say the least, this man Magufuli rose into power in a country that was downed by massive corruption scandals, political demonstrations that caused deaths and worse enough he found media fraternity that was being corrupted to work for interest groups.
In my stay here before and after his presidency, I have witnessed real transformation, his work is exemplary and fascinating one. Everybody here—may be just like what Theresa May is doing in London and what Trump is focusing in Washington, is aware that Tanzania is on the move towards pro-people development; something the Economist is unhappy for and would frame it with usual western biases; suppression of democracy, violation of press rights etc etc!
Under Magufuli’s “rogueness” I have seen leaders going into prison or dismissed for lack of action in protecting public funds, I’m seeing public service regaining its lost fame and massive social projects being implemented across the country-sadly the Economist would reduce all these far-fetching achievements to nothing but “rogueness.”
Magufuli's diplomatic acumen cannot be underestimated; He meets Israel Defense Minister in Dar es Salaam
As a European social-worker who had a rare opportunity to experience the real lives of the people in downtown Tanzanian cities and villages, I may not be best placed to analyze all of the Economist’s wrong facts about Tanzania, but for the sake of truth-an important cardinal principle in social as well as medical science, I co-own the truth of some of the major reforms on the ground and this is my scent on some of the issues raised:
“Magufuli’s impossible tax demands”
Looking at this allegation, in the Economist team, there seems to exist a general knowledge gap. Various reports from World Bank, IMF and other international institutions and pro-development authors have pointed to how Africa is grabbed of its mineral reserves. One author, in this regard, went far to coin the term: “development without development.”
What Magufuli is doing, is to come up with policies and leadership approaches to rescind the situation in Tanzania. Acacia, who seems to enjoy warm protection from the Economist story, after prolonged discussions and confronted with impeccable evidence on their wrong doings, bowed down to negotiate and reached a better “21stCentury” deal. Why is the Economist so pained by this? Now many countries in Africa are coming up with such huge bills.
How can the once pro development Economist be unhappy with a young and poor nation striving and trying to reap what is due for its people? If Acacia/Barrick settled to pay, albeit part of the claim, then what is impossible tax demand mean?
“Pregnant girls to be kicked out of school”
Upon reading some of the excerpts, I wished I could sponsor editors of the Economist to come to Africa and learn the practical lessons before writing sensational half-truths. Seems no one ever knows that one of the critical social issues in the Continent is early marriages and pre-mature pregnancies.
To see a leader confronting these issues with a view to encourage parents and students to work together to prevent early pregnancies is something to loud the government of Tanzania. I wonder, a western media trying to challenge these efforts to impose its own persona on a different culture, what do we want to achieve?
In my childhood I studied around Elephant and Castle in the UK; at one time we heard about 20,000 under 18’s went pregnant in a year, later on, few secured a chance to return to school. In Tanzania, and some other African countries, the number could go by far beyond UK in a year.
With such stats, you don’t need a civilized western media to teach you what to do than support stern measures by the “Rogue President,” well intended to protect young girls from engaging into sexual life before the coming of age to enjoy their right to education.
“Locked immoral musicians who criticize him”
This is a fact that the Economist may need to prove to its esteemed audiences. I’m not a keen music fan, but I’m able to comprehend events in Tanzania and never heard of a musician who was “locked up” for criticizing Magufuli.
Like any other country, Tanzania is grappling with issues of morals and ethics in its society. Use of obscene language and pornography are some of the immoral that irks many music lovers in this part of the world. Government has taken steps to ban some from TV and redio airings. This is standard. Its everywhere.
"Democracy and political rallies”
Like in music, I may also not be better placed to justify or condemn the banning of political rallies but just to share with my fellows in the Economist; I once had to quit my social work in Arusha, the Northern tourist city, due to insecurity when opposition parties were allowed to conduct prolonged demos.
It is their civil rights which I have no doubt about it-but shops were being closed, businesses deteriorated and tourism suffered, as dozens of people lost lives in the ensuing violence and incidents of planted bombs.
I have never been back to Arusha since then, but listening to stories of how the once lost glory is back to the city after controlled political rallies, makes me thrilled to read somebody from London crying advocating for more political demonstrations!
“Economy is Grinding”
A mesmerizing phrase in the Economist’s article about Tanzania goes: “Rather than being freed from corruption, the economy is grinding to a halt under the weight of arbitrary tax demands.”
Reading the phrase it would cling to one’s mind that someone authoring the article is vividly a bonafide member of the pool of victims of Magufuli’s justifiable crusade on mineral resources. How can, serious a journalist, make such analogy; arbitrary tax demands and dwindling economy?”
His negotiation skills: Agreed a deal to settle Acacia's huge tax bill by meeting top Barrick bosses who own Acacia Tanzania. Barrick will reimburse Tanzania and reform ownership of Acacia.
Yes, in Tanzania, I have heard stories of some businesses closing down due to new tax systems, still high bank interest rates as well as dwindling foreign exports. On the other hand, there are good stories too; ranging from how the country has scored high in monthly revenue collection, the Investment Center is recording huge number of new foreign investors, Africa’s wealthiest man Dangote’s cement plant is already launched and hundreds of new industries are blossoming up and the economy is steadfastly above 6 percent for the last 10 years.
Be aware: Magufuli's focus on infrastructure is unique, he has just inaugurated construction of a multi-billion Dollar modern standard gauge railway, thanks to improved own internal revenue sources.
The new Standard Gauge Rail construction is on as the country further embarks into a 2,100 megawatts historic power project along the Rufiji River Basin—of course I’m opposed to the latter on environmental consideration but I do realize the vision of the President and stand with the people of Tanzania.
It needs courage-but above all vendetta backed type of journalism to be bold enough to undermine and under write positive transformations happening in Tanzania under Mr. Magufuli in support and in favour of isolated incidents which are peculiar to the nature of politics in Tanzania and other neighbouring geo-politics.
*The author is a Belgian health expert working with an international NGO in EAC countries who is currently ending his tenure in Tanzania. He has worked with poor communities for four years now.
