Mwafrika wa Kike
JF-Expert Member
- Jul 5, 2007
- 5,185
- 64
Mkuu ukisema everyone unakuwa umejumuisha watu wengi sana ikiwemo mimi ambaye naona Kikwete anacheza usanii na maisha na mali ya Tanzania bila sababu yoyote ile!
The Radar Scandal: Investigation & Progress
The Radar Scandal: Investigation & Progress
- Thread starter Game Theory
- Start date
Mkuu ukisema everyone unakuwa umejumuisha watu wengi sana ikiwemo mimi ambaye naona Kikwete anacheza usanii na maisha na mali ya Tanzania bila sababu yoyote ile!
Yebo Yebo,
Kuna ubaya gani kama Tanzania leo ikiongozwa kwa demokrasia kama USA au UK? Wakati wa kusubiri umepita, siku hizi tunataka delivery.
Mambo ya kutuletea historia wengine hatutaki, tunataka mabadiliko sasa
kwa faida ya wananchi wetu. Mambo ya kwamba sasa nafuu kuliko juzi, kama nafuu kwanini usiifanye iwe bora kabisa?
Mwafrika wa Kike,
Hujui Mwenyekiti atakuwepo hapa next week? Vinginevyo Yebo Yebo anaweza asipate nafasi ya kuonana naye (ni joke) kwi kwi kwi!!!
Mwafrika wa Kike
JF-Expert Member
- Jul 5, 2007
- 5,185
- 64
kwi kwi kwi kwi,
Hata mimi nilihisi hivyo ila nikawa namtunzia mzee heshima kwa vile bado nakubali historia yake hapa JF. Hapa kweli umegonga kwenye msumari (on the nail ooooppppssss on the head)!
Mzee Yeboyebo, Unaweza kumpinga Kikwete hapa JF lakini baada ya hotuba yake hapo London akaja kwenye hotel na mkasaini kibuzwagi chenu ... lol! The guy is very ize going .... yaani hapa USA watu kibao mafisadi wa kimafia wanaitaja Tanzania kama nchi yenye the ize going presidaa anayeweza kukusainia chochote muda wowote ule.
We jiulize kiburi cha Rostam Azizi kinatoka wapi!
S. S. Phares
JF-Expert Member
- Nov 27, 2006
- 2,138
- 88
Mwafrika wa Kike & Mtanzania
Mimi sijasema kama ni kosa. Hapana, hayo ni maono ambayo hata mimi natamani yatimie.
Lakini tujiulize jamani; ni kweli hayo yanaweza kutokea overnight?
Kuna mwanabodi hapa kasema JK ana plan ya kupata ujiko zaidi; mimi nakubaliana na huyu mwanabodi kabisa. JK anajua siasa ya namna hii walio wengi Tanzania wanaishabikia ndio maana anaendelea na mchezo huu.
Mtanzania, I get the joke; ndio furaha ya baraza.
Nemesis
JF-Expert Member
- Feb 13, 2008
- 5,536
- 4,532
sawa lakini mimi nipo nnchini na ninataka kuona nchi inaongozwa kidemokrasia. Ninataka kuona uwazi na uwajibikaji. Ninataka kuona vita dhidi ya rushwa na ufisadi inapigwa kisawasawa. Ninataka kuona viongozi wanaotuhumiwa kwa ufisadi wanawajibika na kuwajibishwa. HILI SI SUALA LA WATANZANIA WANAOISHI NJE YA NCHI.
I love ours days during presida Mwl. Nyerere, mafisadi walikoma.
Pundit
JF-Expert Member
- Feb 4, 2007
- 3,733
- 146
Kula tano Kalamu,
Kama nilivyosema mwanzo, Kikwete is a reactionary president, hafanyi kitu mpaka watu wambane sana, na watu hao sio kina Slaa na Zitto na Watanzania wengine, mpaka asikie wafadhili wamekuja juu wanatishia kuondoa misaada ndiyo anajiburuza.
Halafu bado anataka kuchukua credit kwamba yeye reformist, kwa kazi gani aliyofanya? Kumrudisha Chenge? Kumpa uwaziri Mkulo?
Give me a break!
S. S. Phares
JF-Expert Member
- Nov 27, 2006
- 2,138
- 88
Si kila mtu Tanzania anamuogopa Mungu..!!
Mwafrika wa Kike
JF-Expert Member
- Jul 5, 2007
- 5,185
- 64
Yeboyebo,
The bar must be raised higher enough for Kikwete to work hard. Haya mambo ya usanii na kuchukua faida (take advantage) ya watu kwa vile eti mambo hayatokei overnight inabidi yaachwe sasa ili watu wawe siriaz huko state house!
Dua
JF-Expert Member
- Nov 14, 2006
- 3,236
- 675
Angalau umeweka plain as it should be - maana wengine hapa ndio wanapigania UJIKo ati?
Pundit
JF-Expert Member
- Feb 4, 2007
- 3,733
- 146
Ufisadi mpaka Uingereza, Prince Bandar na BAE Systems wanaendeleza kiulainiiiii.Hawa ndio watu waliotuuzia radar jamani!
Pragmatism offsets principle in BAE case
That's what governments have always done - however unpleasant it is
April 10, 2008 1:34 PM
A nasty business, the arms trade, but I suppose someone has to do it. Complicated morals too, as the current revival of Shaw's Major Barbara reminds us at the National Theatre.
So does today's high court ruling against the SFO's decision - under political pressure - to drop its investigation into the BAE Systems bribery case.
Initial reports suggest that Lord Justice Moses and Mr Justice Sullivan got the basic point: that members of the Saudi royal family threatened to pull the plug on their intelligence and counter-terrorism cooperation if the allegations made against them in relation to pay-offs on the £43bn Al-Yamamah arms deal were not dropped.
In other words, it was a clear case of blackmail by a foreign power - successful blackmail, the judges noted.
Their complaint is that the government - that means the SFO's chief, Robert Wardle, the then-attorney general, Peter Goldsmith, and, of course, Tony Blair - failed to persuade them they had "done all that could reasonably be done to resist the threat".
Why not? Because it suited them. Why did it suit them? The reasons seem pretty obvious to me, though not to Nick Clegg, who is on air as I type talking about banana republics and the overthrow of the rule of law.
When the high court overturns a decision by the elected government it sounds as if the rule of law is in good shape, unless you think that's not what judges are for.
Frank Gardner, the excellent, Arabic-speaking BBC correspondent (the man shot and nearly killed in Saudi Arabia), confirms on The World at One that members of the Saudi royal family did threaten to pull the plug on their cooperation and will be puzzled that the British government can't keep the lid on the problem.
So the national security motive that Tony Blair cited in 2006 stands.
There is also the lurking commercial motive, all those jobs and high-tech research that depend on export orders to wealthy countries with security anxieties: £43bn worth of the economy at what is becoming a difficult time.
Pragmatism offsetting the principle that protects the law from interference? Of course.
That's what governments have to do, however unpleasant it is. Getting dirty hands is part of the job and many of the same people attacking the government - this one, the last one, the next one - over the BAE case today would be attacking them if things had gone the other way: bombs were exploding or factories closing.
There's a subplot about the dual judicial/political role of the attorney general, but it looks as if the government is in the process of unpicking what now looks like an anomaly. I doubt if it would have changed anything in this case.
Anti-arms trade campaigners are delighted. So they should be: they have called the government to account, a practice the balefully governed Saudis might note, but won't.
The SFO is working out what to do next: to reopen the case or - surely more likely - to appeal.
Governments are used to being second-guessed by judges these days. Judicial review has run rampant in many forms for a good 20 years. So Gordon Brown's government - like the last one and the next one - will just have to shrug and get on with their day.
The Faustian pact between Britain and the House of Saud goes back a long way, at least to Lawrence of Arabia's success in hitching Arab nationalism to the revolt against the Turkish empire in World War I.
But the Saudi royal family has its own Faustian pact. Back in the 18th century it cut a deal with the emerging sect of Islamic puritanism known as Wahabiism. It endures to this day.
Which is why Saudi Arabia is such a repressive, dysfunctional society despite being so rich - and why Saudi princes take their illicit pleasures in the fleshpots of London.
Pragmatism offsets principle in BAE case
That's what governments have always done - however unpleasant it is
April 10, 2008 1:34 PM
A nasty business, the arms trade, but I suppose someone has to do it. Complicated morals too, as the current revival of Shaw's Major Barbara reminds us at the National Theatre.
So does today's high court ruling against the SFO's decision - under political pressure - to drop its investigation into the BAE Systems bribery case.
Initial reports suggest that Lord Justice Moses and Mr Justice Sullivan got the basic point: that members of the Saudi royal family threatened to pull the plug on their intelligence and counter-terrorism cooperation if the allegations made against them in relation to pay-offs on the £43bn Al-Yamamah arms deal were not dropped.
In other words, it was a clear case of blackmail by a foreign power - successful blackmail, the judges noted.
Their complaint is that the government - that means the SFO's chief, Robert Wardle, the then-attorney general, Peter Goldsmith, and, of course, Tony Blair - failed to persuade them they had "done all that could reasonably be done to resist the threat".
Why not? Because it suited them. Why did it suit them? The reasons seem pretty obvious to me, though not to Nick Clegg, who is on air as I type talking about banana republics and the overthrow of the rule of law.
When the high court overturns a decision by the elected government it sounds as if the rule of law is in good shape, unless you think that's not what judges are for.
Frank Gardner, the excellent, Arabic-speaking BBC correspondent (the man shot and nearly killed in Saudi Arabia), confirms on The World at One that members of the Saudi royal family did threaten to pull the plug on their cooperation and will be puzzled that the British government can't keep the lid on the problem.
So the national security motive that Tony Blair cited in 2006 stands.
There is also the lurking commercial motive, all those jobs and high-tech research that depend on export orders to wealthy countries with security anxieties: £43bn worth of the economy at what is becoming a difficult time.
Pragmatism offsetting the principle that protects the law from interference? Of course.
That's what governments have to do, however unpleasant it is. Getting dirty hands is part of the job and many of the same people attacking the government - this one, the last one, the next one - over the BAE case today would be attacking them if things had gone the other way: bombs were exploding or factories closing.
There's a subplot about the dual judicial/political role of the attorney general, but it looks as if the government is in the process of unpicking what now looks like an anomaly. I doubt if it would have changed anything in this case.
Anti-arms trade campaigners are delighted. So they should be: they have called the government to account, a practice the balefully governed Saudis might note, but won't.
The SFO is working out what to do next: to reopen the case or - surely more likely - to appeal.
Governments are used to being second-guessed by judges these days. Judicial review has run rampant in many forms for a good 20 years. So Gordon Brown's government - like the last one and the next one - will just have to shrug and get on with their day.
The Faustian pact between Britain and the House of Saud goes back a long way, at least to Lawrence of Arabia's success in hitching Arab nationalism to the revolt against the Turkish empire in World War I.
But the Saudi royal family has its own Faustian pact. Back in the 18th century it cut a deal with the emerging sect of Islamic puritanism known as Wahabiism. It endures to this day.
Which is why Saudi Arabia is such a repressive, dysfunctional society despite being so rich - and why Saudi princes take their illicit pleasures in the fleshpots of London.
Moe nakubaliana na wewe ingawa JK needs to be more assertive on his actions, as it is widely speculated that JK is not a tough leader hence his inability to take tough decisions. However, it seems we are going on the right path although wananchi wengi wangependelea kuwaweka hawa mafisadi kizimbani right now.
Kwa Mafisadi....they have to be lucky all the time in order to continue eluding justice, we have to be correct one time to get them....mapambano yanaendelea.....we will soon get them!
Kubwajinga
JF-Expert Member
- Jan 23, 2008
- 2,193
- 299
Mh. Chenge atueleze hizo pesa za offshore acc; zaidi ya U$1,000,000 alizitoa wapi?
BAE corruption investigation switches to Tanzania
· Focus on £28m radar deal with East African state
· SFO's new director due to take over this month
David Leigh and Rob Evans The Guardian, Saturday April 12 2008
Following the uproar over its halted Saudi investigation, the Serious Fraud Office is expected to decide whether to bring fresh corruption charges against arms manufacturer BAE within six weeks, over a second arms deal, this time with Tanzania.
A minister from the east African state has denied that more than $1m (£507,500) in his offshore accounts came from BAE.
Investigators involved in a three-year inquiry after the controversial deal to sell Tanzania a £28m radar system identified the money in Jersey accounts controlled by the poverty-striken country's infrastructure minister, Andrew Chenge.
Tanzania's anti-corruption bureau, which has been working with authorities in the UK, Switzerland and Jersey, wants to establish if the money is linked to multi-million pound secret commission payments made by BAE.
Chenge does not dispute the money in his Jersey accounts. But he told the Guardian: "The obvious inference [of the investigations] is that I have received for my benefit 'corrupt payments' from BAE. This is untrue."
He said he was only involved in minor aspects of the radar deal, which was promoted by other ministries and approved by the Tanzanian cabinet. His bank records, he said, would show investigators that "there is no connection to the BAE Tanzanian radar deal".
His US lawyer from Cleveland, Ohio, J Lewis Madorsky, added: "While the matters in question took place a number of years ago, we can state ... that any and all allegations of illegality, impropriety, misconduct and unethical behaviour made against our client are categorically and vigorously denied".
Investigators say Chenge could be a valuable witness. The target of their investigation is not him but BAE. The arms company made the commission payments to a local agent in Tanzania to promote the £28m radar sale, through an elaborate chain of offshore companies and a Swiss bank.
The agent has now left the country and is wanted by Interpol.
These developments come at a key moment in the BAE saga. A landmark high court ruling on Thursday said that the decision to drop the SFO's Saudi inquiry was wrong.
In a huge embarrassment for the British and Saudi governments, the court rejected the claims that the inquiry had to be closed down for reasons of national security and because lives would be at risk.
And it took the extraordinary step of naming Prince Bandar, the crown prince's son, as the man behind what it said could be characterised as an attempt to pervert the course of justice.
Former prime minister Tony Blair caused uproar by personally forcing a halt to investigations into the Saudi deal. The Guardian subsequently disclosed that £1bn had been paid into accounts controlled by Prince Bandar during the deal. Bandar says the payments were not improper.
Inspectors from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) grilled British officials in London last week about their failure to get results from any of their BAE investigations. Britain signed up to an international treaty to outlaw bribery, but there have never been any prosecutions.
The Tanzania deal, although smaller in cash terms than the Saudi deals, is equally controversial: Tanzania is one of the world's poorest countries, and the UK government is paying more than £100m this year to help the heavily-indebted country's budget.
It was Blair again who forced the radar deal through the British cabinet, despite protests from the then international development secretary, Clare Short. She said the sale, for which Tanzania had to borrow yet more from a commercial bank, was corrupt and "stank".
A lengthy SFO investigation in the UK subsequently discovered that 31% of the deal's contract price had been diverted via Switzerland.
BAE transferred the money to a subsidiary, Red Diamond Trading, registered anonymously in the British Virgin Islands.
Red Diamond then moved the cash to a Swiss account in the name of a Panama company, Envers Trading Corporation. This entity had two Panamanian nominee directors. But it was secretly controlled by a Tanzanian middleman, Shailesh Vithlani, according to Dar es Salaam court papers.
Investigators are now checking whether Vithlani arranged to pass any money in turn to Tanzanian politicians and officials.
Sources said the bank in Jersey had promptly frozen transactions and filed a suspicious activity report when the Tanzanian inquiries began.
Vithlani, who is of Indian extraction but holds a British passport, is listed as wanted by Interpol.
He has been charged by the Tanzanian anti-corruption bureau with lying to investigators, but has left the country. His whereabouts are unknown.
According to the charges, Vithlani falsely denied he was the owner of the Panama company, and falsely claimed he had only handled a separate commission of 1% on the deal.
The SFO's new director, Richard Alderman, former head of UK tax investigations, is due to take over this month. The SFO refused to comment yesterday.
BAE, which has previously denied wrongdoing, also declined to comment, or to explain its chain of offshore payments, other than to say "BAE Systems continues to fully co-operate with the SFO investigation".
The company has recently launched an extensive public relations campaign and last week unveiled a report commissioned from a commercial consultancy, Oxford Economics, which claimed BAE was of key value to the UK economy.
BAE corruption investigation switches to Tanzania
· Focus on £28m radar deal with East African state
· SFO's new director due to take over this month
David Leigh and Rob Evans The Guardian, Saturday April 12 2008
Following the uproar over its halted Saudi investigation, the Serious Fraud Office is expected to decide whether to bring fresh corruption charges against arms manufacturer BAE within six weeks, over a second arms deal, this time with Tanzania.
A minister from the east African state has denied that more than $1m (£507,500) in his offshore accounts came from BAE.
Investigators involved in a three-year inquiry after the controversial deal to sell Tanzania a £28m radar system identified the money in Jersey accounts controlled by the poverty-striken country's infrastructure minister, Andrew Chenge.
Tanzania's anti-corruption bureau, which has been working with authorities in the UK, Switzerland and Jersey, wants to establish if the money is linked to multi-million pound secret commission payments made by BAE.
Chenge does not dispute the money in his Jersey accounts. But he told the Guardian: "The obvious inference [of the investigations] is that I have received for my benefit 'corrupt payments' from BAE. This is untrue."
He said he was only involved in minor aspects of the radar deal, which was promoted by other ministries and approved by the Tanzanian cabinet. His bank records, he said, would show investigators that "there is no connection to the BAE Tanzanian radar deal".
His US lawyer from Cleveland, Ohio, J Lewis Madorsky, added: "While the matters in question took place a number of years ago, we can state ... that any and all allegations of illegality, impropriety, misconduct and unethical behaviour made against our client are categorically and vigorously denied".
Investigators say Chenge could be a valuable witness. The target of their investigation is not him but BAE. The arms company made the commission payments to a local agent in Tanzania to promote the £28m radar sale, through an elaborate chain of offshore companies and a Swiss bank.
The agent has now left the country and is wanted by Interpol.
These developments come at a key moment in the BAE saga. A landmark high court ruling on Thursday said that the decision to drop the SFO's Saudi inquiry was wrong.
In a huge embarrassment for the British and Saudi governments, the court rejected the claims that the inquiry had to be closed down for reasons of national security and because lives would be at risk.
And it took the extraordinary step of naming Prince Bandar, the crown prince's son, as the man behind what it said could be characterised as an attempt to pervert the course of justice.
Former prime minister Tony Blair caused uproar by personally forcing a halt to investigations into the Saudi deal. The Guardian subsequently disclosed that £1bn had been paid into accounts controlled by Prince Bandar during the deal. Bandar says the payments were not improper.
Inspectors from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) grilled British officials in London last week about their failure to get results from any of their BAE investigations. Britain signed up to an international treaty to outlaw bribery, but there have never been any prosecutions.
The Tanzania deal, although smaller in cash terms than the Saudi deals, is equally controversial: Tanzania is one of the world's poorest countries, and the UK government is paying more than £100m this year to help the heavily-indebted country's budget.
It was Blair again who forced the radar deal through the British cabinet, despite protests from the then international development secretary, Clare Short. She said the sale, for which Tanzania had to borrow yet more from a commercial bank, was corrupt and "stank".
A lengthy SFO investigation in the UK subsequently discovered that 31% of the deal's contract price had been diverted via Switzerland.
BAE transferred the money to a subsidiary, Red Diamond Trading, registered anonymously in the British Virgin Islands.
Red Diamond then moved the cash to a Swiss account in the name of a Panama company, Envers Trading Corporation. This entity had two Panamanian nominee directors. But it was secretly controlled by a Tanzanian middleman, Shailesh Vithlani, according to Dar es Salaam court papers.
Investigators are now checking whether Vithlani arranged to pass any money in turn to Tanzanian politicians and officials.
Sources said the bank in Jersey had promptly frozen transactions and filed a suspicious activity report when the Tanzanian inquiries began.
Vithlani, who is of Indian extraction but holds a British passport, is listed as wanted by Interpol.
He has been charged by the Tanzanian anti-corruption bureau with lying to investigators, but has left the country. His whereabouts are unknown.
According to the charges, Vithlani falsely denied he was the owner of the Panama company, and falsely claimed he had only handled a separate commission of 1% on the deal.
The SFO's new director, Richard Alderman, former head of UK tax investigations, is due to take over this month. The SFO refused to comment yesterday.
BAE, which has previously denied wrongdoing, also declined to comment, or to explain its chain of offshore payments, other than to say "BAE Systems continues to fully co-operate with the SFO investigation".
The company has recently launched an extensive public relations campaign and last week unveiled a report commissioned from a commercial consultancy, Oxford Economics, which claimed BAE was of key value to the UK economy.
Huyu kweli fisadi, he (public employee from among the world's poorest countries) can even hire a lawyer from the US!!??
Hey Chenge, can you please step down from the position you are holding. The accountable and responsible man would have done it all ago! wake up and act wisely
Hey Chenge, can you please step down from the position you are holding. The accountable and responsible man would have done it all ago! wake up and act wisely
Nyambala
JF-Expert Member
- Oct 10, 2007
- 4,465
- 1,172
Chenge ana biashara gani halali inayojulikana mpaka akaweza kuwa na $1m (£507,500) kwenye akaunti nje ya nchi? Uwezo wa kuhire an American lawyer anautoa wapi? Du yaani hata kabla ya yeye kuwa connected na hii scandal ya rada tayari kuna harufu kali ya wizi. Huyu jamaa miaka yoote anafanya kwenye public office hizo kama ni savings basi in total zilitakiwa labda ziwe $10,000. Kweli tunaliwa!!!!!!!
Steve Dii
JF-Expert Member
- Jun 25, 2007
- 6,402
- 1,298
...mimi niliyasema hapa juzi, http://www.jamboforums.com/showpost.php?p=171830&postcount=600 wahusika 'chupi zitawabana' sasa baada ya tukio la mahakama kubatili uamuzi uliochukuliwa awali wa kuifunga kesi inayohusika na hiyo kampuni huko Uingereza.
Ufunuo wa Yohana
JF-Expert Member
- Oct 9, 2007
- 319
- 74
Haya ni makubwa, hata JK anasoma haya bado anampa majukumu ya kiserikali? JK and chenge must have something in common.
William J. Malecela
R I P
- Apr 27, 2006
- 26,584
- 10,464
Unajua this is what i am talking about, habari za ukweli I mean hata ukiwa kipofu ukasomewa hii article, you can tell kwamba huu ni ukweli na sio blah! blah! blah! au abla! abla! za kawaida hapa JF.
Waziri Chenge, aliyekuwa mwanasheria mkuu na hatimaye kuwa waziri majuzi tu, ameyapata wapi haya mapesa? Aliwahi kufanya kazi nje? Akiwa mwanasheria mkuu serikali au vyombo vyetu vya usalama vilikuwa aware kuwa huyu mkuu ana mapesa kiasi hiki nje? na kwamba ni zake kihalali? I mean lets be fair, hzio hela nyingi sana kwa kiongozi mbongo kuwa nazo nje, sasa ni lazima iwekwe wazi alzipata lini?
Halafu ni kwa nini yeye anakuwa witness na sio mshitakiwa? Hapo bado sijaelewa?
Similar Discussions
-
Rais Magufuli ametukanwa tena na Jarida la Economist. Tukiendelea kunyamaza, itafika siku Uongo huu utageuka Ukweli!- Started by Pascal Mayalla
- Replies: 340
-
Zilizovuja: Serikali ilifungua akaunti mpya ya siri ya Escrow yenye harufu ya kifisadi- Started by Bilionea Asigwa
- Replies: 239
-
Radar scandal: Few are fooled by the UK's public statements- Started by Kibanga Ampiga Mkoloni
- Replies: 2
-
Kuna dalili za ukombozi wa kweli TZ watawala bado wako gizani...hawataki kujifunza kwa wengine....
- Started by nderingosha
- Replies: 12
-
Should poverty eradication be the no.1 priority for Tanzania now?- Started by Sungurampole
- Replies: 0