Nyerere: The Man, The Myth and the Legend

[Companero]

Unless you are using this to show that Nyerere was disassociating himself with the Marxists (and whats with the past tense in that?) the rest is just unremarkably stating the obvious, unless of course the context is lost due to the shortness of the quote.

But nothing remarkable at all in that quote, just stating the obvious, some would even go as far as seeing this as self defeatist in that if he knew so much about focusing on the individual then why was he such a collectivist?

Mkuu kitu kikubwa kinachonikera ni kupingana na facts, hard facts. Mwalimu alisema sio Marxist. Wamarxist wenyewe walisema Nyerere sio Marxist. Nadharia za Umarxist ziko tofauti na za Ujamaa ulio Msingi wa Usoshalisti wa Kiafrika. Marxist wanasema kuna Class Struggle. Nyerereist wanasema Afrika ilikuwa Classless hivyo wanataka kuijenga upya jamii isiyo na Class Struggle! Sasa kwa nini mnafosi vitu? Au kwa sababu mnaamini kila kitu ambacho sio cha Kibepari basi lazima kiwe cha Kimarxist? Why?

 

[Companero]

Ujamaa... ujamaa, wachaaaaa....che walifaidika... Na weeeeengi wakaathirika. Leo siyasa ya ujamaa, imefirisika. Nchi nyingi Ujamaa wameuzika.

Na huo wanaofufua sasa hivi na hizo 'stimulus package' ni nini?

 

[Companero]

Though i support the work of Rosa Luxemburge, but i am different from her....very different....I am sir Francis Bacon....sharing the same pen name with Rosa. Bacon,is he, whose works and ideas still works, whose sacrifice for the freedom of expression is still live, who dared to open his mouth and throgh pen he wrote and tell the king under the Pseudonymous name "junius" that "king can do wrongs....and its never true that king can do no wrongs..." ref: Wilkes v/s Woods,
compared me more to the likes of Demosthenes, Seneca and Cicero, classical authors who had like me ended their lives in disgrace because of telling the truth.
If you find it comfortable refer to the 'junius's works of 'novum magnum' and 'Proficience and Advancement of Learning'.

Wow! I Salute You!Respect - loads of Respect! Carpa Diem!

 

[X-PASTER]

Na huo wanaofufua sasa hivi na hizo 'stimulus package' ni nini?

Eh! Hivi Ma-komredi bado wapo?

 

[Junius]

....poor my fellow countrymen life is too short to hope for unknown future...
...quam minimun credula postero

 

[Companero]

Eh! Hivi Ma-komredi bado wapo?

Kamaradi ndio walikuwa wakina nani hao Ndugu X-Paster?

 

[Companero]

....poor my fellow countrymen life is too short to hope for unknown future...quam minimun credula postero

dum spiro, spero...The unknown future is the present in the making...Ex nihilo nihil fit...

 

[Mzizi wa Mbuyu]

Unantafuta katiaka imani? hayo yaache, usisahau kuwa ni Mwalimu Nyerere mwenyewe ndiyo alieashiria kusema kuwa atazikwa na azimio la arusha namnukuu "....popote ninapokwenda, natembea na vitabu viwili, yaani Bibilia na Azimio la Arusha..."
Sasa Bw.MziziwaMbuyu, Mwalimu kenda akhera...si ndiyo?!...atakuwa kaenda na nini? si lazima awe na Bibilia na Azimio la Arusha mkononi japo moyoni mwake tu.
Na kuhusu hitaji la mawazo yake na azimio la arusha lenyewe, nambie nani katika Tanzania ya leo anafuata au anataka kufuata azimio la arusha au mawazo ya Mwalimu, si serikali wala chama cha Mapinduzi, hiyo ndo maana ya kusema kuwa mambo hayo kafa na kuzikwa nayo na hakuna mwenye haja nayo sasa, watu wapo biz kujitajirisha na kuneemesha matumbo yao.


Kama una maana hiyo kweli, sina tatizo nawewe kabisa ndugu yangu. Nilidhani wewe ni watu wale ambao wanamdharau kabisa mwalimu kwa juhudi zake za kuhakikisha matunda ya uhuru yanafaidiwa na kila mwananchi. Siyo hii tabia ya watawala wa sasa washibisha matumbo!

 

[WildCard]

- JF hatujalala lakini kuna mnaotaka kutulaza kila tunapotaka kuamuka, na nyimbo za Mwalimu, wakati tunajionea kwa macho yetu wenyewe aliyotuachia yaani kina Mwinyi, Mkapa na Muungwana, please tuacheni wananchi tuamue njia tunayotaka kwenda baada ya kuwa chini ya minyororo ya utumwa for 24 years, sasa tuko huru leave us alone!

- Mawazo yaliyomshinda tha originator mwenyewe, akaiona NBC ikiuzwa kwa bei poa, hayawezi kutusaidia wananchi wa Tanzania in any way or form, waliofaidika under his system ya nchi bila matabaka tunawaona kila siku, pleasee tuacheni tuhangaike lakini siku moja tutaiona njia kwa kutumia mawazo yetu mapya sio yalitopitwa na wakati, na yaliyomshinda the originator mwenyewe!

Kamanda FMEs!

FMES,
Mwalimu angetuachia NANI mbali na hao uliowataja? Wewe ni muelewa sana wa VIKAO vya CCM kuanzia CC, NEC na MM. Unataka kunieleza kuwa haujui jinsi Mzee Mwinyi alivyopatikana hadi akawa Rais wetu kweli? Mwalimu alikuwa na kura ngapi kwenye michakato hii? Naamini unajua sana zaidi ya baadhi yetu humu jinsi JK alivyoipata tiketi ya CCM miaka sita baada ya Mwalimu kufariki!
Soma maandishi na sikiliza hotuba za Mwalimu bila jazba, munkar, chuki au kisasi cha zamani ndipo utaelewa nafasi yake katika Nchi yetu bado ipo na tunayahitaji sana mawazo yake sasa pengine kuliko wakati mwingine wowote.

 

[David Nkulu]

- Haya mawazo yote yamepitwa na wakati, huenda yalikuwa valid with time yaliposemwa, not anymore na it does not in anyway diminish Mwalimu's accomplishments ambazo in my opinion were education, and re-locationism only!

- Maapologists wa Mwalimu, mfike mahali mkubali kwamba Mwalimu alikuwa bina-adam mwenye mapungufu makubwa sana kama sisi wengine wote, na ni mapungufu yake kama bin-adam na kiongozi ndiyo yametukwamisha Tanzania 19 years toka atoke, kwa sababu scientifically inachukua atleast 100 years kabla binadam hajaachana na mawazo na tabia mbaya au nzuri alizolazimishwa kuzi-conform against his will bila kuamua kama ni nzuri au mbaya kwake na kwa future yake, that is exactly what Mwalimu did.

Maendeleo ya taifa huanzia majumbani mwa wananchi wa taifa lile, wananchi waliokuwa wakiishi kwa wasi wasi kusubiri kukuche ili wakajipange foleni kila siku kununua unga wa njano tu, sasa kweli utashangaa kwamba kwanini leo tuna taifa la wasi wasi? Nenda majuu uingie nyumba nyingi za wabongo utakuta jitu limejaza unga wa ugali, masukari, michele, minyama kwenye freezer unafikiri ni kwa nini hasa mkuu? Wakati hivi vitu havijawahi kukosekana huko madukani majuu hata siku moja? Ni watu ambao pamoja na kuwa majuu bado wana ile tabia ya wasi wasi, waliyofundishwa na siasa za Mwalimu, who was a good man lakini politically naive ndio maana akaishia kutuachia kina Mwinyi, Mkapa, na Muungwana!

- Sasa simple math ni:- 100 years - 19= 81 more years of misery! Pheeeeew!

Respect.

Kamanda FMEs!

Field Marshall

In short simple sentences, the quientescence of the whole truth!

Thanks for clarifying the myth!

Respect!

 

[Mkandara]

FMES,

Sasa simple math ni:- 100 years - 19= 81 more years of misery! Pheeeeew!

Mkuu kwa nini isiwe hivi:- 100 yrs less 48 ya Uhuru bado miaka 52 (misery) ya akili ya Ukoloni.. Hivyo mwalimu alishindwa alichoshindwa kwa sababu inachukua miaka 100 kwa wadanganyika kuondokana na fikra za kutawaliwa kwa miaka zaidi ya 200... it makes more sense!

 

[Junius]

dum spiro, spero...The unknown future is the present in the making...Ex nihilo nihil fit...

Dei gratia.
Ave et vace.

 

[X-PASTER]

Kamaradi ndio walikuwa wakina nani hao Ndugu X-Paster?

Kamaradi...!? Not Kamaradi... it is Komredi.... OMG!

 

[Companero]

Kamaradi...!? Not Kamaradi... it is Komredi.... OMG!

Kamaradi ni neno lilitoholewa kutoka katika neno Camaraderie lenye maana hii kwa mujibu wa Kamusi:

The quality of affording easy familiarity and sociability

 

[X-PASTER]

Kamaradi ni neno lilitoholewa kutoka katika neno Camaraderie lenye maana hii kwa mujibu wa Kamusi:

The quality of affording easy familiarity and sociability

Haya bana... Kiswahili kin-kuwa siku hizi. lol!

 

[Jujuman]

Msomi na mkulima wa kijijini ama mbeba zege wa mjini wanatofautiana nini? Kimaumbile iwe mke ama mume hawatofautiani labda wale ambao kwa bahati mbaya wana ulemavu wa aina yoyote ile. Katika basic needs wanatofautiana nini? kila mmoja anahitaji kula - msomi anahitaji kula kama anavyohitaji mkulima na mbeba zege; anahitaji mahali pa kulala kama anavyohitaji mkulima na mbeba zege, halikadhalika mavazi. Hakuna anayelala kwenye nyumba mbili na vitanda viwili kwa wakati mmoja; hakuna anayekula milo ya kawaida sita badala ya mitatu etc etc.

Na cha msingi zaidi baada ya huko kula wote watahitaji kwenda ****** na wote watakachotoa kitakuwa na harufu mbaya!!!!!

 

[Nkazahau]

Unajua saa zingine hizi dharau zetu na kijifanya kujua mambo ndio kitu kikubwa kinachotuondolea uwezo wetu wa kupambanua mambo, na hilo ndio lililo na linalorudisha nyuma taifa letu lenye neema zilizotunzwa na sera unazozikataa za Mwalimu, sijuhi kama Mwalimu asingefuata hilo Azimio na hiyo Miiko ya uongozi hii nchi sijuhi ingekuaje, kwa kifupi kutokana na kutoelewa kwetu nchi kama Norway, Finland na zingine za scandnavia wanatushangaa sana WaTanzania kwa kutomwelewa Mwalimu, Azimio la Arusha ni case study kubwa sana kwenye vyuo vya Norway na theory nyingi tu za Mwalimu wanazipractise na zinawork out, na baada ya kutuona atumwelewi mwalimu walikuja Tanzania kutusaidia kwenye hii self reliance, hao jamaa walikuja na DANIDA, FINIDA etc na walijikita sana kwenye vyuo vya VETA, lakini wapi wapo watu ambao wanajua kila kitu, miiko ya ungozi zirro,Lakini mimi nadhani ni sisi waTanzania tu tusiokuwa na uelewa sahihi wa kile mwalimu alichokuwa anazungumza, yeye alikuwa kwenye Dunia nyingine kabisa ambayo sisi bado hatujafika, lakini iam sure Wazungu wengi hata hao sisi tunaowaona mabepari wanamkubali na wanapractice baadhi ya theory zake

Wakuu naomba kuuliza - hivi Nyerere alianza lini kuwa na hizi siasa za Ujamaa na Kujitegemea?, kila nikiangalia historia namuona kabla ya uhuru na mara baada ya uhuru alikuwa ni "yes man" wa Uingereza tu, ingawaje ilikuwa ikijulikana baada ya uhuru Tanganyika itafuata siasa za ki socialist lakini baada ya uhuru hakukuwa na mabadiliko yaliyoonyesha kwamba Nyerere alifuata siasa za ki socialist mpaka wakati wa Azimio la Arusha (miaka sita baada ya uhuru!!!). Nimesikia pia kuwa hizi siasa za ujamaa na kujitegemea zilichangiwa sana na Abdulrahman Babu ambae alikuwa ni mkomunisti na tayari alishiriki katika ku nationalize ardhi na mali nyenginezo kule Zanzibar baada ya Mapinduzi, Babu alipata cheo cha uwaziri wa JMT baada ya muungano na kuna ushahidi tosha kuwa picha ilikuwa haiendi baina yake na Karume na alibaki kuishi Tanzania Bara (kama alivyofanya Salim Ahmed Salim na wengineo), inasemekana Babu alikuwa karibu sana na Nyerere kipindi hiki hata kuna dhana kwamba sababu mojawapo ya Karume kusema "Azimio la Arusha mwisho Chumbe" ni kutokana na Babu kuhusika na hili azimio - bila shaka kuna sababu nyengine kubwa zaidi ya hii iliyompelekea kutamka hayo. Jee kuna ukweli wa yote haya au hadithi za mitaaani tu?. Wajuvi nijuvyeni. Na kumradhi kwa wale wanaoona naanza kumchambua saint wao.

 

[Companero]

Wakuu naomba kuuliza - hivi Nyerere alianza lini kuwa na hizi siasa za Ujamaa na Kujitegemea?, kila nikiangalia historia namuona kabla ya uhuru na mara baada ya uhuru alikuwa ni "yes man" wa Uingereza tu, ingawaje ilikuwa ikijulikana baada ya uhuru Tanganyika itafuata siasa za ki socialist lakini baada ya uhuru hakukuwa na mabadiliko yaliyoonyesha kwamba Nyerere alifuata siasa za ki socialist mpaka wakati wa Azimio la Arusha (miaka sita baada ya uhuru!!!). Nimesikia pia kuwa hizi siasa za ujamaa na kujitegemea zilichangiwa sana na Abdulrahman Babu ambae alikuwa ni mkomunisti na tayari alishiriki katika ku nationalize ardhi na mali nyenginezo kule Zanzibar baada ya Mapinduzi, Babu alipata cheo cha uwaziri wa JMT baada ya muungano na kuna ushahidi tosha kuwa picha ilikuwa haiendi baina yake na Karume na alibaki kuishi Tanzania Bara (kama alivyofanya Salim Ahmed Salim na wengineo), inasemekana Babu alikuwa karibu sana na Nyerere kipindi hiki hata kuna dhana kwamba sababu mojawapo ya Karume kusema "Azimio la Arusha mwisho Chumbe" ni kutokana na Babu kuhusika na hili azimio - bila shaka kuna sababu nyengine kubwa zaidi ya hii iliyompelekea kutamka hayo. Jee kuna ukweli wa yote haya au hadithi za mitaaani tu?. Wajuvi nijuvyeni. Na kumradhi kwa wale wanaoona naanza kumchambua saint wao.

Kuna tofauti kubwa kati ya mawazo ya AM Babu na JK Nyerere ndio maana ilibidi Babu abwage/abwagishwe manyanga. Babu alikuwa Mmaksisti ambao wanaamini katika Usoshalisti wa Kisayansi. Nyerere alikuwa Mjamaa ambao tunaamini katika Ujamaa wa Kiafrika. Na kwa kiasi kikubwa nadharia za Mwalimu zilichochewa na Wasoshalisti wa Kifabiani wa huko huko Uingereza unakokusema ila baadaye alichanganya na madesa kutoka kwa Wachina na Warusi. Kulikuwa na mjadala humu JF kuhusu Babu, utafute utaona kwa nini hawa wanafikra walikuwa wanatofautiana - tena Babu mpaka aliandika kitabu chenye jina lililojikita katika swali hili: 'Socialist Africa au African Socialism?' yaani 'Afrika ya Kisoshalisti au Usoshalisti wa Kiafrika?' Ukiangalia hapo utaona upande wa Babu ulikuwa ni kwenye kujenga Afrika ya Kisoshalisti na upande wa Nyerere ulikuwa ni kujenga Usoshalisti wa Kiafrika. Kabla hajafa Babu aliandika kamuswada ka kuonesha jinsi atavyolezea kwa undani historia nzima ya tofauti zao na kadhalika; muswada huo umechapwa na E & D Publishing Vision Limited na unaitwa 'I Saw the Future and it Works' akimaanisha aliona namna ya kufanya siku za usoni Tanzania/Zanzibar ziwe za mafanikio.

Kwa ufupi, mawazo ya Kijamaa Nyerere alikuwa nayo kabla hata ya Uhuru ila aliyaweka sawa zaidi kinadharia katika kijitabu/kipanfleti chake cha 1962 kinachoitwa 'Ujamaa - The Basis of African Socialism', yaani, 'Ujamaa - Msingi wa Usoshalisti wa Kiafrika'. Baada ya miaka kama mitano hivi alipoona hautekelezeki vizuri kwa sababu ya Wabenzi na Migomo ya Wanafunzi basi ndio akaamua kuja na Azimio la Arusha la 1967 ambalo kwa kiasi kikubwa ni muendelezo wa hicho kijizuu cha 1962. Ifuatayo ni dondoo kutoka katika tasnifu yangu kuhusu jinsi nadharia za Mwalimu zilivyojengeka mpaka kumpelekea kulitangaza Azimio la Arusha la Mwaka 1967:

2.2. The Clash of Ideologies on Social Policy in the Aftermath of Independence
The state of education policy in Tanzania from the time it won its independence in 1961 until 1967 was heavily laden with the confusions and contradictions which resulted from the abrupt transition toward independence. According to Morrison (1972), the authorities responsible for education in Tanzania retained the institutional framework that was set up on the eve of independence under the Education Ordinance of 1961. Even though President Nyerere viewed basic primary education as a basic right for everyone, he somehow bought the idea of dealing with the inherited challenge of primary versus post-primary school by attempting to control the expansion of the former. His government adopted the Three Year Development Plan for 1961-1964, which put more emphasis on the latter because it needed ‘manpower' to fill the bureaucratic positions which were being vacated by colonial and expatriate bureaucrats.

These top-down, statist policies failed to control the expansion of both official and quasi-official primary education due to the ‘great urge for education' among the majority who viewed it as an escapade from poverty. The favouring of ‘manpower' planning at the expense of universal primary education, did not only have the negative effect of creating what came to be known as a primary school leavers crisis, but it also created a liberal elite bureaucrat. An influx of ‘failed' school leavers was roaming the urban streets and villages, having their hopes for a better life dashed while a new generation of elites known as wabenzi – i.e. those who drive Benz - was growing richer and more privileged.

2.2.1. The Cold War and the Quest for Making a Most Rational Policy Choice

The above-mentioned problems were exacerbated by the cold war, which was characterised by the global pull and push for states to make an ‘either or' choice between capitalist or socialist oriented social-economic policies. Nyerere (196 opted for socialism, arguing that is was a most rational choice. However, Nyerere (1962) didn't only reject the capitalism of the Western bloc, which he saw as aiming to build a society on the basis of exploitation of man by man, but he also rejected what he called the doctrinaire socialism of the Eastern bloc because of he saws it as seeking to build its happy society on a philosophy of inevitable conflict between man and man. Although Nyerere (2000) always asserted that he has never been a Marxist and never claimed to be a liberal, he, however, was to formulate policies that were an amalgamation of many political traditions, Marxism and liberalism variants included.

2.2.2. The Ideological Amalgam of African Socialism and Welfare State Liberalism

Frustrated by the elitist development described above and the heightened educational crises which culminated in the National Service dispute, President Nyerere, who was by now the key education policy maker in Tanzania, decided to formulate education policies which, though radical in their own rights, were anticipated by the above-discussed colonial agricultural-based educational policies which were detested by the majority of Tanzanians. The time was ripe now for Nyerere, who is on Hatch (1976) and Smith (1973) records for claiming that his self-evolved ideas of politics were formed completely at the University of Edinburgh were his strongest subject was philosophy, to implement a synthesis of the liberal ideas to the Tanzanian education system and to nation as a whole.

Not deviating much from the social democratic liberalism conceptualisations of the father of utilitarianism, John Stuart Mill, whom he admired a lot, Nyerere (1966) came up ‘a new synthesis of man and society' which aimed to resolve the above-mentioned tension between the individual and his/her society and paved the way for the creation of a quasi socialist welfare state. His synthesis asserted that man's existence in society involves an inevitable and inescapable conflict of his own two main desires: the desire for freedom to pursue his own interests/inclination and the desire for the freedoms which can only be obtained through life in society. He further assert that this necessitate the individual to sacrifice, in the interest of the society, certain private freedoms which he could have possessed outside the society if it was at all possible to live outside the society.

To Nyerere, the basic purpose of this society - which is to serve man, - could be realised by the establishment of institutions which safeguard and promote both unity and freedom as well as by fostering an attitude - a social ethic – which ensures that these institutions remain true to their purpose and are adapted as need arises. It follows, then, that all social and economic policies were to be formulated with the aim of creating a new society that was founded on these social democratic liberal ideals. However, to Nyerere, these policies were to be distinctively African in the sense that they could synthesize traditional African family values with modern techniques in order to build a relatively well-off egalitarian society. He called this synthesis ‘Ujamaa' i.e. the Kiswahili word for ‘familyhood' and he institutionalized it in his Arusha Declaration of 1967.

The Declaration, Nyerere asserted, "supplied the need for a definition of socialism in Tanzanian terms, and provided the necessary sign-post of the direction in which the nation must travel to achieve its goals" (Nyerere 1968: viii). This need, as he further noted, arose from the fact that for a long time the meaning of this philosophy in the Tanzanian condition was left vague even though the ruling party had been officially committed to the building of a socialist society since 1962. This lack of ideology, as he further asserts, did not prevent TANU and its government from pursuing policies which were in fact socialist. However, "the absence of a generally accepted and easily understood statement of philosophy and policy was allowing some Government and Party actions which were not consistent with building socialism, and which even encouraged the growth of non-socialist values and attitudes" (Nyerere, 1968, pp. vii- viii).

These Arusha Declaration policy statements were then complemented by Nyerere's (1968) Socialism and Rural Development and Nyerere's (1968) Education for Self-Reliance (ESR) Policy booklets. The former text called for the establishment of cooperative communities. In the latter text, he offers an alternative to the inherited capitalistic colonial education system which limited the expansion of educational facilities and inculcated values that were irrelevant to the needs of Tanzania. Sensing thatthe low rate of social-economic development meant that post-primary education will remain elitist, he called for a relevant and complete universal primary schooling.Since he viewed the traditional African family, which was mainly rural and agricultural, as the natural embodiment of this new society we were trying to create and that the school was an important socializing institution, Nyerere asserted that schools should become farming communities.

 

[Konzogwe]

Kuna huu wosia aliotoa May 1,1966 kwa watumishi wa umma,nadhani mmeusikia TBC.Mwl kakemea tabia yao watawala ya "kudaidai" tu nyongeza ya mishahara mara marupurupu wakati inchi haina hela....SASA nauliza yanazingatiwa??? Anzia kwa President wangu mpendwa,je keshawahi kutoa hotuba ya kukemea tabia hii kama enzi za Mwl?? Na hawa viongozi wetu nao wameacha kudaidai??
Da!Enzi za Mwalimu!!

 

[Junius]

Jamani ehhh hakuna reference nyengine?