Generali Ojukwu Ni Kwanini?

Generali Ojukwu Ni Kwanini?

W.J. Malecela,
Hivbi tatizo liko wapi hapa haswa ikiwa leo hii Tanzania tuna majeshi yetu South Sudan, Congo na Rwanda yakilinda amani huko chini ya bendera ya AU ndio inaleta tofauti?.. Kumbuka tu kwamba miaka ile UN walikuwa hawapeleki majeshi yake kulinda amani nchi za dunia ya tatu na pia AU wenyewe tulikuwa hatuna jeshi la umoja huo.

Nadhani muhimu hapa mkuu wangu ni kutazama uhuru, Justice na Usawa unaotolewa na watalawa kwa wananchi wake kama kitapungua japo kimoja wapo basi tanzania tunatakiwa kusimama bega kwa bega na wanaharakati wa nchi hiyo na kaa itawezekana kupeleka misaada kwa lengo la KULINDA haki zao. Kama tulipeleka majeshi Msumbiji, Zinmbabwe na South Afrika nchi ambazo tayari zilishatangaza Uhuru wake inakuwaje tunaona vibaya kuhusu Nigeria au kwa sababu ni watu weusi wenzetu.

zomba
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Mkuu wangu acha hizo yaani unataka kunambia wewe ulitembea na makopo kuchangisha fedha za madafu kuisaidia Biafra wakati hela hiyo haina thamani huko Nigeria. Hivi weli unataka kunambia Nyerere alikuwa mjinga kiasi hicho kweli unachangisha Tsh kusaidia Biafra wakati Benki kuu na benki zote zenye Dollar ni mali ya Taifa...

Tuliokuwa nao wakati huo wanaweza kuja kunisaidia kwa hili, mimi mwenyewe nimebeba kopo, lina kama ya kuvaa shingoni, jeupe, lina picha ya mtoto wa kinaijeria kakonda kabaki kichwa tu, ili watu waone huruma wachangie. Tukipita kuzunguka mitaa ya Jamhuri, Libya, Mosque, Kitumbini, Independence kwa uchache. Sikufungi kamba wala sikupigi rungu, hivo ndivyo ilivyokuwa.

Usishangae kuhusu pesa za madafu, ile ilikuwa more of a "brain washing exercise" ili wengi waamini kuwa kinachoamuliwa kilikuwa ni sahihi. Fedha ilikuwa bado haijayayushwa ikayayuka sawasawa bado ilikuwepo ya Mkonge.
 
Tuliokuwa nao wakati huo wanaweza kuja kunisaidia kwa hili, mimi mwenyewe nimebeba kopo, lina kama ya kuvaa shingoni, jeupe, lina picha ya mtoto wa kinaijeria kakonda kabaki kichwa tu, ili watu waone huruma wachangie. Tukipita kuzunguka mitaa ya Jamhuri, Libya, Mosque, Kitumbini, Independence kwa uchache. Sikufungi kamba wala sikupigi rungu, hivo ndivyo ilivyokuwa.

Usishangae kuhusu pesa za madafu, ile ilikuwa more of a "brain washing exercise" ili wengi waamini kuwa kinachoamuliwa kilikuwa ni sahihi. Fedha ilikuwa bado haijayayushwa ikayayuka sawasawa bado ilikuwepo ya Mkonge.
Kwanza nikuulize ilikuwa mwaka gani, na kama ulitembeza kopo yawezekana ilikuwa NGO ya nje ambao walitengeneza makopo hayo na kuweka picha maana sisi hatukua na uwezo wala access hizo. Wee mtu mzima una exposure unajua fika NGOs wanavyotumia nafasi kama hizi kutengeneza ngawila, huko nyuma hatukuwahi kuona wala kusikia vitu hivi NGOs hadi majuzi tu wakati vilikuwepo toka zamani sana. Fedha ya mkonge iliuzwa kwa dollar huko nje, hizo shilingi za nini? mliliwa na mjanja mmoja aliyewaingiza mjini.
 
- Kila ninapoangalia tulikotokea hili Taifa, ninapatwa wasi wasi sana kwamba hatukufika hapa tulipo kwa makosa, tumefanya makosa mengi sana nyuma in terms of policies mpaka leo hii kurekebisha inakuwa ni almost impossible, ingawa watawala wa sasa wanajitahidi sana.

- Eti ni kwa nini Tanzania tuliunga mkono Waasi wa Nigeria waliokuwa wanaongozwa na General Ojukwu, kwenye kiu yao ya kujitenga na Nigeria Federation? Ninakumbuka tukiwa wadogo Shuleni, tulivyokuwa tunaimbishwa nyimbo za kumsifu Ojukwu, why? I mean ni policies ngapi huko nyuma we were wrong maana inaonekana ni nyingi sana that ni vigumu sana sasa kurekebisha njia!

- JE have we ever apologize to the Nigerians kwa makosa yetu ya kuuunga mkono uasi wa Ojukwu, dhidi ya serikali halali ya nchi hiyo?

- MUNGU AIBARIKI TANZANIA!


William J. Malecela.

Usha google? Kuna thread watu washajadili sana hili mpaka mi statement ya Nyerere kupitia Chediel Mgonja, Waziri wa Nchi, Mambo ya Nchi za nje, ilitolewa.

Ona hapa https://www.jamiiforums.com/great-thinkers/90742-why-did-nyerere-support-biafra.html#post1298229
 
- Sasa mkuu kweli tunadikie mate na wino upo? Si wananchi wamepiga kura mara ya mwisho na kuchagua CCM au?

Willaim.

Mkuu

Nyerere hakua malaika so there are times alikua anafanya makosa but angalia mazuri yake na mabaya then umjudge,kumcriticize based on some history **** is useless,and again kuendelea kuinsist that ccm still bado wanauwezo wa kuivusha hii nchi upande wa pili ni kuonyesha ukosefu wa kutofikiri vizuri,slow down kaka talk sense for sometime!
 
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Nawasilisha uchambuzi huu unaotokana na kijitabu cha Nyerere kuhusu BIAFRA:

In his 1969 painstaking defence of our stances on secessions, Mwalimu Nyerere noted that Tanzania was particularly "accused of the most blatantly inconsistency because it opposed Katanga and recognised Biafra."

His analysis revealed superficial similarities advanced by the opponents of Biafra. It also revealed crucial similarities in favour of Biafra. He observed that these areas were rich in natural resources that attracted foreign companies. Respective former colonial powers sided with these companies. However, Belgium sided with seceding Katanga against a united Congo, while Britain sided with a federated Nigeria against a seceding Biafra.

Only great simplicity or even extreme naivety, Mwalimu Nyerere thus asserted, "could lead anyone to accept that Britain is defending the unity of Nigeria or African unity, in general." In as much as Tanzania wanted to see a federated Nigeria as a step towards a united Africa, it was not ready to support a war to keep Biafrans as part of Nigeria even against their will.

In other words, Tanzania couldn't support Katanga because its leader was a stooge of imperial interests that are essentially opposed to African nationalism and Pan-Africanism. But it supported Biafra because Tanzanians could not afford to see a potential great exemplar of African unity become an African imperial power. Freewill had to prevail.

CHANZO: AUMONITOR | Unity at What Cost
 
..Hotuba ya ku-surrender iliyotolewa na Ojukwu hii hapa.


OJUKWU'S CALL FROM EXILE.

Three days ago I left the Republic of Biafra with

certain members of my Cabinet as a result of a
decision taken by that Cabinet in the interest of our
people's survival. Since my departure events have
moved with such breathless speed that friends and foe
alike have been left not only bewildered but confused.


It is therefore necessary for me to address these
words to the international press in order to keep the
records right, and in pursuit of the object of my
leaving the Republic of Biafra.

It is necessary in order to understand events that
have led to the drama of the past few days to look
back at the origin of our conflict and conduct in this
war. Biafra, once the eastern region of Nigeria, was
one of three sovereignties that banded together to
form the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Three of the
reasons which made the sovereignties bind themselves
together were:

1. Mutual protection of life and property - hence the
fundamental human rights entrenched in our
constitution and the arrangements made for the joint
control of the police.

2. Security against external and internal threats -
hence the responsibility of the central Government for
defence.

3. The promotion of international trade and good
relations with foreign countries - hence the
assignment of exclusive responsibility to the central
Government.

During the course of our first experiment in
nationhood it was clear that the Federal Organization
had neither the will nor the desire to maintain that
unity of purpose for which the Federation was founded.

In 1966 it became clear that the central authority was
unable and unwilling to fulfil the terms for which it
was established. Right under her nose the people of
Eastern Nigeria, now Biafrans, were subjected to such
acts of barbarism, such atrocities that gave clear
indication of a genocide that was to come.

The people of Biafra, in full consultation and
believing that the only guarantee for security lay in
the resumption of the sovereignty, mandated me to
proclaim their territory the sovereign and independent
Republic of Biafra, and to take up arms if need be to
protect the lives and property of our people and the
independence was thus proclaimed.

On July 6, 1967, the Federal forces crossed the
boundaries of Biafra and attacked her defenseless
populace. Our people, in the face of such aggression,
had no alternative but to defend themselves as best
they could. The war that ensued has continued from
that day with unabated fury until today when we find
that, because of certain limitations, we are no longer
able to offer formal military resistance to the
Nigerian aggressors.

For three years we have fought against overwhelming
odds. Our conduct of the war has contrasted sharply
with that of the Nigerian hordes. We were always
aware of our limitation, and therefore have never
discontinued out efforts for peace and a negotiated
settlement.

We had relied on the conscience of the world to
respect the rights of our people to self-determination
and security. We have been frustrated by an
international conspiracy against the interest of the
African.

Yet, believing in the justice of our cause and the
ultimate triumph of truth over falsehood, outnumbered
and outgunned, we have grimly held back the
unrelenting enemy for three grueling years with our
bare hands.

Nigeria began her recent final offensive against
Biafra in October 1969 after months of preparations,
which included the starvation of our entire populace
to such sub-human level that the movement of enemy
troops through our territory became a mere formality.

For months we cried to an unsympathetic world,
pointing out the danger of a total blockade and siege
warfare at this stage of world civilization. In
answer to that cry our people were further subjected
to more deprivation by the drastic reduction of relief
supplies, not only to the menfolk but to our women and
children, to the aged and the very young, to the old
and the infirm.

By the end of November the Biafra armed forces were no
longer able to feed themselves; our civil populace
were neither able to feed themselves nor the army.
Yet over 30 grim days our gallant and heroic forces
maintained their positions in the sheer hope of a
miraculous respite.

In the first week of January, the Nigerian forces, by
a fast military move, took control of the last areas
from where we had any possibility of obtaining food.
In quick succession demoralization set in, threatening
national disintegration and bringing in its wake
confusion and mass exodus.

I gathered together at Owerri during the night of
January 8, 1970, those members of my Cabinet who could
be contacted to review the situation. At that meeting
I presented in firm and clear terms the grim
hopelessness of continued formal military resistance.

I informed the Cabinet that my primary duty in the
circumstances was to seek the protection of our
exhausted people and to save the leadership of our
heroic republic. I therefore offered to go out of
Biafra myself in search of peace.

I decided personally to lead any delegation in order
to give it maximum effect and to speed up matters in
order to save the lives of our people and preserve the
concept of Biafra. I did this knowing that whilst I
live Biafra lives. If I am no more it would be only a
matter of time for the noble concept to be swept into
oblivion.

I chose for the delegation the following persons: Dr.
M.I. Okpara, my political adviser; Mr. N.U. Akpan, my
Chief Secretary; Major-General Madiebo, the commander
of my army.

In the fluid and uncertain military circumstances the
Cabinet considered it advisable and reasonable that
families of envoys in or going abroad should be sent
out. My last hours in Biafra before my departure were
spent in close consultation with Major-General Philip
Effiong, whom I had appointed to administer the
Government in my absence, and his last request to me
was to take out his family and to maintain them under
my protection. I agreed.

Since the departure of the delegation from Biafra, we
have remained faithful to our mandate. We have made
contacts with friends and men of goodwill. We have
spared no efforts to mobilize all forces in an effort
to take food into Biafra on a gigantic scale. We have
taken steps to alert the world to the real fears of
genocide at the hands of the Nigerians.

Nigeria's continuing efforts have always been directed
at domesticizing the conflict in order to apply the
final solution to the Biafran problem away from the
glare of an inquisitive world.

From all indications it is clear that Nigeria will not
feed our people. They have said so often enough, and
their past records clearly underling this fact. There
is no food whatsoever in Biafra and unless food can
get into Biafran mouths in the next 72 hours it will
be too late.

Nigeria's insistence to control the distribution of
relief is both to ensure that Biafrans get no such
relief, and also to shut out outsiders who might
witness and expose the enormous crimes she plans to
commit against our people.

Nigeria throughout this war has distinguished herself
for a lack of control over her armed forces. It is
therefore most unlikely that, flushed with an
intoxication of unexpected military victory, she will
be able to exercise any measure of control on her
forces now on the rampage.

In any case Nigeria's aim is to destroy the elite of
Biafra. The only possible way of preventing such a
catastrophe is by interposing between the contesting
forces some neutral force to prevent a genocide that
would make 1939-45 Europe a mere child's play.
We have always believed in the futility of this war.
We have always maintained that this war will solve no
problems. If this carnage must stop, Nigerian leaders
and their friends must borrow a leaf from the lessons
of the last world war, where it was found that a
permanent settlement could only emerge from an
honourable peace.

Immediate efforts should therefore be directed towards
early negotiations for peace without exacting full
tribute of conquest. Only in this way can peace which
the whole world desires have any chance.
I therefore appeal to all governments and
international organizations, countries and churches of
the world, men and women of goodwill, to both out
friends and enemies, in the interest of humanity to
come forward to assist and protect the lives and
talents of Biafra, to relieve the starvation and
wasteful death now the only companion of our exhausted
people.

I implore the world to rise to this desperate need, to
mount all possible pressures on Nigeria to ensure that
food gets to my people.

I would like to conclude this statement with a solemn
declaration, emphasizing again the point I have
repeatedly made in this appeal to the governments of
the world to save my people from extermination.
The sole motive behind Nigeria's determination to draw
an iron curtain over Biafra and exclude international
observers, relief agencies, journalists whom they have
not carefully picked themselves, is to make sure that
the atrocities they will certainly carry out in Biafra
is unseen and unreported in the world press.
Once they have sealed off Biafra from the gaze of
mankind, I hesitate to contemplate the fate of the
Biafran leadership, the trained manpower, the
scientists and professionals whom they would liquidate
as planned before the world can interfere.
Genocide, I repeat, is not an internal affair of
Nigeria, and it is the clear duty of those powers who
have armed and helped Nigeria to gain victory over
Biafra to step in and persuade Gowon to allow
international agencies and observers to enter Biafra
to feed the hungry, to heal the sick and to save a
whole people from complete annihilation.

If they fail to persuade Nigeria to open her doors to
these agencies then their declarations of humanitarian
aid to Nigeria becomes mere propaganda. I repeat the
aims of Nigeria are genocidal - the test that the
contrary is the case is her willingness to admit
humanitarian agencies whom Gowon has now openly
declared he will exclude.

As a people we have endured as only giants endure. We
have fought as heroes fight. We have dared as only
gods dare. We are disillusioned by the world's
insensitivity to the plight of our people. Yet
because our cause is just we believe we have not lost
the war, only that the battlefield has changed.
We are convinced that Biafra will survive. Biafra was
born out of the blood of innocents slaughtered in
Nigeria during the pogroms of 1966. Biafra will ever
live, not as a dream but as the crystallization of the
cherished hopes of a people who see in the
establishment of this territory a last hope for peace
and security. Biafra cannot be destroyed be mere
force of arms.

May I take this opportunity to thank all those persons
and organizations that have sacrificed that we might
live - that we assure them that their sacrifice will
not be in vain.

Biafra lives. The struggle continues. Long live the
Republic of Biafra.
 
Mleta mada umegusa pazuri sana.

Sakata la Zanzibar, iliyoungana tu na Tanganyika linakuwa mwao watu kutaka kujitenga na muungano. Biafra iliyokuwa part and parcel ya Nigeria, si kwa kuungana, walipotaka kujitoa (secession) Nyerere aliwaunga mkono kwa hali na mali. Nakumbuka makopo ya kuchangisha pesa za Biafra tukilazimishwa mashuleni kuyabeba na kwenda kufanya umatonya, nasema kulazimishwa kwa kuwa hakuna aliyeweza kukataa. Tukipita kuomba omba mitaani kuwaombea Biafra kwa kushinikizwa na Nyerere.

Ilikuwa ni udini mtupu wa Nyerere na hakuna zaidi.

Nyerere alikuwa ni kanisa kwanza, Tanzania baadae. Mnafikiri kwanini anapigiwa debe na wakristo wenzie ili apewe utakatifu?

Lakini Mwenyeezi Mungu ni mkubwa, hakuna alichofanya chochote kikawa na mafanikio si siku hizo si baadae, kwa kuwa alichokisema ni kingine na aliyonayo moyoni ni mengine. Mungu hatazami matamshi yetu, hutazama nia zetu.

zomba

Tatizo la Mkandara ana mahaba sana na Mwl Nyerere hawezi kabisa kuyataja mapungufu yake kama ili la Biafra ukweli unajulikana na nafsi yake inajua kuwa Mwl Nyerere aliwaunga mkono waasi wa Biafra sababu kubwa ni dini, lakini hawezi kuandika hayo kwa mahaba makubwa na Mwl Nyerere.
 
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Umenikumbusha miaka ile sisi tulio kuwepo. Mwakilishi wa Biafra nchini Tanzania na sehemu zingine za Afrika Mashariki alikuwa ni Dr. Austine Okwu. Namkumbuka sana pia kwamba alikuwa anaendesha mwenyewe Mercedes Benz nyeupe. Tulikuwa tunamwona Dar mara nyingi. Miaka michache iliyopita, alikuwa anafundisha somewhere in Pennsylvania, USA.

Msimamo wa Mwalimu kuhusu Biafra ulikuwa wazi kabisa. Kuna watu walikuwa wanasema Tanzania iliitambua Biafra kama nchi kwa sababu Nyerere alikuwa anawapendelea Wabiafra ambao walikuwa ni Wakatoliki wenzake na walikuwa vitani na Waisalmu wa Nigeria Kaskazini, hawa Wahausa. Ni kweli Waibo wengi sana ni Wakatoliki. Lakini Ukatoliki wao haukusika kabisa na nchi yetu chini ya uongozi wa Nyerere kuitambua Biafra. Nakumbuka hata Professor Ali Amin Mazrui, Mwislamu, alivyomtetea Nyerere na kusema kwamba Nyerere haikuitambua Biafra kwa sababu Wabiafra ni Wakatoliki wenzake, ingawa hakukubaliana na uamuzi huo wa Mwalimu kuitambua Biafra kama nchi. Wakati ule ule wa vita nchini Nigeria, na miaka iliyofuata baada ya hapo, Nyerere alikuwa mbele kuwatetea Wapalestine, wengi wao ambao ni Waislamu, walipokuwa wanauawa na wanakandamizwa na Wayahudi wa Israel ambao siyo Waislamu.

Kumbuka pia kwamba kati ya marafiki zake wa karibu sana miaka ile, Ahmed Sekou Toure, Gamal Abdel Nasser, na Ahmed Ben Bella, walikuwa ni Waislamu. Kwa mfano mwingine, Leopold Senghor na Mobutu, ambao ni Wakatoliki kama yeye, hawakuwa rafiki zake.

Nyerere alieleza kwa kirefu kwamba Wabiafra hawakuweza tena kuishi kwa amani na usalama katika nchi yao ya Nigeria na walikuwa wanauawa bila serikali ya Nigeria kufanya chochote kuwalinda na kukomesha mauaji hayo. Nakumbuka wakati ule Waibo walipouawa kwa wingi sana katika vituo vya basi na matreni Nigeria Kaskazini walipokuwa wanajaribu kuondoka kwa haraka na kurudi nyumbani kwao Nigeria Mashariki mauji yalipoanza kwa wingi sehehmu hizo za kaskazini ya Nigeria. Hundreds of them were massacred at bus and train stations. By September 1966, kuanzia January mwaka huo, more than 50,000 Eastern Nigerians, mostly Igbos, were massacred in Northern Nigeria. Serikali ya Northern Nigeria haikufanya chochote to stop the killings. Pia serikali ya Shirkisho la Nigeria haikufanya chochote. The massacres continued. Nyerere alieleza hayo yote.

Ikawalazimu Waibo, and other Eastern Nigerians, kurudi nyumbani kwao Mashariki ya Nigeria ambako ni huko tu walikotegemea kuishi kwa usalama na amani bila kushambuliwa na kuuawa na Wanigeria wenzao, hasa kaskazini ya nchi hiyo.

Baada ya kujitenga, walifuatwa na Jeshi la Shirkisho la Nigeria kuwalazimisha wabaki katika Shirikisho ambamo hawakuwa na usalama. Hata hospitali zao, shule na masoko, in Eastern Nigeria were bombed. Ndege zilizotumiwa to bomb Biafra zilikuwa ni Mig 15s na Ilyushins kutoka Soviet Union. They were flown by Egyptian pilots. Nigeria ilinunua ndege hizo kutoka USSR. They arrived in crates in Kano, Northern Nigeria, in August 1967, and were assembled by about 200 Soviet technicians. Na Warusi waliendelea kuwatumia zingine pamoja na Czech L-29 Delphin fighters kupitia Kano.

Nyerere alijaribu kuwaomba viongozi wa Nigeria kukaa chini na kuzungumza na Biafran leaders bila kusisitiza kwamba Biafra should first renounce secession. Alisema pre-conditions haziwezi kusaidia kupata suluhisho kwa sababu Biafrans waliamini kwamba hawatakiwi tena katika Shirikisho la Nigeria na ndiyo maana walikuwa wanauawa, na ndiyo maana Serikali ya Shirikisho pamoja na serikali ya Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto, premier wa jimbo la Kaskazini, Northern Nigeria, hazikufanya chochote kuwasaidia kukomesha mauaji hayo.

Vita ikaendelea, and the Egyptian pilots in their high-fliying fighter jets continued to bomb Eastern Nigeria indiscriminately. The Biafrans had no aerial defence against such attacks. Viongozi wa Biafra walimwomba Nyerere privately kwamba amwombe Nasser to pull out his pilots. Walitegemea kwamba atafanikiwa kwa sababu walijua Nasser na Nyerere walikuwa marafiki sana. Nyerere alifanya hivyo ingawa walitofautiana kuhusu Biafran secession. Nasser alikuwa miongoni mwa viongozi wa Afrika waliokuwa wanasema maintain the integerity of Nigeria at all costs. Nyerere alisema huwezi kuwa na umoja wa kudumu na wa haki, na huwezi kuwaunganisha watu, kwa kuwaua na ikiwa unawabagua. Aliwahi hata kumwambia Nkrumah, face to face in 1963, kwamba "We are not going to have an African Napoleon" kuunganisha nchi zetu.

Ingawa nchi nyingi zaidi zilikuwa upande wa Nigeria, kuna hata viongozi wengine ambao hawakuitambua Biafra - iliyotambuliwa kwanza na Tanzania, April 1968, halafu na Zambia, Ivory Coast, na Gabon in that order - waliokuwa na mashaka na msimamo wa Nigeria kuendelea na vita and who were sympathetic to Biafra: General Ankrah of Ghana, Habib Bourgiba of Tunisia na Milton Obote. Inasemekana Obote came very close to recognising Biafra but couldn't do so because Uganda hosted peace talks between Nigeria and the secessionist region during that time.

Nasser aliendelea ku support Nigeria. Lakini pia pilots wake were later replaced by Nigerian pilots after they learned how to fly Russian fighter planes. Na urafiki wake na Nyerere was not affected by their differences on Biafra's secession. In one of his last speeches at the University of Dar es Salaam, December 1997, which Professor Haroub Othman who was there on that day said was one of Nyerere's best speeches, Nyerere alisema alikuwa karibu sana na Nasser and they got along very well. Katika hotuba hiyo, Nyerere covered the whole continent and the entire period kuanzia mwanzoni mwa 1960s mpaka 1990s - and beyond, alivyo ona where Africa was headed in the future. It was his farewell speech to Africa as if he knew he did have much time left in this world.

Pia Nyerere na Nasser walikubaliana sana on the liberation of Africa, for which Tanzania sacrificed so much under Nyerere's leadership because of his strong and umcompromising belief in human equality. Biafrans did not have that kind of equality in Nigeria when you take into account the conditions which forced them to secede from the federation.
 
Msimamo wa Mwalimu kuhusu Biafra ulikuwa wazi uonevu wa watu wale ulikuwa hauvumiliki na alilinganisha na ukandamizaji wa Wayahudi kule Ujerumani kitu kilichosababisha mauaji ya Wayahudi milioni sita. Maelezo yake kama yalivyokatika hotuba yake yana nguvu sana. Mwalimu alisukumwa na uonevu uliokuwa ukiendelea kule. Lakini kwa viongozi wengi wa Afrika wao waliona kuwa ukamilifu wa nchi ni kitu cha maana na kuwa mambo ya ndani ya nchi yasiingiliwe na nchi nyingine. Ni hoja hii ambayo Mwalimu aliipigia kelele sana wakati wa vita na Iddi Amini. Obasanjo alitoka katika Mkutano kule Monrovia pale Mwalimu alipoanza kuzungumza (1979). Msimamo wa Mwalimu wa kupinga ukiukaji wa haki za binadamu uliofanywa na Waafrika ndio ulisababishwa kutungwa kwa Mkataba wa Afrika wa Haki za Watu na Wanadamu wa Mwaka 1981.

Katika mgogoro wa Biafra Tanzania iliungwa mkono na Zambia, Ivory Coast na Gabon. Ikumbukwe kuwa Tanzania ilikuwa ni nchi ambayo ilikuwa ikijitoa muhanga kwa mambo mengi wakati ule kwani ilikuwa vilevile miongoni mwa nchi saba zilizovunja uhusiano na Uingereza kutokana na mgogoro wa Zimbabwe (Rhodesia). Bila kusahau kule kuziongoza nchi za Kiafrika kususia michezo ya Olimpiki kule Montreal Canada mwaka 1976 licha ya kuwa Waziri Mkuu wa Canada Tredeau alikuwa rafiki mkubwa wa Mwalimu.

Si hivyo tu ni kuwa Mwalimu hakusita kuvunja uhusiano na Israel kuziunga mkono nchi za Kiarabu baada ya vita ya mwaka 1973 na vilevile kupigania haki za Wapalestina, na Sahara Magharibi kwa nguvu zote.

Ninachotaka kusema ni kuwa pale Mwalimu alipoona vitendo vya unyama alipinga na hata kutuma wanajeshi au majeshi kama Comorro 1975-1976, Seychelles 1976, Angola, Guinea Bissau, Msumbiji ikiwa ni pamoja na kukubali Tanzania kuwa Makao Makuu ya Kamati ya Ukombozi wa Afrika. Hakuna kitu Nkrumah hakukipenda kama kile cha Tanzania kuchaguliwa kuwa Makao Makuu ya Kamati hii kwani aliamini kuwa Mwalimu ni kibaraka wa nchi za Magharibi. Katika Mkutano wa OAU wa mwaka 1964, Mwalimu alitoa hotuba kali akisema Tanzania ipo tayari kamati hiyo iende Ghana kama Nkrumah anaona itamfurahisha. Wote tu mashahidi wa historia kuwa uamuzi wa kuipa Tanzania jukumu hilo ulikuwa ni wa msingi kwani miaka miwili baadaye Nkrumah alipinduliwa.

Hii vilevile inanikumbusha suala lako kuhusu kwanini Mwalimu alikuwa upande mmoja na Houphet Bouigny katika suala la Biafra ni vema kukumbuka kuwa walikuwa upande mmoja katika suala na Muungano wa Afrika wakipigania muungano wa kikanda na si Muungano wa Afrika nzima.
 
Kwanza nikuulize ilikuwa mwaka gani, na kama ulitembeza kopo yawezekana ilikuwa NGO ya nje ambao walitengeneza makopo hayo na kuweka picha maana sisi hatukua na uwezo wala access hizo. Wee mtu mzima una exposure unajua fika NGOs wanavyotumia nafasi kama hizi kutengeneza ngawila, huko nyuma hatukuwahi kuona wala kusikia vitu hivi NGOs hadi majuzi tu wakati vilikuwepo toka zamani sana. Fedha ya mkonge iliuzwa kwa dollar huko nje, hizo shilingi za nini? mliliwa na mjanja mmoja aliyewaingiza mjini.

1) 1967

2) Unaandika mwenyewe kuhusu NGO halafu unajijibu mwenyewe. ???

3) US$ 1 moja ya Tanzania ilikuwa haizidi shillingi 2. Na 1967 Shillingi ilikuwa bado convertible nchi za nje.

4) 1967 baada ya kujiingiza kusaidia Biafra ndio mwaka likatangazwa Azimio la Arusha na ndio tukaanza kuingia kwenye umaskini usio na mfano.

5) Hakuwa na ujanja huo ila kumuamini kwetu ndio kulituponza na vitisho vya utawala wa kidikteta.
 
- Wewe ni msomi, so unapaswa kuelewa effect za binadam waliozoea kuishi kwenye failed policies, akiondoak kiongozi wa zile poilicies itawachua muda mrefu sana kuanza kujiamini, maana tatizo kubwa la kuzoea kuishi kwenye failed policies ni unapoteza kujiamini!

William.
Kwa maneno yako hayo unamaanisha tumepoteza kujiamini? Na huu ufisadi ni matokeo ya kutojiamini? Unataka kueleza nini hapo agwe!

Sera zilizoshindwa zilituunganisha watu wa Tanzania makabila na dini tofauti ... wewe unasema zilifail? Tuliweza kupunguza tatizo la iliteracy kwa kiwangongo cha 97% wewe unaamini ni sera zilizoshindwa? Wewe Marecela unaumwa, uwahi hospitali.

Tuliweza kusaidia mataifa mengi ya ki-Africa kujikomboa kutoka katika ukoloni wa mataifa ya magharibi, wewe unaona hizo ni sera za kushindwa!! Hii ni akili ya kukosa ufahamu na shukrani.

Je, sera za kushindwa za Nyerere zilikaa kwenye ubongo wako na kukuharibu kiasi gani wewe hadi ukashindwa kufahamu kuwa Nyerere na viongozi wengine wa Afrika walikuwa wakiongoza nchi hizi huku wakipamabana na malengo dhalimu ya maghalibi? Haikuwa rahisi kuongoza mataifa ya Africa na hata leo haijakuwa rahisi. Hata ukiacha kujihusisha na external politics ili uweze ku-concentrate na domestic processes huwezi kufika popote. Nyerere utamlaumu sana mpaka mauti yatakukuta ukimulaumu na hutaweza kumwelewa kwasababu hujamwelewa aduwi wa Afrika.

Kikwete amekubali kuwa kibaraka wa magharini nenda kampongeze sasa, ameleta sera mpya za mafanikio. 1. Ardhi tunauza 2. mbuga za wanyama tunauza 3. wanyama hai tunauza bure 4. viwanda tumeuza 5 mabenk tumeuza 6.maamuzi yetu tumeuza...tumeuza nchi yetu na sasa tunapewa chandaruwa za mbu na dawa za ukimwi. Kampongeze huyo swahiba yako ndiyo ameleka maisha bora kwa kila mtu na kujiamini. Sasa tunajiamini sana, hata rais tunaweza kumtukana. Hayo ndiyo makosa ya Nyerere?

Suala la Biafra linasikitisha na majibu yametolewa hapo juu kama unaweza kuelewa. Nimeishi na kijana wa Nigeria aliyetoka katika jimbo hilo la Biafra analalamika sana na akieleza unatambuwa mara moja msukumo wa msimamo wa Mwalimu ulikuwa na lengo la kukombowa wanyonge wanaonyanyasika na kudhurumiwa haki yao.

Wewe kwa chuki zako Nyerere ungemlaumu hata leo kama angeunga mkono South Sudan pamoja na shida walizopata. Wewee ... tulia utafakari kwanza ..unatembea mwendo mbaya ...
 
Tatizo la Mkandara ana mahaba sana na Mwl Nyerere hawezi kabisa kuyataja mapungufu yake kama ili la Biafra ukweli unajulikana na nafsi yake inajua kuwa Mwl Nyerere aliwaunga mkono waasi wa Biafra sababu kubwa ni dini, lakini hawezi kuandika hayo kwa mahaba makubwa na Mwl Nyerere.

Sina mahaba sana na siasa za Lowassa, lakini nakubaliana kabisa kabisa na kauli yake kwamba ukiwa kiongozi lazima ufanye maamuzi magumu. Yanaweza yakawa au yasiwe sahihi lakini ni vema kufanya maamuzi magumu kuliko kukaa kimya.

Nyerere aliamini kuwa binadamu wote ni sawa. Na ukiangalia msukumo wa sera zake utaona 'usawa wa binadamu' uko mbele sana. Sababu alizotoa kwa Biafra ambo wengi ni wakatoliki zinafanana sana na sababu alizotoa Palestina ambapo wengi ni waislam - haki za binadamu. Ili hoja ya udini isimame, basi inabidi tukubali kuwa Paletina nayo ni nchi wa wakatoliki. Lakini sio hivyo tu, kuna support kwa Western Sahara ambao 99.9% ni waislam.

Turudi kwenye maamuzi maagumu. Tanzania haijawahi kuwa na maburungutu ya hela, lakini wakati wa Nyerere ulijuwa kabisa Tanzania was not your average maskini. Kilichokuwa kimeandikwa kwenye sera basi alifanya hivyo hivyo. Na aliposema binadamu wote sawa alifanya exactly that. Na wakati mwingine maamuzi yake hayakuwa popular but at least you knew alisamama wapi. Nyerere na hata mawaziri wake walikuwa wanasema bila kumumunya maneno msimamo wa nchi ni upi.

Kivuli cha Nyerere bado kinasumbua watu. Na pale wanapopwaya marehemu analaumiwa! Wakati Gadhafi anachwapwa na NATO liliulizwa swali la msimamo wa Tanzania kuhusu Libya. Waziri wetu wa mambo ya nchi za nje akasema hivi "kwa sasa we are lying low". Bado sijaelewa nini hasa tasfiri ya huo msimamo but for all we know Gadhafi alochomolewa kwenye mtaro wa maji taka na kupigwa -alone!. Tanzania ilisimama na NATO au Gadhafi au na Walibya waliompinga Gadhafi? Hili linaweza kuwa input kwa research zijazo.

Madai kwamba tuko hapa kwa sababu Mwl Nyerere alitunga sera mbovu miaka ya 1960s kwangu mimi kupotezeana muda. Tuko hapa kwa sababu Tanzania hatujui tunasimamia nini? We are lying low!

Ninashuru William ameleta hii topic kwa sababu kama taifa tunatakiwa tuwe na debate kuhusu our foreign policy. Na tukimaliza kujadili policy yenyewe tuanze kukagua uwezo wa watanzania wanatakiwa kusimamia hizo policy.
 
1) 1967

2) Unaandika mwenyewe kuhusu NGO halafu unajijibu mwenyewe. ???

3) US$ 1 moja ya Tanzania ilikuwa haizidi shillingi 2. Na 1967 Shillingi ilikuwa bado convertible nchi za nje.

4) 1967 baada ya kujiingiza kusaidia Biafra ndio mwaka likatangazwa Azimio la Arusha na ndio tukaanza kuingia kwenye umaskini usio na mfano.

5) Hakuwa na ujanja huo ila kumuamini kwetu ndio kulituponza na vitisho vya utawala wa kidikteta.

Zomba,
No 3) umenoa. $1 ya Kimarekani ilikuwa ni shillingi saba. Pauni moja ilikuwa ni shillingi 20.
No4) pia ni misinformation. Azimio la Arusha limetangazwa Februari 1967. Tumetangaza kuitambua Biafra April 13, 1968.
Wapi na wapi?
 
Kama watu wanafuatilia vizuri mambo, CCM wamemgeuza Mwl Nyerere kuwa kinga. Kwa mfano CCM wakiambiwa hawana tena uwezo kuongoza nchi wanatakiwa waondoke wao wanajibu - Mwl Nyerere alisema bila CCM imara nchi itayumba. Lakini ukiwauliza kwa nini hii nchi inayumba wanasema Mwl alikuwa na sera mbovu sana!

Ndio maana nasuburi kwa hamu kubwa maelezo toka kwa William kwa nini policies za miaka ya 1960s zinatutesa sasa 2012? Na kwa nini CCM hawajaziondoa hizo policies wanazoona ni tatizo? Kama waliweza kufuta Azimio la Arusha (tena Mwl akiwa bado hai) wanashindwa nini kufuta hizo policies zingine wanazosema ni kero?
Duuh! nimecheka sina mbavu....hili ni bonge la coment! Haya William njoo ujibu sasa.
 
FJM,
Tusaidie mkuu wangu PLO nao walikuwa wanataka kujitenga kama Biafra?

Jibu muhamasishaji (UAMUSHO) acha kung'ata ulimi. Umweulizwa Tanzania ilikuwa inawunga mkono wapalestina kwa sababu ni wakrito?
 
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