Ukweli ni upi kuhusu Oscar Kambona?


Kafara

Kafara

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Kafara

Kafara

JF-Expert Member
Joined Feb 17, 2007
1,397 88 145
Mengi yamesemwa kuhusu Mzee wetu huyu na sisi tuliokuwa shuleni wakati ule tulilishwa kile ambacho naamini ni sumu. Wakubwa tuelimisheni ukweli kuhusu Mzee huyu.

kambona.jpg


Kambona, the man hypocrites don't want to hear about

SIMON MKINA
Dar es Salaam


THIS is no ordinary day. It is the 10th anniversary of the passing of Oscar Selathiel Kambona, a true Tanzanian who contributed immensely to the making of our true history.

Kambona was more than just a towering figure in politics. His life, his history from humble beginnings, and his love and passion for his country and faith, provide guiding principles to truly Tanzanians like me across the globe.

He is more than just an ideal; he is somebody we need to enshrine and use to cast a light of nationalism on ourselves as a society and learn all that we have done wrong.

It is said that when Kambona went into exile, he grew to become an icon who was respected by his wit. The thought of that humility, that respect, and the realization of the real success in this world and hereafter, brings tears to my eyes.

Mr. Kambona was born on the shores of Lake Nyasa in a small village called Kwambe near Mbamba Bay in the district of Mbinga, Songea Region in 1925. He was the son of the Reverend David Kambona and Mrs Miriam Kambona. Reverend David Kambona belonged to the first group of African priests to be ordained into the Anglican Church of Tanganyika.

When Oscar Kambona was a child, his father would tell him about his dream for independence of his country and Kambona grew up with a burning desire to be of service to his country. Kambona received his primary education at home under the mango tree, (which is still standing today) in his village by both his parents and uncle, all of whom were teachers.

He was then sent to St Barnabas Middle School in Liuli and then Alliance Secondary School in Dodoma. His school fees were paid for by the European Anglican Bishop because his father couldn't afford the school fees of 30 Pounds a year. Kambona told of how he convinced the Anglican Bishop to pay for his school fees by reciting the 'Lords Prayer' in English.

He was then selected to attend Tabora Boys' Senior Government School where he first met Nyerere, who was already teaching at a Catholic School. On completing his secondary education, Kambona returned to his former Alliance Secondary School to become a teacher and was finally appointed the Schoolmaster.

It was at a National Teachers' Conference in 1954 when the two, Kambona and Nyerere met again. Kambona offered his services to the newly formed TANU movement. Nyerere replied that TANU could not employ him as it had no funds. Kambona answered that TANU had no funds because it didn't have an Organizing Secretary and offered to give up his teaching post to work (without pay) to build up the party as its Organizing Secretary, living only off his saved up teaching salary for 6 months. During this time, Kambona traveled the country visiting chiefs and elders in a recruitment drive. At the end of 6 months, Kambona had successfully recruited 10,000 members. By the end of one year, TANU had over 100,000 fully paid up members. With the subscriptions Kambona opened the first bank account of TANU. He returned to Butiama to convince Nyerere to take up full leadership.

After three years, Kambona decided to take up the Governor's scholarship to study Law at the Middle Temple in the UK in 1957. While in London, Kambona also became Head of the Tanganyika Student's Association, Chairman of the London Branch of TANU and met for the first time his mentor, the great Pan Africanist and thinker, George Padmore. George Padmore persuaded Kambona to attend the 1958 first All Africa's People's Conference in newly Independent Ghana. There, Kambona met his other great hero Kwame Nkrumah. While studying in UK, Kambona also became the first person to broadcast the news on the BBC Kiswahili Service.

Back home in 1959, TANU had demanded 'Internal Self Government,' otherwise they were to proceed with 'Positive Action' as in the case of the Kenyan Mau Mau movement. While in London seeking approval for Internal Self Government, Nyerere discussed with Kambona possible outcomes to avert the serious situation.

In his address to the Press in London in 1991 Kambona recalls some of the events:
''Mr. Nyerere was staying with me in my cramped student accommodation. We discussed how he could avoid returning to Tanganyika to face his supporters empty handed. I managed to persuade him to state at a press conference at the East Africa House in Marble Arch that: 'The white settlers in Tanganyika were the most reasonable in East Africa.'' He agreed to do this on condition that I would suspend my law studies in London and return to Tanganyika to give him support before the National Executive Committee of TANU when he defended the 'most reasonable statement'.

Following the first elections under universal, TANU won every seat but one. TANU formed the first government under Self Rule, with Julius Nyerere as the chief minister. It was also during the preparations that Kambona married Flora Moriyo from Kilimanjaro, during a trip to London in November 1960 to finalize the details of independence with the British Government. The ceremony was held at St Paul's Cathedral, London and Julius Nyerere led the young bride to the alter.

Kambona was appointed the Minister for Education. He later held posts as the minister for home affairs, minister for external relations and defence, the first Chairman of the OAU Liberation Committee and Chairman of the Drafting Charter of the OAU and finally minister for regional administration.

In 1964 Kambona played a crucial role in the unification of Zanzibar and Tanganyika along side President Nyerere, President Karume and Chief Minister Hanga after the Zanzibar Revolution. He was also the main negotiator between the government and the rebellious army leaders in 1964, when soldiers from the Colito Barracks staged a mutiny. Nyerere and Kawawa were both led into hiding in Kigamboni.

After three days of negotiations, Kambona consented to speed up the process of 'Africanisation' within the army. In an interview with London's Daily Telegraph, Kambona said: ''after I had calmed down the soldiers, I went to fetch the other leaders in my Land Rover to bring them back to the city.'' The British army eventually put down the mutiny and Nyerere praised Kambona for his bravery and loyalty.

After the mutiny, differences between Kambona and Nyerere began to appear. Nyerere wanted to introduce a one party system into Tanzania to strengthen state security. Kambona argued against the move claiming that it would inhibit people's freedom and progress towards democracy. However, Kambona was defeated in parliament. He refused to sign the bill.

In 1967 after a trip to China in 1965, Nyerere impressed with Mao's style of communism, wanted to adopt the same system under the guise of Ujamaa. The main doctrine behind Ujamaa was the relocation of peasants into village communes and the nationalization of all industries and property. Kambona did not agree with the policies, arguing that they would rather increase poverty and state control over the people. He resigned from the Government and the party and later with his family fled to neighbouring Kenya and then UK were he was granted political asylum.

Immediately thereafter, Kambona's properties were confiscated. His two brothers Mattiya and Ottini Kambona were detained without trial and put in prison for over ten years. Other family members were harassed and detained. Some were falsely accused of plotting to overthrow the Tanzanian Government and were tried and imprisoned by the Government. Most famous of these were Bibi Titi who fought alongside Nyerere in the independence movement and was head of the woman's wing and also Michael Kamaliza, the former trade unionist and TANU member and government Minister. Other family members included Gray Mattaka, John and Elia Chipaka and Prisca Chiombola. Kambona was also accused of being the ring leader of the plotters while in London and was tried in absentia. The accused finally appealed to the East African High Court and were acquitted. Though they were later rounded up by the Tanzanian government and thrown into jail again.

Kambona was also accused of stealing millions of public funds, which he rejected out rightly in a press statement issued on 6th September in London, 1967. The allegations claimed, ''Kambona was found with a lot money when searched at Nairobi Airport''. However in his press statement, Kambona challenged the Tanzanian government to request the Kenyan authorities to 'substantiate the allegations'' which they never did.

In London Kambona led a tough life in exile under considerable financial constraints. However in 1982, his two brothers Mattiya and Otini Kambona were eventually released from detention after the intervention of New Zealand Prime Minister Robert Muldoon.

In 1990 anticipating changes in Tanzania, Oscar Kambona formed the Tanzania Democratic Alliance, an umbrella organization bringing together the various pro democracy parties. When a multi party system was introduced in 1992 Kambona requested to return to Tanzania. The Tanzanian government refused claiming that he was not a citizen. Kambona appealed to the British Government to give him a travel document to enter Tanzania. The Tanzanian authorities claimed that they would arrest him immediately upon entry. Nevertheless, on 5th September 1992, Kambona made the courageous journey back to Tanzania and triumphantly entered Tanzanian soil. No authorities were present to arrest him, though he was given only three months to sort out his nationality question.

On returning to Tanzania Kambona found that the progress towards democracy was disappointingly slow. After experiencing several strokes Oscar Kambona died in London in 1997 where he was receiving medical attention. In a twist of fate his younger brother Ottini Kambona also died at the same time from heart failure.

Kambona is survived by his wife and two children. His eldest son Mosi Kambona was murdered in London in unexplained circumstances.

The memorial service will be held at St Nicholas Cathedral in Ilala today at 15.00hrs.
source: ThisDay November 30, 2007, http://www.thisday.co.tz/News/3077.html


natumaini waandishi wa historia ya tanzania watampa nafasi yake kwa mchango mkubwa aliyoutoa.

RIP mzee kambona.

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[h=2]Oscar Salathiel Kambona, alitaka kumpindua Nyerere kwa kushirikiana na wapiganaji wa Umkhonto.[/h]
UKIZUNGUMZIA mashujaa wa Afrika ni lazima kutaja majina ya Kwame Nkrumah wa Ghana, Patrice Lumumba wa Kongo, Benjamin Nnamdi Azikiwe na Abubakar Tafawa Balewa wa Nigeria, na wengine wengi, orodha inaweza kuwa ndefu lakini si ndefu kiasi hicho, na bila shaka juu ya orodha hiyo yuko Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela na Julius Kambarage Nyerere.


Katika orodha hiyo ndefu, dunia na hata baadhi ya Watanzania wanamjua au kumsikia zaidi Mzee Mandela au Madiba kama wanavyopenda kumuita watu wake. Mzee Madiba yuko taabani hospitalini, bila shaka si rahisi tena kuona tabasamu lake, haitakuwa kazi rahisi kuona macho yaliyobeba uchungu wa mateso makali ya serikali ya kibaguzi lakini yanayohubiri amani na msamaha, walau kitu kimoja kiko dhahiri popote na kwa yeyote anayetaka kukiona, ni jinsi historia ilivyomuandika, maandishi yako wazi kwa kila mwenye macho ya kuona, na akili ya kuelewa, yu aelekea kuvikwa taji ya haki.


Ni vigumu kweli kuandika au kumzungumzia mtu wa kiwango cha Madiba, lakini inaweza kuswihi kuanza na mchapuo huu. Mapema mwaka 2005 wakati huo akiwa Seneta, Barack Obama, alipata fursa kuhudhuria kipindi cha television cha Oprah Winfrey na katika mazungumzo, Oprah alimpatia fursa Obama ya kumpa ujumbe wowote anaotaka ampelekee Mzee Nelson Mandela.


Obama aliingia chumba cha nyuma ya studio ya Oprah kuandika ujumbe huo kwa Mandela, ilipoonekana amechukua zaidi ya muda uliotarajiwa katika kuandika ujumbe huo, msemaji wake Roberts Gibbs alimfutata kumwangalia ni kitu gani kimemchukulia muda namna hiyo.
Akiwa bado anatafakari nini kuandika, Obama alimwambia msemaji wake; "Ni lazima mnipe muda wa kutosha, huwezi ukaandika ujumbe mwepesi mwepesi tu kwa Nelson Mandela". Anaandika mwandishi Michael D. Shear wa New York Times, toleo la Juni 27, mwaka 2013.


Hakuna ubishi juu ya ushujaa wa Nelson Mandela na heshima anayopata duniani, yeye ni ishara ya amani na maridhiano, ni alama ya ushirikiano dhidi ya chuki na visasi. Ni Mwafrika pekee mwenye sanamu katika eneo maarufu jijini London la Parliament Square, sanamu yake ikiwa sambamba na sanamu za watu maarufu duniani kama Rais wa 16 wa Marekani, Abraham Lincoln, Waziri Mkuu Uingereza Winston Churchill.
Lakini huyu Mandela amefikaje hapo? kama Waswahili wasemavyo ukiona vyaelea ujue vimeundwa, bila shaka Nelson Mandela wa leo asingekuwa Mandela huyu tunayemfahamu bila kuwepo juhudi za watu waliokuwa na fikra na misimamo thabiti ya kupambana dhidi ya ubaguzi rangi wakati akiwa gerezani kwa miaka yote 27 na hata kabla ya hapo.


Miongoni mwa watu muhimu waliomfanya Mandela huyu awe hivi alivyo leo, anayeweza kuchukua nafasi ya kwanza ni Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, Rais wa kwanza Tanganyika na Tanzania, msimamo wa dhati na usioyumba wa Nyerere dhidi ya aina zote za dhuluma ndiyo umejenga msingi ushujaa wa Mandela unaojulikana duniani leo.


Kwa maneno yake mwenyewe, Nelson Mandela, katika dhifa aliyoandaa kwa heshima ya Mwalimu Nyerere, Oktoba 17 mwaka 1997, alimwelezea Mwalimu kama mtu aliyechangia kwa kiasi kikubwa kuifanya Jumuiya ya Madola kuitenga Afrika Kusini ya kibaguzi, baada ya mauaji ya Sharpville.
"Huyu ni mpigania Uhuru ambaye aliitika wito wa Chifu Luthuli kuungana na Trevor Huddleston kuanzisha vuguvugu la kupinga ubaguzi wa rangi nchini Uingereza mwaka 1959, kiongozi ambaye juhudi zake katika mkutano wa Jumuiya ya Madola zilisababisha Afrika Kusini ya kibaguzi kutengwa, baada ya mauaji ya Sharpville.


Nilipata bahati kukutana naye miaka mingi iliyopita, mwaka 1962, nilipozuru Tanzania kutafuta msaada tulipoanzisha mapambano ya silaha. Wakati huo, kama ilivyo sasa, nilishangazwa na msimamo wake, hamu yake ya kutaka haki na usawa popote, na dhamira yake kwa maslahi ya Afrika"
Wakati tukielekea kupata Uhuru, Mwalimu pamoja na kuwa kiongozi wa taifa changa hakusita kuweka wazi msimamo wake ambao bila kuwa na ujasiri wa kipekee, viongozi wachache sana wangeweza kuwa na msimamo wa namna hiyo hasa msimamo wenyewe unapowawekea wale wanaotarajiwa kuwa wahisani wako.


Mei mwaka 1961 kuelekea mkutano wa mawaziri wakuu wa Jumuiya ya Madola, huku Waziri Mkuu wa Afrika Kusini akitarajiwa kuhudhuria mkutano huo, Mwalimu aliandika makala kwenye gazeti la London Observer ikiweka wazi msimamo wa Tanganyika akisisitiza kuwa Tanganyika haitajiunga Jumuiya ya Madola kama Afrika Kusini wataendelea kuwa wanachama.


Makala hiyo iliyohitimishwa kwa maneno mazito yenye msisitizo; "To vote South African in, is to vote us out" kwamba kuwakubalia Afrika Kusini uanachama ni kutukataa sisi, iliamsha hamasa kubwa dhidi ya sera za ubaguzi wa rangi nchini Afrika Kusini.
Mwandishi nguli wa masuala ya Jumuiya ya Madola ambaye pia ni mwasisi mwenza wa Umoja wa Waandishi wa Habari wa Jumuiya ya Madola (CJA), Derek Ingram, anazungumzia hatua hiyo ya Mwalimu kuwa ilisababisha shinikizo kubwa kwa Afrika Kusini mpaka ikajitoa; "His move stepped up the pressure on South Africa and led to its withdrawal a few days later."


Mchango wa Mwalimu katika harakati za ubaguzi hauishii hapo, Juni 26, 1959 Kamati ya Jumuiya za Kiafrika (CAO) iliitisha kikao katika ukumbi wa Holbourne jijini London, kuwataka Waingereza wasusie bidhaa za Afrika Kusini, hasa matunda yaliyokuwa yanauzwa kwa wingi katika miji mbalimbali ya Uingereza katika vuguvugu lililoitwa Boycott Movement, Askofu Mkuu Trevor Huddleston, Mwalimu Nyerere na Kanyama Chiume wa Malawi ndiyo walikuwa wasemaji wakuu katika hadhara hiyo na waasisi wa vuguvugu hilo lililokuja kujulikana baadaye kama Ant - Apartheid Movement (AAM).


Tangu mwanzo wa miaka ya 1960 mchango wa AAM katika kuutokomeza ubaguzi wa rangi ulikuwa hauna kifani, lakini pia ikumbukwe kuwa vuguvugu hilo halikuwahi kuwafurahisha wakubwa kwa sababu ya maslahi yao Afrika Kusini.


Pamoja na Chama cha Labour cha Uingereza, kuahidi kuacha kuiuzia silaha Afrika Kusini kama kingeshinda uchaguzi lakini hata baada ya kuingia madarakani kwa Waziri Mkuu wake, Harold McMillan, ahadi hiyo ilishindwa kutekelezwa kwa vitendo.
Hata alipozuru Afrika Kusini na kutoa hotuba yake maarufu katika Bunge la Afrika Kusini; "The wind of change is sweeping across Africa," pamoja na kuona huo upepo wa mabadiliko uliokuwa unalikumba Bara la Afrika wakati huo, McMillan siyo tu hakuunga mkono shughuli za AAM lakini alilaani harakati hizo.


Hili halishangazi kwa vile kwa mujibu wa mtandao wa South African History on line (SAHO), katika miaka hiyo ya 1950 Uingereza ilikuwa mshirika mzuri wa biashara wa Afrika Kusini, zaidi ya asilimia 30 ya bidhaa zilizoingizwa Afrika Kusini zilitoka Uingereza, asilimia 28 ya mauzo ya bidhaa za nje za Afrika Kusini ziliuzwa Uingereza. Ukiondoa uhusiano huo wa kiuchumi, kati ya mwaka 1946 na 1959 kulikuwa na Raia wa Uingereza zaidi ya 113, 000 waliokuwa wakiishi Afrika Kusini.


Hizi ndizo juhudi zilizoweka msingi wa mapambano ya dhati dhidi ya aina zote za dhuluma ambazo kwa hakika zisingeweza kufika mbali au kufanikiwa kwa kiwango hicho bila kuwa na nguvu ya Mwalimu Nyerere ambaye, msimamo wake dhidi ukandamizaji wa aina yoyote ile ulikuwa dhahiri hata kwa wasiokubaliana naye.


Kujitolea kwake kulikoifanya Tanganyika na kisha Tanzania kuwa kimbilio na ngome ya kutumainiwa na wapigania uhuru wa Kusini mwa Afrika katika mazingira hatari kama vita baridi vya wakati huo, kwa kiwango cha juu kabisa pamoja na mambo mengine yamechangia kwa kiasi kikubwa kuifanya Afrika Kusini ya Mandela na hata Madiba mwenyewe kuwa jinsi walivyo leo. Na ni uungwana tu kusema kuwa nyuma ya fahari aliyonayo Mandela leo, yuko Julius Kambarage Nyerere aliyeongoza kuwapinga makuburu si kwa sababu ya rangi yao bali matendo yao.
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MWAKA 1976, baada ya kutokea mauaji makubwa ya wanafunzi katika mji wa Soweto, yaliyotekelezwa na polisi wa makaburu, na hivyo kusababisha vijana wengi wa ANC kuikimbia Afrika Kusini na kwenda kuwa wakimbizi nje, chama hicho kiliona haja ya kuwa na shule yake nchini Tanzania ambayo ingetumiwa na vijana hao wa ANC waliokuwa wamekimbia kukwepa vipigo vya polisi.


Kutokana na hali hiyo, mwaka huo, ujumbe wa ANC uliwasilisha ombi kwa Mwalimu la kupatiwa ardhi ya kutosha ya kuweza kujenga shule zake, kuanzia chekechea, msingi na sekondari. Mwalimu alikubali ombi hilo la ANC na kuwakabidhi wajumbe hao kwa Mkuu wa Mkoa wa Morogoro wa wakati huo, Anna Abdallah ili awatafutie ardhi ndani ya mkoa wake.


RC Anna Abdallah, aliwachukua viongozi hao wa ANC, akiwamo Tambo hadi katika shamba la mkonge la Mazimbu na kuwakabidhi eneo hilo kwa ajili ya kuanzisha Kituo cha Elimu cha ANC (ANC Education Facilities). Mwaka 1978 ilizinduliwa rasmi shule ya kwanza ya msingi ya ANC Mazimbu, mwalimu wake mkuu akiwa Wintshi Njobe.


Mwaka 1979, ANC ilipata pigo kubwa baada ya mwanaharakati wake kijana, mwanafunzi bado wa shule, ambaye alikuwa mwiba kwa serikali ya kibaguzi ya makaburu, Solomon Mahlangu
External Links icon, kunyongwa hadi kufa baada ya Mahakama ya nchi hiyo kumtia hatiana na kutoa hukumu ya kunyongwa mwaka 1977, kwa madai ya kuendesha vitendo vya kigaidi.


Inasimuliwa kwamba wakati wa kutekeleza hukumu hiyo ya kunyongwa, Aprili 6, mwaka 1979, akiwa katika Gereza Kuu la Pretoria, makaburu walimwita mama yake na ndugu yake ili kushuhudia tukio hilo la kinyama.


Wakati Solomon akipandishwa kwenye kitanzi, kijana aliyekuwa amehitimu mafunzo ya Umkhonto wa Sizwe katika kambi za jeshi za ANC nchini Angola na Msumbiji kutokana na kukatishiwa masomo yake na Makaburu akiwa darasa la nane mwaka 1976, mama yake alianza kububujikwa machozi, lakini Solomon akamwambia mama yake kwamba hakuwa na sababu yoyote ya kulia, na badala yake akamwambia mama yake maneno yafuatayo:
"Tell my people that I love them and that they must continue the struggle, my blood will nourish the tree that will bear the fruits of freedom. Aluta Continue." (Mama ninakufa, waambie watu wangu (Wana-ANC) kwamba nawapenda na waendeleze mapambano haya, damu yangu hii itakayomwagika ndiyo itakuwa kirutubisho cha mti ambao hatimaye utatoa matunda ya uhuru. Mapambano yanaendelea).


Baada ya tukio hilo la kunyongwa kwa mwanafunzi Solomon aliyekuwa na miaka 23, kituo cha elimu cha ANC Mazimbu, Morogoro, kilibadilisha jina la kituo hicho kama hatua ya kumuenzi mwanaharakati huyo, na kukiita Solomon Mahlangu Freedom College (Somafco) hadi mwaka 1992 kilipofungwa baada ya utawala wa makaburu kusalimu amri dhidi ya harakati za ANC, kwa kumwachia huru Mandela kutoka kifungo cha maisha, kuruhusu shughuli za kisiasa, kisheria na mfumo wa demokrasia ya vyama vingi, na hivyo kutimia kwa ndoto ya Solomon Mahlangu.
307_campus.jpg?itok=e1SdFlLu

Solomon Mahlangu Campus, SUA Kwa sasa eneo hilo la Somafco Mazimbu, linamilikiwa na Chuo Kikuu cha Kilimo cha Sokoine (SUA), baada ya Serikali kulikabidhi rasmi kwa chuo hicho mwaka 1998. Uongozi wa SUA kutokana na kuenzi mchango wa kijana Solomon katika harakati za ANC kusaka ukombozi wa Afrika Kusini, umebadili jina lake kutoka Solomon Mahlangu Freedom College na kuwa Solomon Mahlangu Campus (SMC).


Magdalena John, ni Ofisa Utawala wa kampasi hiyo ya SUA. Katika mazungumzo na Raia Mwema chuoni hapo hivi karibuni, anasema kituo hicho cha elimu cha ANC Mazimbu, mbali na kutoa elimu ya awali hadi sekondari, wanafunzi na wanaharakati wa ANC walikuwa wanajishughulisha pia na miradi mbalimbali ya kiuchumi ili kukiongezea uwezo wa kiuchumi kituo hicho.


Anaitaja baadhi ya miradi ya kijamii na kiuchumi iliyokuwa ikiendeshwa katika eneo hilo na wapiganaji hao wa ANC kuwa ni pamoja na hospitali iliyokuwa na hadhi ya mkoa ya daraja la pili, iliyokuwa ikiitwa kwa jina la ANC Holland Solidarity Hospital iliyozinduliwa rasmi Mei 4, 1984, na Oliver Tambo ambaye ni miongoni mwa viongozi waandamizi wa ANC aliyekuwa akiishi mahali hapo hadi kinafungwa mwaka 1992.


Ofisa Utawala huyo anaitaja miradi ya kiuchumi kuwa ni pamoja ranchi ya mifugo iliyokuwa imesheheni ng'ombe, mbuzi, kondoo na kuku. Aidha, kulikuwa na mradi wa kiwanda cha ushonaji nguo na kiwanda cha kutengeneza samani (furniture) kilichokuwa kikijulikana kwa jina la Vuyisile Mini Furniture.


Kwa mujibu wa Magdalena, kutokana na ongezeko la wana ANC katika eneo hilo na pia kupanuka kwa mahitaji kwa jamii hiyo ya wana ANC, mwaka 1988/89 uamuzi ulifikiwa wa kukihamisha kiwanda hicho cha ushonaji wa nguo, ambazo nyingi ya hizo zilikuwa nguo za kivita kwa ajili ya wanapiganaji wa Umkhonto, na kukipeleka Dakawa ambako ANC ilikuwa imeanzisha kambi nyingine ya kutolea mafunzo ya kijeshi kama ilivyokuwa kwa Kongwa.


Kiwanda hicho cha nguo cha Dakawa, kilijulikana kwa jina la ANC Dakawa Arts & Craft. Mitambo ya kiwanda hicho pamoja na wafanyakazi wake wote vilihamishwa na ANC mwaka 1993 na kupelekwa Grahamstown, na hadi sasa shughuli hiyo ya ushonaji inaendelea chini ya jina hilo hilo la ANC Dakawa Arts & Crafts.


Wapiganaji hao wa ANC waliacha nini hapo Mazimbu? Yapo makaburi 97, kati ya makaburi hayo mawili yakiwa yamefukuliwa na wenye nayo na kuhama nayo kwenda Afrika kusini, yanayotokana na vifo vya watoto na watu wazima katika familia za wapiganaji wa chama hicho waliokuwa wakiishi hapo.


Lipo jengo moja karibu na makaburi hayo lililokuwa likitumika kama nyumba ya ibada, jingo kubwa la kiutawala na nyumba 162 za familia ambazo kwa sasa zinatumiwa na wafanyakazi wa kampasi hiyo ya SUA, madarasa 28, kumbi nne za mihadhara ya kitaaluma na ukumbi wa bwalo unaojulikana kwa jina la The Nelson Mandela Freedom Square.


Ipo pia mitaa kadhaa inayobeba majina ya miji ya mataifa ya nje, kama vile Copenhagen ili kuenzi michango ya hali na mali wa mataifa hayo, ikiwamo Denmark, katika harakati za ANC kutafuta ukombozi wa Afrika kusini, pamoja na mtaa wa Heroes (Mashujaa) unaoelekea kwenye makaburi ya mashujaa hao 97 waliozikwa katika makaburi hayo.


Nihitimishe makala haya kwa kusema juhudi za Mandela zinamwongeza mwanamapinduzi huyo katika orodha ndefu ya mashujaa wa taifa hilo la Afrika Kusini. Katika orodha hiyo, Govan Mbeki, Oliver Tambo, Solomon Mahlangu, Steven Biko, Chris Hani, Joe Slovo, Yusuf Dadoo, Walter Sisulu, Fatima Meer, Ashley Kriel, Anton Fransch, Joe Modise, Lilian Ngoyi, Tsietsi Mashirini, Helen Joseph, Ben Turok, Ambrose Makiwane, Miriam Makeba, Adelaide Tambo na wengine wengi wataendelea kuenziwa na kizazi cha sasa na kijacho cha ANC.
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UHUSIANO baina ya Tanzania na Nelson Madela ulichochewa na mauaji ya Sharpeville yaliyotokea mwaka 1960; na ulipita katika majaribu mengi yakiwamo mkutano baina ya Madiba na Mwalimu Nyerere mwaka 1962.


Mapitio ya maandishi mbalimbali pamoja na mahojiano ambayo gazeti hili limefanya na watu waliofahamu uhusiano baina ya Mandela, Nyerere, nchi pamoja na vyama vyao, yameeleza mengi kuhusu uhusiano huo wa kihistoria baina ya nchi hizi.
Maandishi katika mtandao wa chama tawala cha ANC cha Afrika Kusini, yanaonyesha namna uongozi wa juu wa chama hicho ulipoamua kuhamia Tanganyika baada ya serikali dhalimu ya makaburu wa Afrika Kusini kukipiga marufuku chama hicho pamoja na kile cha PAC, baada ya mauaji hayo ya Sharpeville.


Chama hicho kilimtuma kada wake, Frene Ginwala, kuja nchini hapa mwaka huo huo wa 1960 na yeye ndiyo hatimaye aliyepanga mipango ya kuwasafirisha kwa siri viongozi wa juu wa ANC kama vile Oliver Tambo na Yusuf Dadoo kuja Tanganyika wakati huo.


Baadaye, Ginwala alipewa kazi na Mwalimu Nyerere kama mhariri wa gazeti la serikali la Standard (sasa Daily News) na Baba wa Taifa ndiye aliyewapokea akina Tambo na huo ndiyo ukawa mwanzo wa uhusiano wa kipekee baina ya Tanzania na wapigania uhuru wa Afrika Kusini.


Chama cha ANC kinasema kwamba wakati chama hicho kilipoamua kutumia nguvu kuung'oa utawala wa makaburu, kilimtuma Mandela kuja Tanganyika ili kuzungumza na Nyerere kwa ajili ya kupewa msaada wa kifedha na mafunzo.


"Hata hivyo, mkutano huo wa kwanza baina ya Nyerere na Mandela haukuisha vizuri kwa sababu Mwalimu aliwataka ANC kusitisha njia ya mapigano hadi kwanza utawala wa makaburu utakapomtoa gerezani mpigania uhuru mwingine wa chama cha PAC, Robert Sobukwe.


"Nyerere pia alikuwa na uhusiano mzuri na Sobukwe na kwa kweli Mandela hakufurahishwa sana na ushauri huo wa Nyerere. Hata hivyo, katika miaka iliyofuata uhusiano huo, Tanzania ilikuja kuwa mshirika mzuri sana wa ANC," unasema mtandao wa www.sahistory.org.za
Taarifa rasmi zinaeleza kwamba Tanzania ndiyo yalikuwa makao makuu ya kwanza ya ANC na PAC na hadi kufikia mwaka 1965, jumla ya wapigania uhuru 800 walikuwa wanapata mafunzo katika vyuo vya Mazimbu, mkoani Morogoro na Kongwa mkoani Dodoma.


Mazimbu na Kongwa
Nyerere, baadeye kubali kuanzishwa kwa kambi ya kwanza ya mafunzo ya kijeshi ya wapiganaji wa kundi la Umkhonto wa Sizwe wilayani Kongwa mkoani Dodoma kati ya mwaka 1963 na 1964 na serikali ya Tanzania ilikuwa ikigharamia sare na mlo mmoja wa wapiganaji hao.
Miongoni mwa walioanzisha kambi hiyo ni Joe Modise ambaye baadaye alifikia kuwa Waziri wa Ulinzi katika serikali isiyokuwa ya kibaguzi ya Afrika Kusini.


Kambi ya Mazimbu ndiyo ambayo baadaye ilikuja kujenga chuo cha mafunzo maarufu kwa jina la Solomon Mahlangu (SOMAFCO).
Maelezo mbalimbali yanaonyesha kwamba aliyekuwa Mkuu wa Mkoa wa Moroagoro katika miaka ya 1970, Anna Abdallah (baadaye alikuja kuwa waziri katika wizara mbalimbali na sasa mbunge), ndiye aliyewapa eneo hilo wapiganaji hao wa ANC.


Nusura uhusiano uvunjike
Mwaka 1969, uhusiano baina ya ANC na Tanzania ulifikia katika hatua mbaya. Kada wa TANU, Oscar Salathiel Kambona, alidaiwa kutaka kumpindua Nyerere kwa kushirikiana na wapiganaji wa Umkhonto waliokuwa wamechoka kufanya mazoezi hapa nchini pasipo kutumwa kurudi kwao kuanzisha mapambano.


Maelezo kuhusu hilo yalitolewa na kada wa PAC, Potlako K. Lebalo, na serikali ya TANU iliamua kurejesha makambini wapiganaji wote wa ANC waliokuwepo ikiwa ni pamoja na kukiondoa chama hicho hapa nchini.
Hata hivyo, mwana historia wa ANC, William Gumede, anasimulia kwamba Tambo aligoma kulazimishwa kwa wapiganaji hao kufungiwa makambini; kwa maelezo kwamba wao ni "Wapigania Uhuru na si wakimbizi."


Huo ndiyo ukawa mwanzo wa ANC kuhamishia Lusaka makao yake makuu ambayo yalidumu hadi chama hicho kiliporuhusiwa tena kushiriki katika siasa.
Hata hivyo, serikali ya Tanzania ilikuwa na msimamo mkali pia dhidi ya wanachama wa ANC waliokuwa na mrengo wa kikomunisti. Hiyo ndiyo sababu wanachama kama Michael Harmel, Dadoo, Joe Slovo na Ruth First baadaye walipigwa marufuku kukanyaga katika ardhi ya nchi hii.


Hata hivyo, kutokana na mauaji ya Soweto ya mwaka 1976, ambayo pia yalisababisha utawala wa makaburu kukamata watu wengi zaidi, ndipo wananchi wengine wakakimbia Afrika Kusini na kuja Tanzania.


Hapo tena, Anna Abdallah, kwa maelekezo ya Nyerere, alitafuta eneo katika mkoa wake kule Dakawa ambako nako ikawa kambi ya wapiganaji.
Alipotoka jela, Mandela kwanza alitembelea Lusaka yalikokuwa makao makuu ya ANC na ndipo akafanya ziara yake ya kwanza nchini Tanzania ambapo alipokewa na Mwalimu aliyekuwa amestaafu tayari.


Vita Kawawa, Mbunge wa Namtumbo na mmoja wa watoto wa aliyekuwa Waziri Mkuu mstaafu wa Tanzania, Rashid Kawawa, anasimulia namna baba yake alivyofurahi wakati Mandela alipotoka gerezani na kutembelea Tanzania.
"Uajua Mwalimu alimpa baba (Kawawa) majukumu mazito ya kusimamia harakati za ukombozi. Mambo mengi yalikuwa yakiishia kwake kabla ya kwenda kwa Mwalimu.


Yeye hakuwa amewahi kumuona Mandela zaidi ya kumsikia tu na kusaidia wapiganaji wake. Sasa siku Mandela alipokuja Tanzania (Machi, 1990), baba alifurahi sana na akasema kuna kipindi walidhani hawataweza kumwona Madiba akiwa hai,"anasema Vita.


Akizungumza na Raia Tanzania mjini Dodoma wiki hii, Mbunge wa Rungwe Magharibi (CCM), Profesa David Mwakyusa, alisema ishara ya uhusiano mzuri baina ya Nyerere na Mandela ni mwaliko ambao Mwalimu alipewa na Madiba mwaka 1994.


Nakumbuka nilikuwa na Mwalimu Ulaya wakati Mandela aliposhinda Uchaguzi Mkuu wa Afrika Kusini mwaka 1994. Tukiwa huko Mwalimu alitumiwa ujumbe na Mandela wa kumtaka ahudhurie sherehe za kuapishwa kwake.


" Ikabidi Mwalimu atoke Ulaya na kwenda moja kwa moja Afrika Kusini pasipo kupita Dar es Salaam. Mwalimu aliuchukulia mwaliko ule kama heshima kubwa kwake na alikuwa akizungumza kwa furaha sana kuhusu kuvunjwa kwa utawala wa makaburu, alisema Mwakyusa ambaye alikuwa daktari binafsi wa Mwalimu wakati huo.

Chanzo:Raia Mwema
 
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Ngoja nitoe kumbukumbu yangu, it may have holes.

Inasemekana kuwa Kambona alikuwa rafiki mkubwa sana wa Nyerere aliyekuwa bestman kwenye harusi yake iliyofanyika London. Katika serikali za kwanza kwanza za Nyerere, Kambona alikuwa ni Waziri mwandamizi aliyekuwa an sauti kuliko mawaziri wengin wote, isipokuwa labda Kawawa. Wakati wa maasi ya 1964, inasemekana pia kuwa ni Kambona na Okello ndio walioongea na kuwatuliza askari waasi. Vile vile katika zile siku 100 za kuelekea Muungano, Nyerere alisikiliza sana ushauri wa Kambona kuliko mtu yeyote kuhuhusu umuhimu wa muungano na structure yake.

Hata hivyo baadaye uhusiano kati ya Kambona na Nyerere ulianza kuwa mbaya hasa pale Kambona alipoanza kujenga majumba mengi ya kupangisha Dar kwa haraka haraka huku akiwa waziri, jambo ambalo halikuwa tamu kwa Nyerere. Halafu wakati Nyerere anaandika Azimio la Arusha, Kambona alijitokeza kumpinga Nyerere directly kutokana na ile miiko ya uongozi ambayo ilikuwa inaingiliana na zile nyumba alizokuwa amejenga hapo Dar.

Kwa vile mwishoni lile Azimio la Arusha lilipita na kuanza kutaifisha majumba ya kupangisha yakiwemo na yale ya kambona, basi Kambona akasuka mpango wa kumpindua Nyerere kusudi kusimamisha hiyo operation ya Azimio la Arusha. Waliohusika katika mpango walikuwa wengi sana ikiwa ni pamoja na Titi Mohammed, Lifa Chipaka, Kamaliza, na wengineo. Sielewi mpango wenyewe ulivujaje, lakini wahusika wote walishikwa na kuswekwa kwenye gereza la Keko. Kutokana na umaarufu wake, Kambona alisaidiwa na walinzi wa gereza hilo kutotoroka. Nadhani kwanza alikimbilia Malawi ambako ndiko alikoondokea kwenda kuishi uhamishoni London.

Kitu kimoja binafsi huwa nadhani kuwa Mzee kambona was right kuhusu vipengele kadhaa vya Azimio la Arusha, hasa ule utaifishaji wa njia kuu zote za uchumi. Hata hivyo kwenye miiko ya uongozi nadhani vile vile alikuwa kakosea. Kilichotakiwa ni kuwa kuandika upya miiko hiyo huku ikiheshimu mali alizokuwa nazo mtu kabla ya kuwa kiongozi.
 
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Katika mahojiano na gazeti la new africa huko nyuma Nyerere aliulizwa ikiwa kuvunjika kwa urafiki wake na Kambona ni moja ya mambo yanayomkosesha raha ktk utawala wake,Nyerere alisema hapana na alimshangaa Kambona kama katibu wa TANU alihusika katika maandalizi yote ya azimio la arusha hata kabla halijatangazwa na mwishoni akabadilika kulikana. Kilichomsikitisha Nyerere ni kuwapigia magoti waingereza waliokuwa wakoloni wetu waje wamwokoe wakati wa maasi ya jeshi,wakati tulijidai tunaweza kujitawala.

Toafauti kati ya hawa ni attitude towards money/richness and how to get it.

Nyerere alifuata msimamo wa biblia na wa kikomunisti,kuwa ni ngumu kwa tajiri kuingia ktk ufalme wa Mungu,huwezi kuwa tajiri pasipo kutumia nguvu ya watu wengine hivyo kwa kuwa tajiri umenyonya wengine(marxism),pia maneno ya mtakatifu mmoja kuwa unapompa maskini shati humsaidii bali unampa haki yake! Kambona nafikiri hakuona vibaya mtu kutumia akili na nguvu zake kuchuma mali.

Je historia ya sasa tz tunaweza kuwahukumu vipi hawa waasisi wa taifa letu?mawazo ya yupi yameonyesha ku hold?

Baada ya kuvunjwa azimio la arusha tumejionea na tunaendelea kuona na kujadili viongozi wetu wanavyofuja mali na kuliibia taifa, rushwa, nepotism, etc.

Nakubaliana na mawazo hapo juu kuwa implementation ya azimio ilienda haraka sana kabla hatujawa na skilled personnel ya ku takeover na kuendesha taasisi mbali mbali.

For me Nyerere was right and had the right intention to selfishlessly serve the poor people of tz and lived to his words until his death.
 
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Mzee Kichuguu asante for brief,

Unajua huwa sometimes na regret kumezeshwa zile nyimbo za nursery ...Kambona ha ha! wivu ulimshinda shauri ya mapesaaa! But kambona in some extent naona alikua sahihi kupinga mpango wa azimio la Arusha.Hata Nyerere mwenyewe nadhani alikuja kugundua kosa.

ONA LEO MAMBO YA UJAMAA YALIVYO KIMYA KIMYA
 
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Mzee Kichuguu asante for brief,

Unajua huwa sometimes na regret kumezeshwa zile nyimbo za nursery ...Kambona ha ha! wivu ulimshinda shauri ya mapesaaa! But kambona in some extent naona alikua sahihi kupinga mpango wa azimio la Arusha.Hata Nyerere mwenyewe nadhani alikuja kugundua kosa.

ONA LEO MAMBO YA UJAMAA YALIVYO KIMYA KIMYA
Kwenye uendeshaji wa uchumi nadhani he was right; tatizo lake moja tu ni kuwa alikuwa anataka utajiri na akashindwa kujenga hoja ya namna ya kutunza mali za viongozi waliopo madarakani wanazopata kihalali bila kutumia madaraka yao.

Kwa mfano nyumba ya kupandisha ambamo wamepanga raia wa kawaida haina uhusiano wowote na madaraka ya kiongozi, kulikuwa hakuna haja ya kuitaifisha.
 
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Kuna kitu kingine pia. Kabla hajahamia London, na labda baada ya uhusiano na mwalimu kuanza kuyumba, Kambona alimwambia mwalimu kuwa hali yake ya afya haikuwa nzuri.

Mwalimu alimwelekeza Kambona kwenda kutibiwa uholanzi ambako kulikuwa na daktari aliyekuwa rafiki yake mwalimu. Kambona alikaa uholanzi kwa matibabu kwa zaidi ya mwezi. Aliporudi nyumbani, kwa mashangao wa mwalimu, Kambona alijiuzulu uwaziri na ukatibu mkuu wa TANU.

Ingawa alitaja sababu za kiafya kama sababu za kujiuzulu kwake, bado hazikumconvice mwalimu hivyo ukapangwa mpango wa kumkamata. Sijui ni vipi aligundua mapema na hivyo kuponyoka mapema hadi Nairobi alikopandia ndege kwenda London. Inawezekana pia kuwa hakuridhika na nafasi aliyokuwa nayo. Wakati anaondoka kwenda kwenye matibabu alikuwa waziri wa maendeleo vijijini baada ya azimio la Arusha.

Inawezekana pia kuwa uhamisho wa kumpeleka kwenye wizara hiyo ilikuwa kumkomoa.
 
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Mzee G,

Kambona alipokuwa anatoroka kuelekea London, alikamatwa pale Nairobi Airport na askari wa Kenya, akiwa na masanduku mengi ya dola cash, Kenyatta allipompigia Mwalimu simu on whta to do na Kambona, bado akiwa chini ya ulinzi pale Airport, Mwalimu alimjibu kuwa wamuchie aendelee na safari yake,

ukweli ni kwamba Mwalimu alikuwa happy kuondoka kwa Kambona, ili ampromote Kawawa, ambaye alikuwa yes man!, as opposed na Kambona aliyekuwa objective!
 
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Nilisoma article moja ya Letters to the Editor iliyondikwa na Oscar Kambona kwenye gazeti la Africa Now kufuatia yale mahojiano kati ya Peter Enahoro na Nyerere aliyoongelea Majige hapo juu; Kambona alisema aliswekwa ndani pale Keko Maximum Security Prison, ila alisaidiwa na walinzi wa pale kutoroka. Na kuwa alitoroka kwa roli la mizigo hadi nchi ya jirani ambayo sina uhakika kati ya Kenya na Malawi lakini nadhani alikuwa amesema alitorokea Malawi. Gazeti hilo lilikuwa Africa Now toleo la 32, December 1983.

Naona account hiyo siyo kama ilivyorekodiwa na wengi, kwa mfano kitabu hiki. Maelezo ya Gagnija na Mzee ES hapo juu naona ndiyo sahihi zaidi. Nimesoma article nyingine Journal of African Studies inaonyesha likiwa linapinga madai fulani ya Oscar Kambona katika hiyo barua aliyoandika Africa Now. Mwandishi (sikumbuki jina lake ila nitalitafuta tena kurekebisa post hii) ansema kuwa Kambona alikuwa akidai kuwa alisweka ndani na Nyerere ili kupata symphasizers lakini siyo kweli kuwa aliswekwa ndani.
 
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Kambona alikuwa mwongo. Tena alikuwa mtu wa wivu sana. Hakuwapenda Kawawa na Jamal, na mpaka sasa sababu zake sijui. Lakini sababu kubwa ya Mwalimu kumwambia Kenyatta amwachie ni kwamba hakutaka kumfanya Kambona "a hero" kwa kumweka ndani. Baada ya kuondoka Mwalimu aliwang'oa polepole watu wake aliokuwa amewapachika katika idara ya usalama wa taifa na jeshini. Kwa hiyo historically it was a good move.
 
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Gagnija,
Kambona aligundua pale "watu wake" walipoanza kukamatwa mmoja mmoja, akaona hana njia bali kukimbilia Nairobi akipitia Moshi.
 
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Mzee Jasusi,

Ninakuaminia kwenye hizi kind of ishus, ninaamini kabisa kuwa unayosema ndio ukweli wenyewe kuhsu Kambona, ingawa mpaka leo sielewi kwa nini Mwalimu, alimruhusu huyu Mnyasa kubanda chati, over wabongo, bado sijaelewa!

Maana ukilifuatialia kwa makini ishu lake, utaona jamaa hakuwa na uchungu kabisaa na bongo, halafu vipi kuhusu mtoto wake mmoja anayesadikiwa kuwa ni shoga, aliyepigwa risasi huko majuu, kuna ka-"tetesi" kuwa someone kutoka kunyumba alihusika ili kumkomoa Kambona ni kweli?
 
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Jasusi,

Nakubaliana nawe kuwa Kambona alikuwa mtu mwenye wivu sana. Kama nilivyoeleza mapema, kitendo cha kumhamishia wizara ya maendeleo vijijini ndicho kilichomletea ugonjwa uliompeleka kutibiwa uholanzi kwa zaidi ya mwezi. Mwalimu aliwahi kulalamikia tabia hiyo ya wivu. Lakini ni kweli pia kuwa baada ya Kambona kuachia uwaziri na ukatibu wa chama, mwalimu alipata mshituko na akawa amemwandalia nafasi pale Keko.

Kwamba alitoroka baada ya kuona watu wake wanakamatwa mmoja baada ya mwingine inanipa tatizo kidogo. Nijuavyo, watu wake walikuja kukamatwa Kambona akiwa amehamia Uingereza alipojaribu kupanga kuiangusha serikali. Nafikiri kwa jinsi alivyokuwa maarufu, alikuwa na watu waliomtaarifu mapem juu ya mpango wa kumweka keko hivyo akawahi kuponyoka.

Ni kweli pia kuwa kumkamata pale Nairobi kungemfanya hero, lakini ni kwa nini mwalimu alimruhusu aende na hayo masanduku yaliyosheheni dola?
 
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Gagnija,

Kweli kuna maswali mengi ambayo hatuna majibu yake ya uhakika. Kambona aliwahi kuwa waziri wa ulinzi. Alichofanya wakati huo aliweka watu wake katika nafasi muhimu jeshini na vile vile katika Usalama wa Taifa. Mzee ES, wakati wa harakati za kupigania uhuru, Mwalimu alikuwa anahitaji msaada wa kila mtu. Kambona, Kawawa, Shaba, Bomani, Eliufoo, you name them. Kuunda huu utanzania usio na misingi ya kikabila ilikuwa kazi kweli kweli. Na hapo ndio tunapaswa kuwashukuru wazee wetu wa TANU.

Kambona alikuwa na personal ambitions, na nina hakika kama Mwalimu angemwachia madaraka aliyomwachia Kawawa ya uwaziri mkuu kwa mwaka mzima, Mwalimu asingerudi kama rais mwaka 1962. Hiyo ya kumwachia aende London nadhani Mwalimu alimwona less a threat outside the country than inside. Kumbuka this was only 3 years after the 1964 mutiny. With him outside it would be easy to root out his supporters within the army and the intelligence. Na kweli time came to prove Mwalimu right.
 
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swali ni je BBC SWAHILI SERVICE London watamkumbuka?
 
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very interesting... Kawawa bado yuko hai aulizwe...
 
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Self imposed exile....what alternative do you have when you are being harrased, charges are being concocted against you, and much more.....were his concerns about Ujamaa and one party state right on....? Let the debate begin....
 
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Nyani, that is one side of the story.... hata Idi Amin alipokimbilia Saudi alisema anyanyaswa Uganda...
 
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Hivi kuna aliyemwamini Idi Amin kweli....?!?! coz he deserved it anyway
 
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yeah.. Saudi Arabia...
 
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Still....Kambona and Amin's situations are not even remotely comparable...
 

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