European Parliament resolution on Tanzania

Nimejaribu kuangalia katika tamko la EU kama wametaja mauaji ya askari, watendaji wa Serikali, na raia wengine huko kibiti sijaona.

Nashindwa kuelewa kama hawa hawana haki ya kutetewa na EU.

Ni Mashoga tu?
Tatizo ni lugha ndio inakusumbuwa, tamko la EU yote hayo yamo.
 
Huyu mtu wamtenge tu mpaka atakapojirekebisha.

Kwa mtazamo wangu,haya maazimio ni kama mtego na akiendelea na kiburi chake,basi ajue tu watakwenda zaidi ya hapa.

Na tujue tu US watawaunga mkono EU.
wew utakuwa siyo Mtanzania au akili yako ni ndogo sana unapounga mkono nchi yako kutengwa
 
Pascal Mayalla huwa nakuelewa sana tuu na mimi nataka iwe hivyo ili tuone aliyeshika makali na mpini ni nani.

Wazungu walianza kumtafuta Gaddafi hivi hivi wakamtega ili akatae akasema anachosimamia ni maslahi ya wananchi wake, nakumbuka hata yeye alikuwa na lugha kama yetu ya kuwaita mabeberu wanataka mafuta, mwisho wake kila mtu anajua.

So hata sisi we have to be very careful tunapo dili na watu kama hawa tukiendekeza mihemuko hataumia rais peke yake bali sote tutaumia.
Gaddafi alinyooshwa na US, EU hawajawahi kwenda mahali kwa
Ukiona 'a diplomatic document' ina vitu hivi,...

...having regard....
...having regard....
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...whereas....
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...expresses serious concern.....
...expresses serious concern....
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...calls on...
...calls on...
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...instructs...
...instructs...
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...we argue.....
...we argue.....

Ogopa sana ni kama 'amri', elewa research imefanyika na wana data za kutosha....wewe sema suuu au jifanye kama unajikuna uone.

Cc Pascal Mayalla
Kama ni suala la kutafuta sababu basi hata ukiviheshimu hivyo watatafuta sababu nyengine
Uko sawa maana saddam alipigwa bila hiyo sababu kuwepo. Hasidi hakosi sababu.
 
Mkuu hamna kitu kama hicho, hao EU wakianza kukutandika China ajitokezi hata siku moja yeye ni rafiki ako, ukiwa na amani tu, wakati wa vita na vikwanzo anatafuta nchi zingine kufanya biashara zake, Mchina nimbaya katika shida sio wakutegemea tena kumbuka EU=USA tena USA is the "policeman" of the world he determines whom to hit and when and how,.... tu na ishi katika era ya "PAX American" what ever America decides and does is "right" others follow to.
Wewe unafuatilia siasa za dunia kweli? EU inakupiga kwa jeshi lipi?
 

The European Parliament,

– having regard to its previous resolutions on Tanzania, including that of 12 March 2015,

– having regard to the Declaration by High Representative Federica Mogherini of 15 November 2018 on behalf of the EU on EU-Tanzania relations,

– having regard to the local EU statement of 23 February 2018 on the rise in politicallyrelated violence and intimidation in Tanzania,

– having regard to the Council conclusions of 16 June 2016 on LGBTI equality,

– having regard to the statement by Michelle Bachelet, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), of 2 November 2018 on the prosecution and arrests of LGBT people in Tanzania,

– having regard to the EU Council’s Toolkit to promote and protect the enjoyment of all human rights by lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people (the LGBT Toolkit),

– having regard to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women,

– having regard to the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child,

– having regard to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR),

– having regard to the ACP-EU Partnership Agreement (‘Cotonou Agreement’),

– having regard to Rules 135(5) and 123(4) of its Rules of Procedure,

A. whereas, since the election of Tanzanian President John Pombe Magufuli in 2015, basic rights in the country have been undermined through repressive laws and decrees; whereas critical journalists, opposition politicians and outspoken civil society activists have faced threats, arbitrary detention and harassment;

B. whereas there has been increasing stigmatisation, violence and targeted arrests against LGBTI people over the past two years in the country; whereas, under Tanzanian law, same-sex relationships are criminal offences punishable by 30 years to life imprisonment; whereas Tanzania’s anti-homosexuality law is among the harshest in the world;

C. whereas suspected gay men in Tanzania are subjected to forced anal examinations, a discredited method of ‘proving’ homosexual conduct that the United Nations and the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights have denounced as torture;

D. whereas Paul Makonda, the regional commissioner of Dar Es Salaam, has been a prominent advocate of the repression; whereas, at a press conference on 31 October 2018, he announced the creation of a task force to track down gay men, prostitutes and people conducting fraudulent fundraisers on social media; whereas he called on the public to report suspected gay people to the authorities;

E. whereas the Ministry of Health has temporarily suspended the provision of HIV and AIDS services at community level and has closed drop-in centres for key populations, including gay men; whereas it closed 40 health centres on 17 February 2017 for allegedly encouraging homosexuality; whereas several organisations have reported that the crackdown on the LGBTI community has resulted in HIV-positive men failing to access their anti-retroviral treatment, while others have stopped accessing testing and preventive services;

F. whereas in November 2018 ten men were arrested in Zanzibar for allegedly conducting a same-sex marriage ceremony; whereas 13 health and human rights activists were arrested on 17 October 2018 for participating in a meeting to discuss a law restricting the access of LGBTI people to some health services;

G. whereas many children and adolescents, particularly girls, are exposed to human rights abuses and harmful practices, including widespread sexual violence, corporal punishment, child marriages and teenage pregnancies, that make schooling difficult or impossible for them; whereas the Tanzanian Government obstructs access to sexual and reproductive health services and intimidates organisations providing information about such services;

H. whereas on 22 June 2018 President Magufuli issued a declaration banning pregnant girls from attending school; whereas the authorities are intimidating civil society organisations (CSOs) that advocate the rights of pregnant girls to go back to school;

I. whereas the Tanzania Commission for Human Rights and Good Governance has not been operational for some time; whereas President Magufuli has not appointed commissioners or other office bearers to the Commission;

J. whereas the government has shut down or threatened privately owned radio stations and newspapers, and ended live transmissions of parliamentary debates; whereas local channels and decoders which air local channels have been closed;

K. whereas Tanzania’s National Assembly passed the Cybercrimes Act in 2015 and the Online Content Regulations in September 2018 with the aim of controlling content used on social media; whereas the Statistics Act adopted in 2015 states that it is not allowed to discuss or question certain statistics communicated by the government;

L. whereas leading opposition members are regularly arrested on charges ranging from allegedly insulting the President to false information and sedition; whereas 20 members of Tanzania’s main opposition party were arrested in July 2018 over claims that they were fomenting trouble; whereas several political opposition members and parliamentarians have been violently attacked and even killed since the start of 2018; whereas on 22 February Godfrey Luena, a member of parliament with Tanzania’s main opposition party Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA) and a vocal land rights defender, was killed with machetes outside his home; whereas in November 2018 the programme coordinator of the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), Africa Angela Quintal, and her colleague Muthoki Mumo were arrested and released after pressure by international institutions;

M. whereas tourism development in recent years has led to increased activity, particularly in the Serengeti region where the Maasai live; whereas the control of arable or scarce land for speculative purposes has led to strong tensions in the area;

N. whereas the EU Head of Delegation Roeland van de Geer was forced to leave the country after the Tanzanian authorities exerted increased pressure on him; whereas, since the election of President Magufuli, the Head of UN Women, the Head of the UNDP and the Head of Unesco have all been expelled from Tanzania;

O. whereas the EU High Representative Federica Mogherini has announced a comprehensive review of the Union’s relations with Tanzania;

1. Expresses its concern about the deteriorating political situation in Tanzania characterised by a shrinking of the public space through the tightening of restrictions on the activities of civil society organisations, human rights defenders, the media and many political parties; is especially worried about the deteriorating situation for LGBTI persons;

2. Denounces all incitement to hatred and violence on grounds of sexual orientation; urges the Tanzanian authorities to ensure that Paul Makonda ends his provocation against the LGBTI community and is brought to justice for incitement to violence;

3. Calls for independent investigations to be conducted into cases of attacks and assaults on journalists, LGBTI people, human rights defenders and opposition party members, with a view to bringing suspected perpetrators to justice;

4. Reminds the Tanzanian Government of its obligation, including commitments made under the Cotonou Agreement, to protect the rights, dignity and physical integrity of all its citizens in all circumstances;

5. Calls on Tanzania to repeal laws criminalising homosexuality;

6. Urges the EU and its Member States to make full use of the LGBT Toolkit to encourage third countries to decriminalise homosexuality, help reduce violence and discrimination and protect LGBTI human rights defenders;

7. Calls on the Tanzanian authorities to amend all restrictive provisions in the Cybercrimes Act, the Electronic and Postal Communications (Online Content) Regulations and the Media Services Act and replace these with provisions that will guarantee freedom of expression and the media in line with international human rights standards;

8. Calls on the Tanzanian authorities to repeal any laws, policies or other barriers to services and information that women, girls and young mothers need for a healthy life, most notably President Magufuli’s declaration that girls who give birth should not be allowed to return to school, including the repeal of regulations that make it legal for pregnant girls to be expelled from school;

9. Urges the President of Tanzania to make the country’s Human Rights Commission operational as soon as possible, to appoint commissioners to follow up on human rights violations, and to take action to support domestic workers abroad;

10. Calls on the Tanzanian authorities to release political prisoners;

11. Expresses serious concern about the pressure exerted by the Tanzanian Government on the EU Head of Delegation, Roeland van de Geer; welcomes the decision of the European Union and its Member States to conduct a comprehensive review of EU policies towards Tanzania; insists on the importance of political dialogue to seek tangible commitments from the Tanzanian authorities towards creating an enabling environment for the operation of civil society, political parties and the media; calls on the Commission to ensure that an explicit reference to non-discrimination based on sexual orientation is included in the future ACP-EU partnership agreement post-2020;

12. Expresses concern at the situation of the Maasai people; denounces the use of force by the authorities and security forces;

13. Calls on the Tanzanian authorities to act decisively to safeguard the rights of civil society organisations, human rights defenders, journalists, health workers and political activists in accordance with the Tanzanian constitution, the African Charter of Human and Peoples’ Rights and the country’s international and regional obligations and commitments;

14. Calls for the EU to continue to closely monitor the human rights situation in Tanzania, particularly through regular reporting by its delegation; calls on the European Union Delegation and Member States to do all they can to provide emergency protection and support to human rights defenders at risk;

15. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the Vice-President of the European Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the EU Special Representative for Human Rights, the ACP-EU Council, the institutions of the African Union, the institutions of the East African Community, and the President, Government and Parliament of Tanzania.

SOURCE: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides...+P8-RC-2018-0570+0+DOC+PDF+V0//EN&language=EN
Hapa tatizo ni suala la MASHOGA, USENGE, ULAWITI, USAGAJI na mengine ya aina hiyo! Hakuna cha zaidi wala pungufu, hiyo ndiyo hoja yao! Hata ukisoma hayo malalamiko, hilo ndilo lililotiliwa MKAZO, hayo mengine ni geresha bwege tu! Leo ni Desemba 2018, masula ya akina CHADEMA na matusi yao kwa Rais na Serikali hii na kisha kufunguliwa makesi mengi mengi kwani ni ya LEO!? Hilo la LGBT ndilo limeawauma sana na kuzua yote waliyo zua. Nawashauri waamue cha kufanya ila wajue TUNATEGEMEANA! Wasidhani sisi ndio tunawategemea wao, HAPANA TUNATEGEMEANA NA THEY NEED US AS MUCH AS WE NEED THEM. Halafu dunia ya leo siyo ya kutishana tishana, hayo yamepitwa na wakati! Dunia hii ya leo ni KIJIJI, tuko karibu karibu sana, wewe ukininyima chumvi, nitakwenda nyumba ya pili au huyo wa nyumba ya pili anaweza kuja kunisaidia kwani anaona na kusikia yote. La muhimu hapa ni KUHESHIMIANA TU.
 
Hapo number 8,hawa EU ni bure kabisa!, Rais Magufuli ndiye aliyesema hasomeshi wenye mimba, sasa una call authority gani iingilie?.

Number 9 wanampangia kazi Rais Magufuli?!.

Number 10 kuna watu wameshitakiwa for political crimes or ni criminal issues.

Hawajui kuwa Magufuli hapangiwi?. Kama katiba alioapa kuilinda ameweka pembeni, who is EU?.

Naona hawa wazungu wanajifurahisha tuu, kama vipi wazuie tuu misaada yao na watunyime visas za Shengen, tutakwenda UK na China.

Tanzania ni sovereign state, tuna uhuru wa kujipangia mambo yetu kama hatutaki ushoga wasitupangie na kutulazimisha bali tufundishwe tuu managing diversity ya kuwakubali mashoga kama walemavu wengine wote, tusiwabague wala kuwanyanyapaa lakini kubadili sheria zetu bado sana.
P
Kiburi chako na wengine km ww ni ukoko mnaoupata ata chakula kikiungua think about aside people
 
Maazimio ya EU yanapaswa kutafsiriwa kuwa ni uingiliwaji wa masuala ya Taifa Huru. Kwa nini hawakutoa azimio dhidi ya Donald Trump kwa kauli yake ya kupinga ndoa za jinsia moja? Wana njama dhidi ya Waafrika na wanashtushwa na utekelezaji wa Rais Magufuli
Wazungu niwajinga sana msimamo wa Tanzania wanajua nchi zilizo nyingi za Africa zitaifuta Tanzania hivyo wao watakufa njaa,kwani kila kitu wanatutegemea sisi tulio barikiwa na mungu.
 
Papaa Mobimba, Sisi ambao lugha ya Malikia imetupitia kushoto unatusaidiaje...
Bunge la Ulaya,

- kwa kuzingatia maazimio yake ya awali juu ya Tanzania, ikiwa ni pamoja na ile ya Machi 12, 2015,

- kwa kuzingatia Azimio la Mwakilishi Mkuu Federica Mogherini wa 15 Novemba 2018 kwa niaba ya EU juu ya uhusiano wa EU-Tanzania,

- kwa kuzingatia taarifa ya EU ya 23 Februari 2018 juu ya kuongezeka kwa vurugu za kisiasa na vitisho nchini Tanzania,

- kwa kuzingatia maamuzi ya Baraza la 16 Juni 2016 kuhusu usawa wa LGBTI,

- kwa kuzingatia taarifa ya Michelle Bachelet, Kamishna Mkuu wa Umoja wa Mataifa wa Haki za Binadamu (OHCHR), mnamo 2 Novemba 2018 juu ya mashtaka na kukamatwa kwa watu wa LGBT nchini Tanzania,

- kwa kuzingatia Kitabu cha Baraza la EU cha kukuza na kulinda furaha ya haki zote za kibinadamu na watu wa kijinsia, wa mashoga, wa kijinsia na wa kikabila (Kitambulisho cha LGBT),

- kwa kuzingatia Azimio la Kimataifa la Haki za Binadamu, Agano la Kimataifa juu ya Haki za Kiraia na Kisiasa na Mkataba wa Kuondoa Fomu zote za ...
 
NATO jeshi ni la nini?
NATO ni ushirikiano tofauti na EU na ndiyo maana Marekani na Uturuki wapo NATO ila hawapo EU (na sasa Uingereza nae kaingia humo). Kingine, mandate ya NATO ni defense peke yake tena kwa nchi wanachama pekee ndiyo maana huwezi kusikia NATO kaenda kulinda amani mahali kokote pengine tofauti na nchi wanachama.
 
NATO ni ushirikiano tofauti na EU na ndiyo maana Marekani na Uturuki wapo NATO ila hawapo EU (na sasa Uingereza nae kaingia humo). Kingine, mandate ya NATO ni defense peke yake tena kwa nchi wanachama pekee ndiyo maana huwezi kusikia NATO kaenda kulinda amani mahali kokote pengine tofauti na nchi wanachama.
Kule Libya elienda ku defend nini?
 
Kuna muda binadamu tunaweza kushawishika kukubaliana na mambo ya kijinga kijinga ilimradi tu kukwepa kuendelea kukumbana na mambo ya kipuuzi puuzi. Ambayo yote yanabaki kuwa ni makosa.
 
Kuna tofauti gani na azimio lao la Uganda na waliishia wapi?


European Parliament resolution on Uganda, arrest of parliamentarians from the opposition
The European Parliament,

– having regard to its previous resolutions on Uganda,
– having regard to the joint local statement of 17 August 2018 by the European Union Delegation, the Heads of Mission of Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, Sweden and the UK and the Heads of Mission of Norway and Iceland on the by‑election held in the municipality of Arua,
– having regard to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 10 December 1948, to which Uganda is a signatory,
– having regard to the 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, ratified by Uganda on 21 June 1995,
– having regard to the 1984 United Nations Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment,
– having regard to the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG),
– having regard to the statement from the Ugandan Human Rights Commission on emerging human rights issues in the country following the by‑election held in the municipality of Arua on 15 August 2018,
– having regard to the report on Uganda of the Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review of the Human Rights Council,
– having regard to the ACP-EU Partnership Agreement (the Cotonou Agreement) and in particular to Article 8(4) thereof on non-discrimination,
– having regard to the Constitution of the Republic of Uganda of 1995, amended in 2005,
– having regard to Rules 135(5) and 123(4) of its Rules of Procedure,

A. whereas the by‑election held on 15 August 2018 in the municipality of Arua in north-west Uganda, which resulted in the election of independent opposition candidate Kassiano Wadri, was marked by violence;

B. whereas the President of Uganda, Yoweri Museveni, and independent MP Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, also known as Bobi Wine, together with several other politicians, campaigned in Arua on 13 August 2018 in the framework of a highly charged by‑election, triggered by the assassination of a parliamentarian in June;

C. whereas Bobi Wine, a popular musician, has emerged as an influential critic of President Museveni after winning a seat in the Ugandan Parliament in 2017;

D. whereas on 13 August 2018 at the end of the day Bobi Wine’s driver, Yasin Kawuma, was shot dead in unclear circumstances, and as President Museveni left Arua supporters of Kassiano Wadri allegedly attacked the presidential car with stones;
E. whereas police arrested two journalists from the NTV Uganda television channel, Herbert Zziwa and Ronald Muwanga, as they were reporting live from the area where Mr Kawuma was killed;

F. whereas both Mr Wine and Mr Wadri, together with several others, were arrested shortly after; whereas Mr Wine was accused of possession of firearms;

G. whereas 33 people, including Mr Wadri and four members of parliament (Robert Kyagulanyi, Francis Zaake, Gerald Karuhanga and Paul Mwiru), were charged with treason the day after the election and Mr Wine was charged by a military court with possession of illegal firearms;

H. whereas the protests triggered in Arua, Kampala and Mityana by these arrests have been violently quashed by the Ugandan security forces; whereas use of tear gas and live ammunition has been reported;

. whereas on 20 August 2018 James Akena, a photographer working for Reuters who was covering the #freeBobiWine political protests in Kampala, was beaten by soldiers, arrested and detained for several hours;

J. whereas there are reports that Mr Wine and other persons detained were tortured while in custody; whereas, after initially denying these allegations, the authorities have vowed to investigate them;

K. whereas Mr Wine was later charged with treason in a civilian court, following the decision of the military court not to proceed with the charges of illegal possession of firearms;

L. whereas Mr Wine was subsequently released on bail, and has left Uganda to seek treatment in the US;

M. whereas the former UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Zeid Ra’ad al-Hussein, has urged the Government of Uganda to conduct a thorough, independent and impartial investigation into the serious allegations of human rights violations, including extrajudicial killings, excessive use of force and torture and other forms of ill-treatment, and to bring those responsible to justice;

N. whereas Kizza Besigye, the leader of Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) and four times a presidential candidate, was detained on multiple occasions by the police or the military between 2001 and 2017, the most recent occasion being on 25 September 2017;

O. whereas arrests and intimidation of opposition political figures happen routinely in Uganda;

1. Expresses its deep concern at the arrest of opposition parliamentarians in connection with the Arua by‑election;

2. Stresses that it is vital for Ugandan democracy that the President and Government of Uganda respect the independence of the country’s Parliament as an institution and the independence of the mandate of its members and ensure that all members of parliament can freely pursue their elected mandates;

3. Calls on the Ugandan authorities to drop what appear to be trumped-up charges against Bobi Wine and to stop the crackdown against opposition politicians and supporters;

4. Urges the Ugandan authorities to immediately launch an effective, impartial and independent investigation into the killing of Yasin Kawuma and the reports of deaths and excessive use of force during the protests; expects a swift and independent investigation into the allegations of torture and mistreatment of those arrested in Arua; stresses the need to bring those responsible to justice;

5. Reiterates its commitment to freedom of expression, and reaffirms the key role played by the media in a democratic society; notes with concern that journalists covering the demonstrations and the riots that broke out have been beaten along with participants, and that two journalists were arrested; calls on the Ugandan authorities to create an environment where journalists can carry out without hindrance their work of informing about political developments in the country;

6. Reminds the Ugandan authorities of their obligation to guarantee, protect and promote fundamental rights, including the civil and political rights of the country’s citizens, among them freedom of speech and freedom of assembly;

7. Reminds the Government of Uganda of its international obligations, in particular concerning respect for fundamental freedoms and the rule of law and the handling of court cases, especially with regard to the right to a fair and impartial trial;

8. Urges the law enforcement bodies to protect basic freedoms without any form of intimidation, thereby complying with Article 24 of the Ugandan Constitution, which stipulates that ‘no person shall be subject to any form of torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment’;

9. Calls on the Ugandan security forces to show restraint when policing protests, to desist from using live bullets, to act lawfully and with full respect for human rights law, and to allow journalists to freely carry out their work of information;

10. Appeals at the same time to protesters to act in a law-abiding way and to exercise their rights and freedoms within the law;

11. Calls on the EU to take advantage of the political leverage provided by development aid programmes, especially budget support programmes, with a view to enhancing the defence and promotion of human rights in Uganda;

12. Commends the work accomplished by the Ugandan Human Rights Commission following the arrests, killings and torture arising from the Arua by‑election, including reporting, visits to detention centres, investigating the whereabouts of missing persons, and interventions to guarantee the rights of prisoners, medical treatment and family visits;

13. Calls on the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy to closely monitor the situation in Uganda; stresses that the European Parliament should be informed of any further signs that opposition members of the Ugandan Parliament are being hindered or obstructed in their work as legislators;

14. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the President of the Republic of Uganda, the Speaker of the Ugandan Parliament, and the African Union and its institutions.
 

The European Parliament,

– having regard to its previous resolutions on Tanzania, including that of 12 March 2015,

– having regard to the Declaration by High Representative Federica Mogherini of 15 November 2018 on behalf of the EU on EU-Tanzania relations,

– having regard to the local EU statement of 23 February 2018 on the rise in politicallyrelated violence and intimidation in Tanzania,

– having regard to the Council conclusions of 16 June 2016 on LGBTI equality,

– having regard to the statement by Michelle Bachelet, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), of 2 November 2018 on the prosecution and arrests of LGBT people in Tanzania,

– having regard to the EU Council’s Toolkit to promote and protect the enjoyment of all human rights by lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people (the LGBT Toolkit),

– having regard to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women,

– having regard to the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child,

– having regard to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR),

– having regard to the ACP-EU Partnership Agreement (‘Cotonou Agreement’),

– having regard to Rules 135(5) and 123(4) of its Rules of Procedure,

A. whereas, since the election of Tanzanian President John Pombe Magufuli in 2015, basic rights in the country have been undermined through repressive laws and decrees; whereas critical journalists, opposition politicians and outspoken civil society activists have faced threats, arbitrary detention and harassment;

B. whereas there has been increasing stigmatisation, violence and targeted arrests against LGBTI people over the past two years in the country; whereas, under Tanzanian law, same-sex relationships are criminal offences punishable by 30 years to life imprisonment; whereas Tanzania’s anti-homosexuality law is among the harshest in the world;

C. whereas suspected gay men in Tanzania are subjected to forced anal examinations, a discredited method of ‘proving’ homosexual conduct that the United Nations and the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights have denounced as torture;

D. whereas Paul Makonda, the regional commissioner of Dar Es Salaam, has been a prominent advocate of the repression; whereas, at a press conference on 31 October 2018, he announced the creation of a task force to track down gay men, prostitutes and people conducting fraudulent fundraisers on social media; whereas he called on the public to report suspected gay people to the authorities;

E. whereas the Ministry of Health has temporarily suspended the provision of HIV and AIDS services at community level and has closed drop-in centres for key populations, including gay men; whereas it closed 40 health centres on 17 February 2017 for allegedly encouraging homosexuality; whereas several organisations have reported that the crackdown on the LGBTI community has resulted in HIV-positive men failing to access their anti-retroviral treatment, while others have stopped accessing testing and preventive services;

F. whereas in November 2018 ten men were arrested in Zanzibar for allegedly conducting a same-sex marriage ceremony; whereas 13 health and human rights activists were arrested on 17 October 2018 for participating in a meeting to discuss a law restricting the access of LGBTI people to some health services;

G. whereas many children and adolescents, particularly girls, are exposed to human rights abuses and harmful practices, including widespread sexual violence, corporal punishment, child marriages and teenage pregnancies, that make schooling difficult or impossible for them; whereas the Tanzanian Government obstructs access to sexual and reproductive health services and intimidates organisations providing information about such services;

H. whereas on 22 June 2018 President Magufuli issued a declaration banning pregnant girls from attending school; whereas the authorities are intimidating civil society organisations (CSOs) that advocate the rights of pregnant girls to go back to school;

I. whereas the Tanzania Commission for Human Rights and Good Governance has not been operational for some time; whereas President Magufuli has not appointed commissioners or other office bearers to the Commission;

J. whereas the government has shut down or threatened privately owned radio stations and newspapers, and ended live transmissions of parliamentary debates; whereas local channels and decoders which air local channels have been closed;

K. whereas Tanzania’s National Assembly passed the Cybercrimes Act in 2015 and the Online Content Regulations in September 2018 with the aim of controlling content used on social media; whereas the Statistics Act adopted in 2015 states that it is not allowed to discuss or question certain statistics communicated by the government;

L. whereas leading opposition members are regularly arrested on charges ranging from allegedly insulting the President to false information and sedition; whereas 20 members of Tanzania’s main opposition party were arrested in July 2018 over claims that they were fomenting trouble; whereas several political opposition members and parliamentarians have been violently attacked and even killed since the start of 2018; whereas on 22 February Godfrey Luena, a member of parliament with Tanzania’s main opposition party Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA) and a vocal land rights defender, was killed with machetes outside his home; whereas in November 2018 the programme coordinator of the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), Africa Angela Quintal, and her colleague Muthoki Mumo were arrested and released after pressure by international institutions;

M. whereas tourism development in recent years has led to increased activity, particularly in the Serengeti region where the Maasai live; whereas the control of arable or scarce land for speculative purposes has led to strong tensions in the area;

N. whereas the EU Head of Delegation Roeland van de Geer was forced to leave the country after the Tanzanian authorities exerted increased pressure on him; whereas, since the election of President Magufuli, the Head of UN Women, the Head of the UNDP and the Head of Unesco have all been expelled from Tanzania;

O. whereas the EU High Representative Federica Mogherini has announced a comprehensive review of the Union’s relations with Tanzania;

1. Expresses its concern about the deteriorating political situation in Tanzania characterised by a shrinking of the public space through the tightening of restrictions on the activities of civil society organisations, human rights defenders, the media and many political parties; is especially worried about the deteriorating situation for LGBTI persons;

2. Denounces all incitement to hatred and violence on grounds of sexual orientation; urges the Tanzanian authorities to ensure that Paul Makonda ends his provocation against the LGBTI community and is brought to justice for incitement to violence;

3. Calls for independent investigations to be conducted into cases of attacks and assaults on journalists, LGBTI people, human rights defenders and opposition party members, with a view to bringing suspected perpetrators to justice;

4. Reminds the Tanzanian Government of its obligation, including commitments made under the Cotonou Agreement, to protect the rights, dignity and physical integrity of all its citizens in all circumstances;

5. Calls on Tanzania to repeal laws criminalising homosexuality;

6. Urges the EU and its Member States to make full use of the LGBT Toolkit to encourage third countries to decriminalise homosexuality, help reduce violence and discrimination and protect LGBTI human rights defenders;

7. Calls on the Tanzanian authorities to amend all restrictive provisions in the Cybercrimes Act, the Electronic and Postal Communications (Online Content) Regulations and the Media Services Act and replace these with provisions that will guarantee freedom of expression and the media in line with international human rights standards;

8. Calls on the Tanzanian authorities to repeal any laws, policies or other barriers to services and information that women, girls and young mothers need for a healthy life, most notably President Magufuli’s declaration that girls who give birth should not be allowed to return to school, including the repeal of regulations that make it legal for pregnant girls to be expelled from school;

9. Urges the President of Tanzania to make the country’s Human Rights Commission operational as soon as possible, to appoint commissioners to follow up on human rights violations, and to take action to support domestic workers abroad;

10. Calls on the Tanzanian authorities to release political prisoners;

11. Expresses serious concern about the pressure exerted by the Tanzanian Government on the EU Head of Delegation, Roeland van de Geer; welcomes the decision of the European Union and its Member States to conduct a comprehensive review of EU policies towards Tanzania; insists on the importance of political dialogue to seek tangible commitments from the Tanzanian authorities towards creating an enabling environment for the operation of civil society, political parties and the media; calls on the Commission to ensure that an explicit reference to non-discrimination based on sexual orientation is included in the future ACP-EU partnership agreement post-2020;

12. Expresses concern at the situation of the Maasai people; denounces the use of force by the authorities and security forces;

13. Calls on the Tanzanian authorities to act decisively to safeguard the rights of civil society organisations, human rights defenders, journalists, health workers and political activists in accordance with the Tanzanian constitution, the African Charter of Human and Peoples’ Rights and the country’s international and regional obligations and commitments;

14. Calls for the EU to continue to closely monitor the human rights situation in Tanzania, particularly through regular reporting by its delegation; calls on the European Union Delegation and Member States to do all they can to provide emergency protection and support to human rights defenders at risk;

15. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the Vice-President of the European Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the EU Special Representative for Human Rights, the ACP-EU Council, the institutions of the African Union, the institutions of the East African Community, and the President, Government and Parliament of Tanzania.

SOURCE: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides...+P8-RC-2018-0570+0+DOC+PDF+V0//EN&language=EN
TAARIFA MBAYA
 
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