Zimbabwe: The turmoil, reconciliation, and the future!

Zimbabwe: The turmoil, reconciliation, and the future!

Dr WHO: why have you persistently refused to answer this simple question: How does the land redistribution programme justify the torture and killing of innocent people?

Where in my post did i mention that land redisribution justfy torture and killing innocent people? and since you have come up with the land resdistribution then i should ask, are you suggesting that we must wait for a 'morally pure' leader to take us out of poverty? Who is this person who has never existed in the history of politics? Is it a western sponsored leader? Sometimes i wonder why some Tanzanians have no sense of the historical precedent set by Mugabe and instead complain about how long he has taken etc. One man's effective working life may be 50 years but on a historical timeline the 20years Mugabe took is nothing, zilch, nada, etc. the man could have taken 50 years and I would still say better late than never. UNLESS he was suppressing leaders who were about to do land reform which is patently not the case. If we followed UK's timetable for land reform i.e giving back what they stole, we would be waiting an eternity.



Should we praise Mugabe for barring indpendent media, political rallies, changing the constitution so he stays further, beating his opponents, etc etc?

Depends on your definition fo "Independent media" if you mean BBC or DAILY MAIL or DAILY TELEGRAPH are independent then i would conclude that you are entitled to believe that they are independent but as far as i know they are not. Remember when ZANZIBAR GOVT banned BBC SWAHILI from broadcasting in ZNZ? well, now i understand when the govt said that BBC were distorting news and were on a propaganda campaign to discredit Zanzibar govt without being "fair and impartial" as at the BBC Charter.

For your information,the only time Zimbabwe was an issue to western media was in 2000 when land reform began so those relying on western media seem to have concluded, ‘well, this is the first I’ve heard about land so what was he doing all this time?’ Is it in itn interests to report Mugabe going to UN to get u.k to honour it’s Lancaster house agreement? Is it in bbc interests to report debates in parliament about the land acquisition act before 2000? Mugabe doesn’t own media outside of Zimbabwe so the idea of controlling what is reported about him in the world is not really realistic is it?



Couldnt he have done what you say without at the same time killing democratic institutions and people? These are simple questions, are they not

Which democratic institutions are you talking about?I guess you are getting your information from the so called Human Rights organizations that have no credibility even the west..I mean agencies like Amnesty International. I will give you a small example. Here in the UK, We have police who are as thugs because they murder Africans here in Britain but you will never hear a word from the so called AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL.

HUMAN RIGHTS is still being used as a smoke screen to justify interfering in African affairs. HUMAN RIGHTS thrive in poorer regions where people have less access to economic and political power no? So why don't you check what happens to our leaders when they actually try to challenge the conditions which make HUMAN RIGHTS and CORRUPTION thrive? The minute they challenge the status quo of western economic power in Africa (i.e land reform) what happens?

The minute they prop up or support western economic power in Africa then they are held up as an example of good governance etc. I really thought everyone would know that by now. The human rights argument is at best bullsh*t and at worst bullsh*t AND that's before you consider what the champions of democracy have done in Iraq. Illegal war anyone? Guantanamo bay anyone? Police persecution of Muslims anyone? Detention without trial anyone?
 
Gigo,

Nimekusoma. Tunafanya kwenye cycle zetu za kimataifa. Wakati mwafaka ukifika tutatoa matamko kwenye media.

Lipumba alishasema msimamo wake- yeye alimshambulia mugabe moja kwa moja. Msimamo wa Mbowe nadhani umeusoma kwenye makala yake. Lakini la MDC per se, has a lot to be desired

JJ

Sawa!!..Lakini... Muda!!..
Yaani Jambo Likitokea wakati wowote!! jaribuni Kufikiria haraka -kwa kasi.. ya ajabu!! Tena sahihi..zaidi ya maelezo!! toeni tamko..hoja!! wazo!....ni advantage kwenu...

Wapinzani walipata nafasi Nzuri kwenye Darwin nightmare lakini Muda ule mliutumia vibaya!!)..kwa mwenye akili atawanyasa sana!!...Kwa miaka mingi ijayo..

Pale mlipigwa chenga tena ina itwa- doba!!!...
Yanayo tokea Zimbabwe..Ni matokeo Ya historia Ya Africa Nyerere na marafiki Zake!! wakina Mugabe!!..

Haya kazi kwako!!
 
SOURCE: www.allafrica.com

By Bugalo A. Chilume

The Thug "Mwana uyu haafe akatonga (This child will never rule) Zimbabwe" - Chibwe Tsvangirai, after his eldest son Morgan, leader of the MDC, had urged the West to impose sanctions on his own country (The Herald).

Western powers and media associations are quick to protest over the suppression of press freedom in Afrikan countries not because they are interested in the rights of people in these countries to have unfettered access to information. Their concern emanates from the need to ensure a free-flow of Western propaganda aimed at conditioning and brainwashing Afrikans into finding comfort in the psychological shackles that are holding them down. However, this psychological warfare wouldn't be possible without the complicity of local media, which is bribed through sponsored trips to Western nations, scholarships, generous donations to media organisations, etc.


The hostility of most Batswana towards Robert Mugabe is not founded on facts but purely on the one-sided propaganda that they are force fed day in and day out; and they do not have neither the time nor inclination to seek alternative sources of news for balance. For the majority of Batswana, in terms of external news, events in Zimbabwe take first priority for obvious reasons. Yet, when it comes to reporting on Zimbabwe, the local media (public and private) merely regurgitates vile Western propaganda to tarnish the image of this truly great Afrikan man. At the same time, the media flatly refuses to provide a platform for Mugabe and his government - in fact, press statements from the Zimbabwean Embassy to clarify events back home are never published.

This bias reporting is a deliberately ploy to keep Batswana ignorant of the real situation in Zimbabwe and turn them against Mugabe. It is criminal! A treachery of monumental proportions to our endeavours to liberate Afrika from the evil clutches of the White imperialists!

One of the strategic goals of 2016 is to have an informed nation; however, the sad truth is that the nation is badly misinformed when it comes to events in Zimbabwe. What Batswana hear and read is dictated by the imperialist media, which has put an ugly spin to the personalities of the key players. What they know about Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai is the opposite of reality. There has never been an Afrikan political figure that has been as sanitised and deodorised by the Western media as Morgan Tsvangirai.

His sordid side - the only side he has actually - has been hidden from the public. Instead, a positive image of Tsvangirai has been painstakingly concocted over the years as part of a strategy by the West to topple Robert Mugabe for 'meddling' in the DRC; restoring stolen land to its rightful Afrikan owners; and his outspokenness against exploitative neo-liberal economic policies that are forced on weak Afrikan countries. Tsvangirai was presented as a knight in shinning amour who would rescue Zimbabwe from the 'misrule' of Mugabe. The expectation was that with Western backing, he would make light work of Mugabe, but they had underestimated the resilience of this great Afrikan warrior.

So when the Western media recently paraded Tsvangirai sporting a bruised face he got from the beating he received when he resisted arrest after wilfully breaking the law and inciting riots by gangs of unemployed youth who were paid for this purpose, there was disbelief and outrage from those who have brought the idea that Tsvangirai is a respectful politician, when in actual fact the man is an unremitting thug. The West chose him as their stooge because he was a perfect fit - his unbridled hunger for power, gift of the gab, limited intelligence, and, above all, his penchant for violence. The next time you look at his mug shot, pay close attention and you will see thug written all over his face, even the battered face.

Now that the West has lost hope of Tsvangirai ever becoming president as his own father had predicted, he is now being used as a full time political hoodlum to create chaos and invent a political crisis in Zimbabwe; just as Jean-Pierre Bemba is being used to destabilise the DRC and manufacture a political crisis meant to pave way for the occupation of the mineral-rich country by the imperialists. Bemba is a former Western-sponsored warlord whose hands are dripping with the blood of innocent Congolese, and so are the hands of his backers. Take a good look at his face - yes, another thug. Next week: Tsvangirai's sordid side. bugaloc@yahoo.com
 
QUTES:

".......At the summit, however the leaders showed their indifference to the suffering that we ordinary people of Zimbabwe endure. At the closing news conference, Tanzanian President announced that he and his fellow heads of state were in suppot of the government and the people of Zimbabwe....."

Later on Mugabe boasted, " ......We got fulll backing: not even one (SADC leader) criticized our actions...."

Zimabbweans were left to wonder how neighboring governments can countinue claiming to support the brutalizer and the brutalized at the same time?

When will Sourhtern African leaders decide they will no longer align themselves with tyranny? When will they abandon their failed startegy of "quite diplomacy" and move on to help the people of Zimbabwe!

SOURCE: Zimbabwe's Post Arnold Tsunga!
 
Kutokana na jinsi mambo yanavyokwenda ni wazi kuwa njia ya kumnusuru Mzee wetu huyu aliyelitumikia bara letu kwa utiifu anahitaji kupata mapumziko ya kiheshima na sidhani kama Zimbabwe ni mahala muafaka. Ingawa wapo wanaodhani kuwa bado ana nguvu kisiasa za kumlinda naamini uwezekano mkubwa wa hao anaowaona wenziwe kumgeuze asusa kwa maadui zake Bush-Blair and Company ni mkubwa na analijua na kuliogopa hilo.

Ili kuweza kumnusuru Mzee wetu huyu na kumshawishi akubali yaishe kwa njia ya amani na bado akiwa na uwezo hata wa kushawishi nani wa kumwachia madaraka na asiyekuwa Mjingamjinga (nina uhakika na hili)Tsvangirai nadhani itakuwa busara kumpatia shamba la kama ekari 1000 kama zitapatikana pembezoni mwa shamba la Kaka yake Mpendwa Mwalimu ili ajisikie kuwa wana wa Afrika hawajamtupa.

Nadhani kwa dili hili na uhakika hata kama wa kikatiba wa kumlinda na ya Saddam, Taylor, Milosivich na wengineo angalao kwa miaka ishiri ijayo hata kama watakuwa ni CHADEMA, CUF, NCCR ama ama yeyote yule madarakani., vinaweza kumpa mwanga kidogo.

Linaweza likawa wazo la kitoto lakini ukweli ni kuwa katika mazingira tuliyopo kunahitajika kila aina ya ushauri ama?

Tanzanianjema
 
Ni muda sasa tangia nimekuwa kimya naangalia mwenendo wa Kanisa katoliki Tanzania na siasa . Hatimaye Kadinali Pengo katamka wazi kwamba hataki Mugabe aachie madaraka . Kama swala ni hili kwama Pengo na Kanisa Katoliki liko nyuma ya Mugabe je nafasi ya Wakatoliki ambao si wana chama wa Mugabe na maisha yao na muda wao wa kumwabudu itakuwa wapi ? Maana kila anaye mpinga Mugabe is subjected to torture or death . Pengo una uhakika na uamuzi wako wa kumuunga mkono Mugabe ? Je ni uamuzi wako kama Pengo mtu ama kama Kadinali mwenye watu wengi nyuma ? Hii ni mara ya pili nashuhudia kauli za Pengo kwenye utata . Mara ya kwanza ilikuwa mwaka 1995 ambako alipingana na upinzani kabisa kwa uwazi kisa yeye ni Muumini wa Mwalimu na mwana CCM .
 
Ni muda sasa tangia nimekuwa kimya naangalia mwenendo wa Kanisa katoliki Tanzania na siasa . Hatimaye Kadinali Pengo katamka wazi kwamba hataki Mugabe aachie madaraka . Kama swala ni hili kwama Pengo na Kanisa Katoliki liko nyuma ya Mugabe je nafasi ya Wakatoliki ambao si wana chama wa Mugabe na maisha yao na muda wao wa kumwabudu itakuwa wapi ? Maana kila anaye mpinga Mugabe is subjected to torture or death . Pengo una uhakika na uamuzi wako wa kumuunga mkono Mugabe ? Je ni uamuzi wako kama Pengo mtu ama kama Kadinali mwenye watu wengi nyuma ? Hii ni mara ya pili nashuhudia kauli za Pengo kwenye utata . Mara ya kwanza ilikuwa mwaka 1995 ambako alipingana na upinzani kabisa kwa uwazi kisa yeye ni Muumini wa Mwalimu na mwana CCM .

Hataki!!!!Ni sawa na wewe Unae taka aondoke madalakani!!................
lakini Viongozi wa Dini sasa wawe makini na Kauli zao!!

Ukilinganisha Dini na yanayo tokea Zimbabwe ni dahhili kabiasa Viongozi wa Dini watapinga utawala wa Mugabe...

Ok! hebu tuone mimi binafsi sija-isikia Hii Kauli ya Pengo!!
 
Gigo
Kimbilia pale St.Joseph maktaba omba gazeti la last week la wakatoliki ambalo si Kiongozi , utaona haya ninayo yasema . Mimi nimesikia kichwa cha habari via Radio Maria sasa wahi huko then come back and tell us .
 
'God Hears The Cry Of The Oppressed’

Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops’ Conference (Harare) DOCUMENT March 30, 2007

Pastoral Letter by the Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops’ Conference on the Current Crisis of Our Country Holy Thursday, 5 April 2007

As your Shepherds we have reflected on our national situation and, in the light of the Word of God and Christian Social Teaching, have discerned what we now share with you, in the hope of offering guidance, light and hope in these difficult times.

The Crisis
The people of Zimbabwe are suffering. More and more people are getting angry, even from among those who had seemed to be doing reasonably well under the circumstances. The reasons for the anger are many, among them, bad governance and corruption. A tiny minority of the people have become very rich overnight, while the majority are languishing in poverty, creating a huge gap between the rich and the poor. Our Country is in deep crisis. A crisis is an unstable situation of extreme danger and difficulty. Yet, it can also be turned into a moment of grace and of a new beginning, if those responsible for causing the crisis repent, heed the cry of the people and foster a change of heart and mind especially during the imminent Easter Season, so our Nation can rise to new life with the Risen Lord.

In Zimbabwe today, there are Christians on all sides of the conflict; and there are many Christians sitting on the fence. Active members of our Parish and Pastoral Councils are prominent officials at all levels of the ruling party. Equally distinguished and committed office-bearers of the opposition parties actively support church activities in every parish and diocese. They all profess their loyalty to the same Church. They are all baptised, sit and pray and sing together in the same church, take part in the same celebration of the Eucharist and partake of the same Body and Blood of Christ. While the next day, outside the church, a few steps away, Christian State Agents, policemen and soldiers assault and beat peaceful, unarmed demonstrators and torture detainees. This is the unacceptable reality on the ground, which shows much disrespect for human life and falls far below the dignity of both the perpetrator and the victim.

In our prayer and reflection during this Lent, we have tried to understand the reasons why this is so. We have concluded that the crisis of our Country is, in essence, a crisis of governance and a crisis of leadership apart from being a spiritual and moral crisis.

A Crisis of Governance
The national health system has all but disintegrated as a result of prolonged industrial action by medical professionals, lack of drugs, essential equipment in disrepair and several other factors.

In the educational sector, high tuition fees and levies, the lack of teaching and learning resources, and the absence of teachers have brought activities in many public schools and institutions of higher education to a standstill. The number of students forced to terminate their education is increasing every month. At the same time, Government interference with the provision of education by private schools has created unnecessary tension and conflict.

Public services in Zimbabwe’s towns and cities have crumbled. Roads, street lighting, water and sewer reticulation are in a state of severe disrepair to the point of constituting an acute threat to public health and safety, while the collection of garbage has come to a complete standstill in many places. Unabated political interference with the work of democratically elected Councils is one of the chief causes of this breakdown.

The erosion of the public transport system has negatively affected every aspect of our Country’s economy and social life. Horrific accidents claim the lives of dozens of citizens each month.

Almost two years after the Operation Murambatsvina, thousands of victims are still without a home. That inexcusable injustice has not been forgotten.

Following a radical land reform programme seven years ago, many people are today going to bed hungry and wake up to a day without work. Hundreds of companies were forced to close. Over 80 per cent of the people of Zimbabwe are without employment. Scores risk their lives week after week in search of work in neighbouring countries.

Inflation has soared to over 1,600 per cent, and continues to rise, daily. It is the highest in the world and has made the life of ordinary Zimbabweans unbearable, regardless of their political preferences. We are all concerned for the turnaround of our economy but this will remain a dream unless corruption is dealt with severely irrespective of a person’s political or social status or connections.

The list of justified grievances is long and could go on for many pages. The suffering people of Zimbabwe are groaning in agony: “Watchman, how much longer the night”? (Is 21:11).

A Crisis of Moral Leadership
The crisis of our Country is, secondly, a crisis of leadership. The burden of that crisis is borne by all Zimbabweans, but especially the young who grow up in search of role models. The youth are influenced and formed as much by what they see their elders doing as by what they hear and learn at school or from their peers. If our young people see their leaders habitually engaging in acts and words which are hateful, disrespectful, racist, corrupt, lawless, unjust, greedy, dishonest and violent in order to cling to the privileges of power and wealth, it is highly likely that many of them will behave in exactly the same manner. The consequences of such overtly corrupt leadership as we are witnessing in Zimbabwe today will be with us for many years, perhaps decades, to come. Evil habits and attitudes take much longer to rehabilitate than to acquire. Being elected to a position of leadership should not be misconstrued as a licence to do as one pleases at the expense of the will and trust of the electorate.

A Spiritual and Moral Crisis
Our crisis is not only political and economic but first and foremost a spiritual and moral crisis. As the young independent nation struggles to find its common national spirit, the people of Zimbabwe are reacting against the “structures of sin” in our society. Pope John Paul II says that the “structures of sin” are “rooted in personal sin, and thus always linked to the concrete acts of individuals who introduce these structures, consolidate them and make them difficult to remove. And thus they grow stronger, spread, and become the source of other sins, and so influence people’s behaviour.” [1] The Holy Father stresses that in order to understand the reality that confronts us, we must “give a name to the root of the evils which afflict us.” [2]. That is what we have done in this Pastoral Letter.

The Roots of the Crisis
The present crisis in our Country has its roots deep in colonial society. Despite the rhetoric of a glorious socialist revolution brought about by the armed struggle, the colonial structures and institutions of pre-independent Zimbabwe continue to persist in our society. None of the unjust and oppressive security laws of the Rhodesian State have been repealed; in fact, they have been reinforced by even more repressive legislation, the Public Order and Security Act and the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act, in particular. It almost appears as though someone sat down with the Declaration of Human Rights and deliberately scrubbed out each in turn.

Why was this done? Because soon after Independence, the power and wealth of the tiny white Rhodesian elite was appropriated by an equally exclusive black elite, some of whom have governed the country for the past 27 years through political patronage. Black Zimbabweans today fight for the same basic rights they fought for during the liberation struggle. It is the same conflict between those who possess power and wealth in abundance, and those who do not; between those who are determined to maintain their privileges of power and wealth at any cost, even at the cost of bloodshed, and those who demand their democratic rights and a share in the fruits of independence; between those who continue to benefit from the present system of inequality and injustice, because it favours them and enables them to maintain an exceptionally high standard of living, and those who go to bed hungry at night and wake up in the morning to another day without work and without income; between those who only know the language of violence and intimidation, and those who feel they have nothing more to lose because their Constitutional rights have been abrogated and their votes rigged. Many people in Zimbabwe are angry, and their anger is now erupting into open revolt in one township after another.

The confrontation in our Country has now reached a flashpoint. As the suffering population becomes more insistent, generating more and more pressure through boycotts, strikes, demonstrations and uprisings, the State responds with ever harsher oppression through arrests, detentions, banning orders, beatings and torture. In our judgement, the situation is extremely volatile. In order to avoid further bloodshed and avert a mass uprising the nation needs a new people-driven Constitution that will guide a democratic leadership chosen in free and fair elections that will offer a chance for economic recovery under genuinely new policies.

Our Message of Hope: God is always on the Side of the Oppressed
The Bible has much to say about situations of confrontation. The conflict between the oppressor and the oppressed is a central theme throughout the Old and New Testaments.[3]

Biblical scholars have discovered that there are no less than twenty different root words in Hebrew to describe oppression. One example is the Creed of the chosen people, which we read on the First Sunday of Lent: “My Father was a homeless Aramaean. He went down to Egypt to find refuge there, few in numbers; but there he became a nation, great, mighty and strong. The Egyptians ill-treated us, they gave us no peace and inflicted harsh slavery on us. But we called on the Lord, the God of our fathers. The Lord heard our voice and saw our misery, our toil and our oppression; and the Lord brought us out of Egypt with mighty hand and outstretched arm, with great terror, and with signs and wonders . … ” (Deut 26:5b-8).

The Bible describes oppression in concrete and vivid terms: Oppression is the experience of being crushed, degraded, humiliated, exploited, impoverished, defrauded, deceived and enslaved. And the oppressors are described as cruel, ruthless, arrogant, greedy, violent and tyrannical; they are called ‘the enemy’. Such words could only have been used by people who in their own lives and history had an immediate and personal experience of being oppressed. To them Yahweh revealed himself as the God of compassion who hears the cry of the oppressed and who liberates them from their oppressors. The God of the Bible is always on the side of the oppressed. He does not reconcile Moses and Pharaoh, or the Hebrew slaves with their Egyptian oppressors. Oppression is sin and cannot be compromised with. It must be overcome. God takes sides with the oppressed. As we read in Psalm 103:6: “God who does what is right, is always on the side of the oppressed”. [4]

When confronted with the politically powerful, Jesus speaks the language of the boldest among Israel’s prophets. He calls Herod ‘that fox’ (Lk13:32) and courageously exposes the greed for money, power and adulation of the political elite. And he warns his disciples never to do likewise: “Among the gentiles it is the kings who lord it over them, and those who have authority over them are given the title Benefactor. With you this must not happen. No, the greatest among you must behave as if he were the youngest, the leader as if he were the one who serves” (Lk 22:25-27). And he warns Pilate in no uncertain terms that he will be held to account by God for his use of power over life and death (John 19:11).

Throughout the history of the Church, persecuted Christians have remembered, prayed and sung the prophetic words of Mary: “[The Lord] has used the power of his arm, he has routed the arrogant of heart. He has pulled down princes from their thrones and raised high the lowly. He has filled the starving with good things, sent the rich away empty” (Lk1:50-53).

Generations of Zimbabweans, too, throughout their own long history of oppression and their struggle for liberation, have remembered, prayed and sung these texts from the Old and New Testaments and found strength, courage and perseverance in their faith that Jesus is on their side. That is the message of hope we want to convey in this Pastoral Letter: God is on your side. He always hears the cry of the poor and oppressed and saves them.

Conclusion
We conclude our Pastoral Letter by affirming with a clear and unambiguous Yes our support of morally legitimate political authority. At the same time we say an equally clear and unambiguous No to power through violence, oppression and intimidation. We call on those who are responsible for the current crisis in our Country to repent and listen to the cry of their citizens. To the people of Zimbabwe we appeal for peace and restraint when expressing their justified grievances and demonstrating for their human rights.

Words call for concrete action, for symbols and gestures which keep our hope alive. We therefore invite all the faithful to a Day of Prayer and Fasting for Zimbabwe, on Saturday, 14 April 2007. This will be followed by a Prayer Service for Zimbabwe, on Friday, every week, in all parishes of our Country. As for the details, each Diocese will make known its own arrangements.

May the Peace and Hope of the Risen Lord be with you always. Happy Easter.

Prayer For Our Country
God Our Father, You have given all peoples one common origin, And your will is to gather them as one family in yourself. Give compassion to our leaders, integrity to our citizens, and repentance to us all. Fill the hearts of all women and men with your love And the desire to ensure justice for all their brothers and sisters By sharing the good things you give us May we ensure justice and equality for every human being, An end to all division, and a human society built on love, Lasting prosperity and peace for all.We ask this through Jesus Christ, our Lord. Amen. Our Father… Hail Mary… Glory be to the Father …

+Robert C. Ndlovu, Archbishop of Harare (ZCBC President)
+Pius Alec M. Ncube, Archbishop of Bulawayo
+Alexio Churu Muchabaiwa, Bishop of Mutare (ZCBC Secretary/Treasurer)
+Michael D. Bhasera, Bishop of Masvingo
+Angel Floro, Bishop of Gokwe (ZCBC Vice President)
+Martin Munyanyi, Bishop of Gweru
+Dieter B. Scholz SJ, Bishop of Chinhoyi
+Albert Serrano, Bishop of Hwange
+Patrick M. Mutume, Auxiliary Bishop of Mutare

References:
[1]John Paul II (1987), Encyclical Letter Sollicitudo Rei Socialis, paragraph 36
[2]Ibid
[3] The Kairos Document (1985), Challenge to the Church, A Theological Comment on the Political Crisis in South Africa, p 19 f
[4] The Kairos Document (1985), Challenge to the Church, A Theological Comment on the Political Crisis in South Africa, p 20 Forward Ever (by any means necessary)! Karen C. Aboiralor
 
International Herald Tribune

The Associated PressPublished: April 8, 2007

HARARE, Zimbabwe: Roman Catholic bishops marked Easter with an unprecedented message to President Robert Mugabe to end oppression and leave office through democratic reform or face a mass revolt.

"The confrontation in our country has now reached a flashpoint," said the Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops Conference in a pastoral message pinned up Sunday at churches throughout the country.

"As the suffering population becomes more insistent, generating more and more pressure through boycotts, strikes, demonstrations and uprisings, the state responds with ever harsher oppression through arrests, detentions, banning orders, beatings and torture, "the nine bishops said.

The majority of Zimbabwe's Christians - including Mugabe - are Roman Catholics. Several thousand worshippers who packed the cathedral in Harare - clustered around the notice boards to read the message after morning Mass on Sunday.

Although the Catholic bishops - especially Pius Ncube, the archbishop of the second city of Bulawayo, have criticized the government in the past, the tone of this year's pastoral message was the most strident since
independence from Britain in 1980.

In his traditional Easter address from the central balcony of St. Peter's Basilica in the Vatican, Pope Benedict XVI singled out Zimbabwe among other troubled countries."Zimbabwe is in the grip of a grievous crisis," he said. The letter, entitled "God Hears the Cries of the Oppressed," likened human and democratic rights abuses under Mugabe to the oppression of biblical pharaohs and Egyptian slave masters. "Oppression is sin and cannot be compromised with, "it said.

As in the colonial era, the current conflict in Zimbabwe pitted those determined to maintain their privileges of power and wealth at any cost, even at the cost of bloodshed, against those demanding democratic rights, it
said. The conflict was "between those who only know the language of violence and intimidation, and those who feel they have nothing more to lose because their constitutional rights have been abrogated and their votes rigged," it continued.

"Many people in Zimbabwe are angry, and their anger is now erupting into open revolt in one township after another," said the bishops. "In order to avoid further bloodshed and avert a mass uprising, the nation needs a new people-driven constitution that will guide a democratic leadership chosen in free and fair elections," it said.

A similar letter in the nearby nation of Malawi pressured longtime dictator Hastings Kamuzu Banda into holding a referendum on reform in 1992 and calling democratic elections, which he lost, ending 30 years of brutal rule.

The Zimbabwe bishops' letter was also reminiscent of the role of Catholic churches in the eventual ouster of Ferdinand Marcos in the Philippines. Deeply rooted Catholicism embraced the majority of the population in the Philippines and churches in Malawi triggered resistance to Banda, said Father Oskar Wermter of the Catholic communications secretariat in Harare.

"We cannot yet say what the response of our congregations will be, but basic biblical teachings apply. Oppression is not negotiable. It must stop before there can be any dialogue," he said. Wermter said the bishops wanted the contents of the letter to receive the widest possible distribution. The letter was delivered in the traditional rural strongholds of Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF party across the country, where priests showed what he called a very strong interest in it.

The bishops called for a day of prayer and fasting for Zimbabwe April 14 and said there would be a prayer service for Zimbabwe every week after that.

The Anglican church has been more muted, with its leaders generally toeing the ruling party line. Police violently broke up a multi-denominational prayer meeting March 11, describing it as a banned demonstration. Two pro-democracy activists died and Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the main opposition Movement for Democratic Change, and a dozen senior colleagues were hospitalized after beatings.

Mugabe subsequently headed off a challenge to his leadership to win party support to stand for another presidential term in national elections in 2008. There was no response from the government Sunday to the pastoral letter and Mugabe was out of the country. The once-prosperous nation is reeling under hyperinflation of more than 1,700 percent, 80-percent unemployment, shortages of food and other basic goods and one of the world's lowest life expectancies.

"The suffering people of Zimbabwe are groaning in agony," said the Bishops. "A tiny minority of the people have become very rich overnight, while the majority are languishing in poverty. ... Our country is in deep crisis."

But the letter said it also wanted to convey a message of hope. "God is on your side. he always hears the cry of the poor and oppressed and
saves them."​

http://www.zimbabwesituation.com/apr9_2007.html


Lunyungu

Story yako ya Kadinali Pengo inakwenda opposite kabisa na Mkuu wa kanisa katoliki Papa na ma-bishop walioko Zimbabwe. Kama inawezekana utuwekee yale aliyosema kadinali Pengo kwa kunukuu ili nasi tufaidike na mawazo yake.
 
Comment from The Sunday Times (SA), 8 April

Mondli Makhanya

There's this old saying about how the one thing we learn from history is how we learn nothing from history. It always comes back to me when I think of the events of Good Friday, 2000. Dozens of us journos had gathered at the Elephant Hills Hotel in Victoria Falls to cover a make-or-break summit that would stop Zimbabwe's slide into the abyss. The government-backed land invasions were in full force; opposition members campaigning ahead of that year's June parliamentary elections were being beaten and tortured by police and Zanu PF militias; the media and the judiciary were being strangled; the Zimbabwean dollar was heading south in a most dramatic fashion; fuel shortages were rife and the general economy was in free fall. So South Africa's President Thabo Mbeki, Mozambique's Joachim Chissano and Namibia's Sam Nujoma descended on Victoria Falls with a view of talking nicely to Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe .

They came out of the marathon meeting brimming with optimism. They told us that Mugabe had agreed to a series of measures to restore normality to a country that had been one of post-colonial Africa's shining stars.

Among the measures were that war veterans would be removed from the farms within 30 days; the rule of law would be restored and conditions for free political activity would be created. On the economic front, an orderly land-reform programme would be agreed on and negotiations on funding it would be entered into with Britain and donor agencies. When queried about why they were so confident that Mugabe would meet his end of the bargain, the three presidents expressed irritation that such a question could even be asked. "He is a head of state making a commitment to fellow heads of state and that is good enough. Why would you want to question his integrity?" was the basic response.

The following week, Mugabe and his lieutenants were traversing the countryside, repudiating everything that had been said at Victoria Falls. The message to the masses: there is no way we will order Zimbabweans off the land they have reclaimed from the colonialists; there is no way we will set comrade against comrade by getting security forces to evict war veterans from occupied farms; there is no way we will allow the stooges of colonialists (the Movement for Democratic Change) to campaign to give the country back to the British. Point by point they rubbished the Good Friday agreement, the very commitment that man of integrity had made to fellow heads of state. I am writing this column on Good Friday 2007 (yes, some of us poor sods had to get up this morning to produce the newspaper you are holding in your hands) a week after the South African Development Community heads of state gathered in Tanzania, where Mugabe's colleagues received a commitment from him on restoring political stability to his country.

In terms of the Dar es Salaam minute, Mugabe agreed to a process to enter into dialogue with his rivals and other sections of Zimbabwean society. By all accounts, the SADC leaders were quite tough on Mugabe behind closed doors. And they walked away believing that the man of integrity would help them to help himself. But a day after the summit, Mugabe was back on the podiums, proclaiming that his brother leaders had in fact backed his errant ways because they believed his version that the imperialists were behind the opposition. Over the same weekend, his goons beat up more opposition leaders and jailed more activists. And Mugabe was endorsed as a candidate for yet another term of office - all as if nothing had happened in Dar es Salaam. The point is that if South Africa and its neighbours had been willing to learn from history, they would have known by now that Mugabe is a liar who has no respect for them or the offices they occupy.

A question that is asked of those who are critical of the so-called quiet diplomacy approach is: "What were we expected to do?" The answer should always start with what they should not have done. They should not have legitimised him by endorsing three stolen elections and by repeatedly denying - in the face of incontrovertible evidence - that there was erosion of human rights and democratic practice. At various international forums our reprepresentatives should not have acted as Mugabe's bodyguards. Here at home the government and the ANC should not have given Zanu PF revolutionary credentials when it was clear there was nothing left in the party that said "liberation movement". So what could we have done and what can we still do? The first step for the South African government is to treat Robert Mugabe with a great degree of distrust. The next step would be to get the rest of Zimbabwean society, mainly the civil society activists who we have betrayed, to trust our honest-broker bona fides. And then we need to speak loudly about the principles of the African Union charter and the SADC treaty and protocols - documents that the Mugabe government has endorsed. These are not imperialists' impositions, but minimum standards that we on the continent have agreed to. They are a legitimate platform for intervention.

Rais ni mwongo wa kutupwa?
 
Do you want to hire a vehicle? In Zimbabwe they do..........

Cape Times

April 09, 2007 Edition 2

Angus Shaw

THE economic chaos engulfing Zimbabwe has turned even a mundane task such as
renting a car into an unachievable dream for the average law-abiding
citizen.

A car rental company on Saturday quoted a day rate of Z$690 000 to hire a
basic model, plus a deposit of Z$25 million. This is the equivalent of a staggering US$2 760 per day - plus a deposit of US$100 000 - at the official exchange rate, but only US$35 and US$1 250 respectively on the black market.

The figures provide an insight into the growth of the black market economy in this once-prosperous nation, which is now reeling under hyperinflation of over 1 700% and suffering from shortages of most basic goods.............................................................................

http://www.zimbabwesituation.com/apr9_2007.html
 
A car rental company on Saturday quoted a day rate of Z$690 000 to hire a
basic model, plus a deposit of Z$25 million. This is the equivalent of a staggering US$2 760 per day - plus a deposit of US$100 000 - at the official exchange rate, but only US$35 and US$1 250 respectively on the black market.



http://www.zimbabwesituation.com/apr9_2007.html

I think those of us who happened to be there in the late 70s to mid 80s know this stuff; we used to call it "MWENDO WA KURUKA".
 
DrWHO

What language is this: persocetive
 
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