The Radar Scandal: Investigation & Progress

[Abdulhalim]

Wenzako kila jambo wanaliangalia ktk kioo cha "Yanga na Simba," ushabiki shabiki tu ulojaa chuki binafsi, accountability zero......!! haka katabia nako ni ufisadi kimtindo flani...

teh teh..

Wabongo nuksi sana aisee..Sikutegemea hawa wandugu wangeniparua kwa makucha kwa ku-pinpoint security breach ambayo hata wao inawahusu..

Actually, siwaelewi wana maana gani..au labda niite ambulance ya Mirembe sijui..

 

[Fundi Mchundo]

Mtindiowaubongo. Ninachopinga ni hypocrisy na double standards. Sina ubavu wa kukutaza kuchangia humu upendavyo.

Kwa vile unadai kuwa unasimamia haki basi niambie huu ujumbe ufuatao umetoka wapi kama si PM?

Hi

Nafurahia kukuona bado upo. Mpiganaji hatupi bunduki chini mpaka dakika ya mwisho. Hivyo natarajia utaendelea kuchangia michango yako ambayo wengi tunaithamini sana. Kama kweli umepewa wadhifa basi ningependa kufahamu utakuwa wapi na penye majaliwa nitakutafuta siku moja tupige story na kunywa soda pamoja.
lakini ni mtu ambaye ningependa kukufahamu zaidi maana una mapenzi ya kweli kuhusu nchi yetu ambapo miaka ya karibuni imekuwa shida sana kuwa na watu kama wewe. Wengi wao wameweka maslahi yao mbele.


Hey Mkuu watch out! I am just around the corner ready to overtake you... Congrats for a job well done. I have told you before that I knew nothing about JF, but I heard several people vijiweni talking abour Mzee ES (before you were promoted to your current level...) and I decided to check you out and I was impressed with your ability to discuss and share your political knowledge about our beloved country. Once again congratulations and please keep it up.

Hii iliitangulia posting ya Bubu Aliyeamua Kusema uliyoivalia njuga. Kwa mtu makini na mpenda haki kama wewe bile shaka ungeiona.

Sasa nae aliyeiweka aadhibiwe?

Trust me, I do encore not for you, but for puppet who thinks you are their role model here in JF, may be they may change their mind

Kwanza hakuna puppets humu ndani. Pili hauwezi ku-encore kwa mtu!

Amandla.......

 

[Abdulhalim]

Mtindiowaubongo wa kwanza kuweka PM ni nani kati ya dataz FMES na BAK?

My position in this issue is very clear..(Post #451).

 

[Xyln]

Dear Members,

This is to notify you that this thread will close for moderation in approximately 20 minutes. Thank you !

 

[Yo Yo]

Dear Members,

This is to notify you that this thread will close for moderation in approximately 20 minutes. Thank you !

Moderation haiwezekani mpaka mufunge thread??

 

[Abdulhalim]

Mtindiowaubongo. Ninachopinga ni hypocrisy na double standards. Sina ubavu wa kukutaza kuchangia humu upendavyo.

Kwa vile unadai kuwa unasimamia haki basi niambie huu ujumbe ufuatao umetoka wapi kama si PM?

Hii iliitangulia posting ya Bubu Aliyeamua Kusema uliyoivalia njuga. Kwa mtu makini na mpenda haki kama wewe bile shaka ungeiona.

Sasa nae aliyeiweka aadhibiwe?

Kwanza hakuna puppets humu ndani. Pili hauwezi ku-encore kwa mtu!

Amandla.......

Kwa hiyo una maana bado hujaelewa where I stand mpaka dk hii?

Sikujua kuwa uelewa ni kitu adhimu na adimu at this rate..

 

[Yo Yo]

Mosi, mtu unapovunja sheria hatuangalii nani ameanza kuivunja. Ukivunja sheria ukapata kibano kortini utakuwa the biggest joker iwapo utajitetea 'eti mbona fulani hapewi kibano kama hiki na nilimuona mwaka jana akifanya kosa hilihili' ..

Mbona unamkomalia BAK?,the dataz je?

 

[Abdulhalim]

Mbona unamkomalia BAK?,the dataz je?

Vp niite ambulance? Mbona unakuwa mgumu kuelewa?

 

[Abdulhalim]

Moderation haiwezekani mpaka mufunge thread??

teh teh..

Moderation haiwezekani mpaka mufunge thread

 

[BAK]

Fugitive businessman Shailesh Pragji Pradhan Vithlani​

One year on: Radar fugitive still on Interpol`s wanted list

-Believed to be enjoying the good life in Switzerland

THISDAY REPORTER
Dar es Salaam

MORE than a year since a Dar es Salaam court issued an arrest warrant for fugitive businessman Shailesh Pragji Pradhan Vithlani, the key suspect behind Tanzania’s military radar scandal remains at large.

The 44-year-old Vithlani, who grew up in Mwanza Region, is known to have at one time travelled with a British passport number C387266A, but is listed as a Tanzanian citizen on the website of the International Criminal Police Organization (Interpol).

According to a poster on Interpol’s website, Vithlani is wanted by authorities in Tanzania for counterfeiting and/or forgery.

Information available on the website describes the fugitive businessman as a male suspect weighing around 100 kilogrammes, with black eyes and black/white hair.

The Kisutu Resident Magistrate’s Court in the city issued an international warrant for Vithlani’s arrest on August 30, 2007, after he skipped the country in the midst of investigations into suspected large-scale corruption linked to the radar deal.

A few days after the arrest warrant was issued, prosecutors filed criminal case number 1474 of 2007 at the Kisutu court, in which the fugitive tycoon was charged with several counts of perjury and lying to an investigating officer in connection with the radar probe.

Vithlani, who was questioned by investigators from both the UK’s Serious Fraud Office (SFO) and the local Prevention and Combating of Corruption Bureau (PCCB), is alleged to have lied under oath about his links to the 28 million pounds sterling (approx. 56bn/-) military radar corruption deal.

So far, the PCCB is yet to file its own corruption charges against several high-profile individuals implicated in the radar scandal, apart from the minor charges of perjury and lying to an investigating officer already filed against Vithlani.

The UK’s biggest arms supplier, BAE Systems, which manufactured the military radar system sold to Tanzania, is understood to have secretly paid a $12m (approx. 15.5bn/-) commission into a Swiss account controlled by Vithlani.

The middleman had admitted that the sum was covertly moved to a Swiss account by BAE Systems, which is under investigation by the SFO.

The back-door payment represented 30% of the radar contract value, which is way above internationally-accepted commissions, thus suggesting part of the money was used to bribe senior government officials in Tanzania to approve the dubious 2002 deal.

Investigators say BAE made two parallel arrangements with the radar middleman. In the first, a conventional agency agreement was signed. Under this contract, 1% commission was to be paid if the radar deal went through, to a Tanzanian-registered firm, Merlin International Limited.

BAE paid $400,000 down this route in stage payments as the radar equipment was delivered.

But under a second, more unusual agreement, BAE’s secretly owned offshore company, Red Diamond, deposited another $12m in Switzerland.

British investigators have already flown to Tanzania on several occasions and also questioned Vithlani’s former business partner, Tanil Somaiya of the Shivacom Group.

The Merlin International company, which was jointly owned by Vithlani and Somaiya at the time the radar deal was concluded, was used as a local agent by BAE Systems in the transaction.

Although Somaiya later publicly announced that he had severed all business links with Vithlani, British investigators believe he is a person of interest since both businessmen were involved in the radar deal.

Vithlani and his local business partners acted as agent not only on the radar deal but also in the 2002 purchase from the US of a top-of-the-range Gulfstream official jet for the then Tanzanian president, Benjamin Mkapa, at a cost of more than $40m.

The same controversial middleman is understood to have been involved in several other dubious deals with the government, including the supply of Italian-make IVECO vehicles and civilian helicopters to the military.

Investigations by THISDAY have already established that Vithlani is reported to be hiding somewhere in Switzerland, where he controls several bank accounts.

’’It is no secret that Vithlani is enjoying the good life in Switzerland...In fact, one of his close friends in Tanzania regularly flies to a Swiss city to visit him and discuss business deals,’’ said a well-placed source.

Sources close to the radar investigation say a number of politicians and senior government officials in former president Mkapa’s government could be implicated in the radar corruption scandal.

In February this year, the then Minister for Infrastructure Development, Andrew Chenge, was forced to resign amid allegations he took bribes during the controversial purchase of the radar system.

The resignation came after more than $1m was found in an offshore account belonging to Chenge, who was the country’s Attorney General at the time the deal was concluded.

UK fraud officials investigating the sale of the air traffic control system say a legal opinion by Chenge in favour of the radar deal played a key role in the transaction.

It is understood that investigations into the radar corruption scandal are set to be stepped up next year.

 

[Bulesi]

Kuna wakati huyo communication director wa Ikulu somebody Rweyemamu aliulizwa juu ya kumrudisha nchini Daudi Balali kabla mauti kumfika; akajibu kuwa serikali ina mkono mrefu mara ingemuhitaji ingeweza kumrudisha. Sasa najiulliza where is this long arm of the government which would have brought back Balali to do the same to bring back Sailesh Vithlani who is known to be enjoying himself somewhere in Switzeland? Kitu gani serikali inaogopa kuwa huyu bwana atakisema akirudishwa?

 

[S. S. Phares]

Kuna wakati huyo communication director wa Ikulu somebody Rweyemamu aliulizwa juu ya kumrudisha nchini Daudi Balali kabla mauti kumfika; akajibu kuwa serikali ina mkono mrefu mara ingemuhitaji ingeweza kumrudisha. Sasa najiulliza where is this long arm of the government which would have brought back Balali to do the same to bring back Sailesh Vithlani who is known to be enjoying himself somewhere in Switzeland? Kitu gani serikali inaogopa kuwa huyu bwana atakisema akirudishwa?

Serikali haitaki kumrudisha..

 

[Pascal Mayalla]

Ukweli wa mambo hakuna kitu hapa, Interpol na serikali zinacheza makida makida. Kama jamaa ana hold British Passport, serikali yetu haina jeuri ya kumrudisha nchini, hata hiyo interpol si chochote kwa British subject.
Patner wake Tanil Somaiya is a good man. Juzi amejitolea Shilingi Milioni 400 mfukoni kwake kwa ajili ya uchaguzi mkuu wa UV-CCM. Kiwango hicho ni kikubwa sana hata tajiri wetu mzawa Mengi, hajawahi kutoa msaada wa kiwango hicho popote at a go labda kwa kudunduliza.

Uswisi haina mkataba na nchi yoyote wa kurudishiana wahalifu wala kutoa siri za ni nani mwenye pesa kwenye benki zao maana hata meneja wa benki hamjui mtu huko ni codes na password tuu.

Ila hata kama Vithlani angekuwepo nchini, hiyo kesi ya PCCB ni very weak case na haina merit kisheria. Eti kesi ya kusema uongo chini ya kiapo!. Where is the real kesi ya kuiingiza mkenge nchi kwa kutuuzia kwa highly inflated rates?. Kesi hiyp haipokwa sababu kwa sheria za Tanzania hakuna ukomo wa percent ya commission eti isizidi 10%. Kabla ndege haijanunuliwa Mzee Cheyo alipiga kelele kuwa amefanya utafiti, ndege hiyo inanunuliwa kwa zaidi ya marambili ya bei halisi. Waungwana walinyamaza na deal ikapita.

The truth of the mater it was clean bussness deal. Nikikuonyesha simu ya Twanga Pepeta ambayo bei yake kwa sasa ni 15,000/= nikakuingiza king kuwa hiyo ndiyo simu aliyokuwa anaitumia Obama hivyo inauzwa shilingi Milioni moja na ukakubali na ukalipa hiyo milioni moja ukabaki na simu na mimi nikaishia na hela. Jee nitakuwa nimekuibia?. Hivyo ndivyo ilivyochezwa deal ya Rada na Ndege ya Rais.Its Pure Bussiness tena very clean deal!.

Sikuzote wajinga ndio waliwao. Watanzania sio wajinga kiasi hicho. Wenye akili zao wanajua migao imeenda wapi. Ili kuzuga na danganya toto si lazima ufungue vijikesi vvya zuga zuga ili angalau wapigakelele wanyamaze!.

 

[August]

Ukweli wa mambo hakuna kitu hapa, Interpol na serikali zinacheza makida makida. Kama jamaa ana hold British Passport, serikali yetu haina jeuri ya kumrudisha nchini, hata hiyo interpol si chochote kwa British subject.
Patner wake Tanil Somaiya is a good man. Juzi amejitolea Shilingi Milioni 400 mfukoni kwake kwa ajili ya uchaguzi mkuu wa UV-CCM. Kiwango hicho ni kikubwa sana hata tajiri wetu mzawa Mengi, hajawahi kutoa msaada wa kiwango hicho popote at a go labda kwa kudunduliza.

Uswisi haina mkataba na nchi yoyote wa kurudishiana wahalifu wala kutoa siri za ni nani mwenye pesa kwenye benki zao maana hata meneja wa benki hamjui mtu huko ni codes na password tuu.

Ila hata kama Vithlani angekuwepo nchini, hiyo kesi ya PCCB ni very weak case na haina merit kisheria. Eti kesi ya kusema uongo chini ya kiapo!. Where is the real kesi ya kuiingiza mkenge nchi kwa kutuuzia kwa highly inflated rates?. Kesi hiyp haipokwa sababu kwa sheria za Tanzania hakuna ukomo wa percent ya commission eti isizidi 10%. Kabla ndege haijanunuliwa Mzee Cheyo alipiga kelele kuwa amefanya utafiti, ndege hiyo inanunuliwa kwa zaidi ya marambili ya bei halisi. Waungwana walinyamaza na deal ikapita.

The truth of the mater it was clean bussness deal. Nikikuonyesha simu ya Twanga Pepeta ambayo bei yake kwa sasa ni 15,000/= nikakuingiza king kuwa hiyo ndiyo simu aliyokuwa anaitumia Obama hivyo inauzwa shilingi Milioni moja na ukakubali na ukalipa hiyo milioni moja ukabaki na simu na mimi nikaishia na hela. Jee nitakuwa nimekuibia?. Hivyo ndivyo ilivyochezwa deal ya Rada na Ndege ya Rais.Its Pure Bussiness tena very clean deal!.

Sikuzote wajinga ndio waliwao. Watanzania sio wajinga kiasi hicho. Wenye akili zao wanajua migao imeenda wapi. Ili kuzuga na danganya toto si lazima ufungue vijikesi vvya zuga zuga ili angalau wapigakelele wanyamaze!.

Pasco nafikiri wewe umesomea Sheria, so unajua neno mis-representation? je hiyo issue or eg ya Simu ya Twanga Pepeta na Ownership ya Obama, hakuna Mis-representation? halafu kuhusu interpool, na british subject, kwamba interpool haina ubavu, sasa kwanini anajificha, kwanini asijitokeze hata iwe uk, na kujishield kwa sababu yeye ni british subject hivyo interpool haina ubavu?

 

[Pascal Mayalla]

Pasco nafikiri wewe umesomea Sheria, so unajua neno mis-representation? je hiyo issue or eg ya Simu ya Twanga Pepeta na Ownership ya Obama, hakuna Mis-representation? halafu kuhusu interpool, na british subject, kwamba interpool haina ubavu, sasa kwanini anajificha, kwanini asijitokeze hata iwe uk, na kujishield kwa sababu yeye ni british subject hivyo interpool haina ubavu?

Mis-representation ingetokea kama ningekuonyesha hiyo simu ya Twanga Pepeta kwenye picha ama tangazo, halafu ikatokea simu niliyokuletea siyo ile niliyokuonyesha. Lakini kama deal imefanywa kwa simu iliyo mkononi, ina maana umefika bei kwa kuona kwa macho na kushika kwa mikono yako, ile taarifa ni simu ya Obama ni sales tactics hata kama ndio inducing factor. Kwa mujibu wa sheria, ni jukumu la mnunuzi kufanya utafiti kama kweli ni simu ya Obama kabla ya kufika bei na kulipa, na sio jukumu la muuzaji kukuthibitishia hivyo. Ndio maana kila siku unaona matangazo yakitangaza best product na hakuna tatizo. By the way leo nimeona news clip ya CCN kuhusu The Obama Suit, zinanunuliwa kama njugu. Ni suti ya kifungo kimoja.
Kuhusu Vithlani popote alipo, anakula raha kwa raha zake, hata hiyo taarifa ya This Day kwamba kajichimbia Uswisi ni dhana tuu kwa sababu fedha kazisunda Uswisi. Anaweza kuwepo Uingereza ama nchi nyingine yoyote ambayo hatuna mkataba wa kurejesheana wahalifu.
Kwa taarifa tuu, Tanzania haina mkataba wa kurejesheana wahalifu na nchi zote za ulaya na Amerika, bali na nchi za Afrika na zile za kijamaa. Mkataba wetu na Uingereza ni kurudishiana wahalifu wa Kianzania watakao kimbilia huko. Hata hivyo, Uingereza huwa haikubali kumrejesha mhalifu yoyote anayeweza kuhukumiwa kifo ama kifungo cha maisha.
Kwa mujibu wa sheria yetu ya Uhujumu wa Uchumi, kifungo ni miaka 30 jela ambacho ni kiwango cha kifungo cha maisha kwa nchi za ulaya.

As times goes by, someone who knows Vithlani, atakuja kumuona akijivinjari mitaa ya Dar na utashindwa kuamini macho yako, au masikkio yako.time will tell.

 

[Lunyungu]

-THISDAY REPORTER
Dar es Salaam

WANTED fugitive businessman Shailesh Vithlani has been decisively named as the alleged paymaster of the military radar purchase scandal, who doled out millions of dollars in bribes to senior officials in the third phase government of ex-president Benjamin Mkapa to approve the dubious 2002 deal.

Officials close to the ongoing radar investigation have confirmed that it was Vithlani who negotiated bribe payments with senior government officials and made arrangements for the transfer of illegal kickbacks from a Swiss bank account.

The bribe payments were reportedly facilitated through a local company, Merlin International Limited, and a certain other offshore company.

Vithlani and his former business partner, Tanil Somaiya of the prominent Shivacom Group, held a power of attorney over Envers Trading Corporation, a shadowy company registered in Panama, which acted as consultant for the UK arms manufacturer BAE Systems in the radar deal.

The legal document (power of attorney) allowed both Vithlani and Somaiya to act as agents of Envers Trading Corp. in the radar deal.

Merlin International Ltd was also co-owned by the two businessmen, although Somaiya later belatedly withdrew himself from the company after the radar scandal hit the headlines in both local and international media.

British investigators have since uncovered that BAE Systems, through yet another company (Red Diamond Trading Limited), agreed to pay Envers a ’commission’ fee of $12m (approx. 15.6bn/-), equivalent to a staggering 30% of the purchase price.

It has been established that between January 2000 and April 2005, BAE paid more than $8m to Envers through Red Diamond.

Investigators believe that some of these funds were paid as bribes to senior officials in the Mkapa administration, who were involved in approving the radar deal.

The radar transaction originated way back in 1992, when the German defence electronics manufacturer Siemens Plessey Systems (SPS) began negotiations with the Tanzanian Government for the supply of a radar system.

From the earliest stages of these negotiations, Vithlani was already acting as local agent for SPS in Tanzania.

’’As far back as 1992 to 1993, various documents and officials confirmed that Vithlani was acting as agent for Siemens Plessey Systems,’’ a well-placed source close to the investigation told THISDAY, adding: ’’This was even though he was neither a technical man nor a commercial specialist.’’

At that time, the second phase government of ex-president Ali Hassan Mwinyi was considering purchasing defence equipment worth at least $88m.

From 1995 when it assumed power, the Mkapa government took up the issue of the radar purchase with zest and proceeded with the negotiations with SPS.

But in 1997, SPS was taken over by BAE Systems, which continued pushing for the radar deal with the help of Vithlani.

’’Vithlani played a pivotal role in marketing and lobbying for the purchase of the radar system by the government. He was in close contact with all the people that mattered within the government,’’ said the source.

Documents seen by investigators reveal that Vithlani requested amendments to his consultant relationship with suppliers of the radar equipment, because of ’’commitments’’ and ’’new promises’’ made to Tanzanian Government officials.

It is believed that the abnormally huge commission paid straight to Vithlani’s company was used as a vehicle for paying bribes to key officials in the Mkapa government.

The air traffic control radar system, which purportedly has both civilian and military capability, was sold to the government for around 28 million sterling pounds (approx. 56bn/-), or $40m.

But according to various critics of the controversial deal who included the World Bank, the International Civil Aviation Authority (ICAO), international aid groups, and some senior British politicians, the radar equipment was over-priced.

Over a year ago, the Kisutu Resident Magistrate’s Court in Dar es Salaam issued an international warrant for Vithlani’s arrest.

The 44-year-old Vithlani, who grew up in Mwanza Region with Somaiya as one of his closest friends, once travelled with British passport number C387266A, but is also understood to own a Tanzanian travelling document.

The International Criminal Police Organization (Interpol) still has Vithlani on its ’Wanted’ list, although no arrest has so far been made.

 

[BAK]

Radar deal:Fugitive Vithlani now confirmed as `Paymaster`

-Was in close contact with all the people that mattered in government, to whom he made ’commitments’ and ’new promises’.

Tuesday, December 30, 3008

-THISDAY REPORTER
Dar es Salaam

WANTED fugitive businessman Shailesh Vithlani has been decisively named as the alleged paymaster of the military radar purchase scandal, who doled out millions of dollars in bribes to senior officials in the third phase government of ex-president Benjamin Mkapa to approve the dubious 2002 deal.

Officials close to the ongoing radar investigation have confirmed that it was Vithlani who negotiated bribe payments with senior government officials and made arrangements for the transfer of illegal kickbacks from a Swiss bank account.

The bribe payments were reportedly facilitated through a local company, Merlin International Limited, and a certain other offshore company.

Vithlani and his former business partner, Tanil Somaiya of the prominent Shivacom Group, held a power of attorney over Envers Trading Corporation, a shadowy company registered in Panama, which acted as consultant for the UK arms manufacturer BAE Systems in the radar deal.

The legal document (power of attorney) allowed both Vithlani and Somaiya to act as agents of Envers Trading Corp. in the radar deal.

Merlin International Ltd was also co-owned by the two businessmen, although Somaiya later belatedly withdrew himself from the company after the radar scandal hit the headlines in both local and international media.

British investigators have since uncovered that BAE Systems, through yet another company (Red Diamond Trading Limited), agreed to pay Envers a ’commission’ fee of $12m (approx. 15.6bn/-), equivalent to a staggering 30% of the purchase price.

It has been established that between January 2000 and April 2005, BAE paid more than $8m to Envers through Red Diamond.

Investigators believe that some of these funds were paid as bribes to senior officials in the Mkapa administration, who were involved in approving the radar deal.

The radar transaction originated way back in 1992, when the German defence electronics manufacturer Siemens Plessey Systems (SPS) began negotiations with the Tanzanian Government for the supply of a radar system.

From the earliest stages of these negotiations, Vithlani was already acting as local agent for SPS in Tanzania.

’’As far back as 1992 to 1993, various documents and officials confirmed that Vithlani was acting as agent for Siemens Plessey Systems,’’ a well-placed source close to the investigation told THISDAY, adding: ’’This was even though he was neither a technical man nor a commercial specialist.’’

At that time, the second phase government of ex-president Ali Hassan Mwinyi was considering purchasing defence equipment worth at least $88m.

From 1995 when it assumed power, the Mkapa government took up the issue of the radar purchase with zest and proceeded with the negotiations with SPS.

But in 1997, SPS was taken over by BAE Systems, which continued pushing for the radar deal with the help of Vithlani.

’’Vithlani played a pivotal role in marketing and lobbying for the purchase of the radar system by the government. He was in close contact with all the people that mattered within the government,’’ said the source.

Documents seen by investigators reveal that Vithlani requested amendments to his consultant relationship with suppliers of the radar equipment, because of ’’commitments’’ and ’’new promises’’ made to Tanzanian Government officials.

It is believed that the abnormally huge commission paid straight to Vithlani’s company was used as a vehicle for paying bribes to key officials in the Mkapa government.

The air traffic control radar system, which purportedly has both civilian and military capability, was sold to the government for around 28 million sterling pounds (approx. 56bn/-), or $40m.

But according to various critics of the controversial deal who included the World Bank, the International Civil Aviation Authority (ICAO), international aid groups, and some senior British politicians, the radar equipment was over-priced.

Over a year ago, the Kisutu Resident Magistrate’s Court in Dar es Salaam issued an international warrant for Vithlani’s arrest.

The 44-year-old Vithlani, who grew up in Mwanza Region with Somaiya as one of his closest friends, once travelled with British passport number C387266A, but is also understood to own a Tanzanian travelling document.

The International Criminal Police Organization (Interpol) still has Vithlani on its ’Wanted’ list, although no arrest has so far been made.

 

[Lambardi]

Jamani huyu mtu mwaka mzima ameshindwa kukamatwa?hapa kuna kitu tena kizito maana nakumbuka hata yule ex PM wa UK inamhusu sana hili jambo,haiwezekani washindwe kumpata wakati yupo UK naomba msaada wa uelewa kwa hili.....

 

[BAK]

Radar deal investigation:UK investigators seek help from Tanzania

-Particularly interested in bank documents of three key suspects in the deal

THISDAY REPORTER
Dar es Salaam​

BRITISH investigators have made a formal request for assistance from their local counterparts in their ongoing probe into the military radar scandal, which includes searches of the homes and offices of at least three key suspects.

Among other things, the UK's Serious Fraud Office (SFO) has asked investigating agencies in Tanzania to provide information regarding local bank accounts controlled by some of the radar deal suspects in the country.

The SFO and the home-based Prevention and Combating of Corruption Bureau (PCCB) have been conducting parallel investigations into the 2002 radar deal between the third phase government of ex-president Benjamin Mkapa and the British arms manufacturer company BAE Systems.

Officials close to the investigations have told THISDAY that the SFO made an official request for assistance to the Tanzanian government ''some months ago.''

''The SFO people have expressed their wish to be granted full access to all non-privileged documents held by the (Tanzanian) government related to the air traffic control system purchased from BAE,'' a well-placed source revealed.

''The British investigators have also specifically requested access to documents relating to the financial affairs of three key suspects in the deal,'' the source added.

The financial documents understood to have been requested by the SFO include bank statements, telegraphic transfers, and records of payments made out to any other account or bank.

''The British detectives are interested in the banking documentation of these suspects, from as far back as January 1, 1995, right up todate,'' our sources said.

Negotiations for the purchase of the radar system started in a low-key manner way back in 1992, but truly picked up steam after the Mkapa government came into power in 1995.

Government officials have also confirmed that an official request for mutual legal assistance (MLA) from the SFO has already been received.

It has however, yet to be established if all the requests made by the British investigators have been or will be acted upon.

Our sources within the government's legal circles say that while Tanzania and the UK usually cooperate on such legal matters without any hiccups, ''in the case of the radar investigation, it is hard to say how far our local investigators will be willing to go to accommodate the requests of the SFO people.''

The SFO is known to already possess various important dossiers on the BAE company gained from its own inquiry into the 2002 military radar deal with Tanzania.

Investigations by THISDAY have already established that wanted fugitive businessman Shailesh Vithlani was the alleged paymaster of the deal, doling out millions of dollars in illegal kickbacks to senior officials of the Mkapa government to approve it.

It has been reported that Vithlani negotiated bribe payments with a number of senior government officials and made arrangements for the transfer of the payments from a Swiss bank account.

The British investigators have already uncovered that BAE Systems paid Vithlani a 'commission' fee of $12m (approx. 15.6bn/-), part of which was paid as kickbacks to senior government officials.

 

[BAK]

Chenge back on the spot over radar deal

-Personal assets under renewed scrutiny UK sleuths also zero in on local bank records

THISDAY REPORTER
Dar es Salaam​

THE latest assets declaration forms of former attorney general and senior cabinet minister Andrew Chenge are now being subjected to heightened scrutiny as part of the ongoing investigation into the military radar procurement scandal, it has been revealed.

According to new THISDAY findings, investigators are particularly interested in exactly what assets have been declared by the ex-government stalwart figure.

As a sitting member of parliament, Chenge is required by law to disclose his assets annually. This means that his current assets declaration at the Ethics Secretariat in Dar es Salaam had to be filed by December 31 last year.

It is understood that in his previous assets disclosure, Chenge did not reveal the existence of an offshore bank account registered under his name in Jersey, UK, that was subsequently found to have a balance of over $1.5m (approx. 2bn/-).

THISDAY has established that Britain’s Serious Fraud Office (SFO) has already made a formal request for assistance from local authorities in their own ongoing investigation of the radar scandal, to include searches of the homes and offices of at least three key suspects based within the country.

Both the SFO and the local Prevention and Combating of Corruption Bureau (PCCB) have been conducting separate investigations of the radar deal, concluded in 2002 between the third phase government of ex-president Benjamin Mkapa and the British arms manufacturer company BAE Systems.

Chenge is believed to have been deeply involved in the radar negotiations when he served as attorney general and therefore the government’s topmost legal advisor between 1995 and 2006.

British investigators are convinced that the advice that he gave to the government in relation to the radar deal was pivotal for the transaction to eventually be successfully sealed.

According to well-placed sources, Chenge has not in the past had occasion to disclose the existence of foreign bank accounts registered in his name in any of his previous assets declaration forms.

’’By failing to disclose such matters to the Ethics Secretariat, Chenge was in clear violation of the Public Leadership Code of Ethics Act of 1995,’’ the sources said.

Other sources within government have told THISDAY that the SFO request for mutual legal assistance (MLA) from Tanzania in the radar deal case is in line with what is known as the ’Harare Scheme,’ under which Commonwealth states are encouraged to increase the level and scope of mutual cooperation in crime investigation matters.

Forms of assistance envisaged under the ’Harare Scheme’ include identifying and locating suspect persons; serving court and other documents; cross-examining witnesses; search and seizure; obtaining evidence; facilitating personal appearance of witnesses; effecting temporary transfer of persons in custody to appear as witnesses; obtaining judicial or official records; and tracing, seizing and confiscating proceeds or instrumentalities of crime.

Apart from Chenge’s assets disclosure, the SFO investigators are understood to also be curious about the ex-AG’s local bank records within the country.

A source said of particular interest to the UK sleuths is Chenge’s banking relationship and transactions with and through the Dar es Salaam branch of the UK-headquartered Standard Chartered Bank.

As AG, Chenge is understood to have given certain key advice which ultimately clinched Cabinet approval of the radar purchase at an allegedly-inflated price of 28 million pounds sterling (approx. 56bn/-).

According to THISDAY findings, this advice involved the ’’jurisdiction clause of the Supply and Financing Agreement and Performance Bond’’ related to the transaction, which is believed to have been very crucial to the deal.

Chenge is said to have also given key advice on whether the financing of the radar deal through a commercial loan from Barclays Bank was compatible with Tanzania’s application for debt relief from the International Monetary Fund at the time.

Investigators have been probing allegations that a deposit of more than $1m in Chenge’s offshore bank accounts coincided almost exactly with the time he was advising the government in favour of the radar deal.