Mchambuzi
JF-Expert Member
- Aug 24, 2007
- 4,850
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- Thread starter
- #101
Gamba La Nyoka:
Upo sahihi unaposema kwamba:
Mwalimu aliendelea na uenyekiti wa CCM taifa mpaka mwaka 199 alipojiuzulu – two years before msiba wa Azimio la Arusha. Lakini ni muhimu rekodi iwekwe katika mambo kadhaa, ikiwa ni pamoja na haya:
Kuna makala by Biermann and Wagao, (1987), titled "The IMF and Tanzania" – A Solution to Crisis? - Waandishi hawa wanazungumzia hali ya majadiliano yaliyojiri wakati ule baina ya Serikali na IMF.
["During the negotiations, the IMF maintained that Tanzania change its economic policies by reducing the role of the state in the economy in order to give room for market forces to operate freely. Tanzania rejected this condition as a matter of principle: that it was totally unacceptable for the IMF to meddle with its economic policies."]
Huu ulikuwa msimamo wa Mwalimu, hata pale alipobakia na kofia ya Uenyekiti wa CCM (1985-1990), and he was opposing IMF, ndani ya vikao, lakini vievile publicly, kufikia hatua ya kuulizia, tangia lini IMF stands for INTERNATIONAL MINISTRY OF FINANCE? Mengi sana yameandikwa kuhusu vita vya Mwalimu ndani ya Chama kupinga masharti ya IMF.
In another article by Andrew Kiondo in Mid 1980s, Khigoma Ali Malima, is quoted arguing:
["Indeed any attempt to control the prices of such imported goods has been resisted not only by the domestic business interests concerned but also their spokesmen in the party and government. There is also some indication that liberalization has led to an increase in the smuggling of our commodities, outside the country, as the scramble for dollars to import commodities which no one can afford amounts. Yet, despite all this glaring evidence, the IMF and the World Bank and their domestic supporters are counseling more and not less liberalization."]
Malima alikuwa karibu sana na Mwalimu katika vurugu zile za SAPs. Maneno ya Malima, mbali ya kuelezea uhalisia ule, pia ni reflection on jinsi gani Mwalimu bado alikuwa anapingana na hali iliyojitokeza. Swali la Msingi ni Je, Ni kitu gani kilikuwa kinamshinda Mwalimu kubadili hali ilivyokuwa inaendelea, huku akiwa na kofia ya Mwenyekiti wa CCM Taifa
Kiondo anaendelea kutuelezea:
["One thing to note here is that the economic reforms and the agreement were all taking place at a time when the ruling party (CCM) had greatly been weakened in its mobilization capacity. Furthermore, as noted above, by this time, forces of liberalization had already gained support in the party and state. This leads to a conclusion that the political character of the state is gradually changing as the politically dominant, economic actors change as well."]
Gamba La Nyoka, kama unavyoelewa, hakuna mtu mwenye nguvu kama Chama, Chama ni Watu, sio mtu mmoja mmoja. Kwahiy, Mwalimu hakuwa na la kufanya zaidi ya kujiuzulu mwaka 1990 ili kuwapisha ‘wenye nguvu' waendeshe mambo yao –, kwa lugha aliyokuja tumia Mwalimu baadae… "kwa kuacha ya maana na kuchukua ya kijinga, unlike yeye ambaye ali admit kwamba alifanya ya maana na ya kijinga".
Pia niliahidi kukurudia kuhusu your questioning of Equality notion/Usawa in the context of Azimio La Arusha. Binafsi nadhani professor Shivji anatusaidia vizuri zaidi kutupa msingi jinsi gani tuukabili huu mjadala, pale anaposema kwenye article yake titled: Critical Elements of a New Democratic Consensus in Africa (2000):
["The theoretical or conceptual building blocks of the new consensus should be the notions of social justice and equity as opposed to the notions of natural justice and equality. The ideas of equality and natural justice are the foundations of liberal/bourgeois political doctrines, jurisprudence and theories of right" (here Shivji also refers to: Cormick and Bankowski ‘1989', Enlightenment, Rights and Revolution: essays in legal and social philosophy….'). Shivji continues "The right ideology built around the concept of equal rights (Dworking 1977, Pashukanis 1978), as I have argued elsewhere, has little resonance in the popular consciousness besides being obviously inequitable and unjust (Shivji, 1995). As it has been said, equality among Unequals is Inequitable. I have no time here to go into details, but I have shown elsewhere, the notions of Usawa and Haki in the ideology of Ujamaa, for example, are closer to notions of Justice and Equity rather than equal rights."]
Pia kuna issue uliyo raise last time, and I quote:
I second you on that point.
Lakini unaposema:
Ni yepi hayo yaliyoboreshwa ambayo yanakuwa practiced leo kwa manufaa ya watanzania milioni zaidi ya 30 out of the total 45 million (i.e 70% waliopo in rural areas)? Ningependa sana kuyafahamu in 2011.
Upo sahihi unaposema kwamba:
Bwana Mchambuzi:
Ukweli ni kwamba Mwalimu Nyerere aliendelea kuwa Mwenyekiti wa CCM mara tu alipong'atuka mwaka 1985, kwa hiyo notion ya kudai kwamba masuala mengine ya azimio la arusha waliyaua kimya kimya as if Mwalimu hakushiriki fully vikao vya Chama, mwaka 1986 si ya kweli!.
Mwalimu aliendelea na uenyekiti wa CCM taifa mpaka mwaka 199 alipojiuzulu – two years before msiba wa Azimio la Arusha. Lakini ni muhimu rekodi iwekwe katika mambo kadhaa, ikiwa ni pamoja na haya:
Kuna makala by Biermann and Wagao, (1987), titled "The IMF and Tanzania" – A Solution to Crisis? - Waandishi hawa wanazungumzia hali ya majadiliano yaliyojiri wakati ule baina ya Serikali na IMF.
["During the negotiations, the IMF maintained that Tanzania change its economic policies by reducing the role of the state in the economy in order to give room for market forces to operate freely. Tanzania rejected this condition as a matter of principle: that it was totally unacceptable for the IMF to meddle with its economic policies."]
Huu ulikuwa msimamo wa Mwalimu, hata pale alipobakia na kofia ya Uenyekiti wa CCM (1985-1990), and he was opposing IMF, ndani ya vikao, lakini vievile publicly, kufikia hatua ya kuulizia, tangia lini IMF stands for INTERNATIONAL MINISTRY OF FINANCE? Mengi sana yameandikwa kuhusu vita vya Mwalimu ndani ya Chama kupinga masharti ya IMF.
In another article by Andrew Kiondo in Mid 1980s, Khigoma Ali Malima, is quoted arguing:
["Indeed any attempt to control the prices of such imported goods has been resisted not only by the domestic business interests concerned but also their spokesmen in the party and government. There is also some indication that liberalization has led to an increase in the smuggling of our commodities, outside the country, as the scramble for dollars to import commodities which no one can afford amounts. Yet, despite all this glaring evidence, the IMF and the World Bank and their domestic supporters are counseling more and not less liberalization."]
Malima alikuwa karibu sana na Mwalimu katika vurugu zile za SAPs. Maneno ya Malima, mbali ya kuelezea uhalisia ule, pia ni reflection on jinsi gani Mwalimu bado alikuwa anapingana na hali iliyojitokeza. Swali la Msingi ni Je, Ni kitu gani kilikuwa kinamshinda Mwalimu kubadili hali ilivyokuwa inaendelea, huku akiwa na kofia ya Mwenyekiti wa CCM Taifa
Kiondo anaendelea kutuelezea:
["One thing to note here is that the economic reforms and the agreement were all taking place at a time when the ruling party (CCM) had greatly been weakened in its mobilization capacity. Furthermore, as noted above, by this time, forces of liberalization had already gained support in the party and state. This leads to a conclusion that the political character of the state is gradually changing as the politically dominant, economic actors change as well."]
Gamba La Nyoka, kama unavyoelewa, hakuna mtu mwenye nguvu kama Chama, Chama ni Watu, sio mtu mmoja mmoja. Kwahiy, Mwalimu hakuwa na la kufanya zaidi ya kujiuzulu mwaka 1990 ili kuwapisha ‘wenye nguvu' waendeshe mambo yao –, kwa lugha aliyokuja tumia Mwalimu baadae… "kwa kuacha ya maana na kuchukua ya kijinga, unlike yeye ambaye ali admit kwamba alifanya ya maana na ya kijinga".
Pia niliahidi kukurudia kuhusu your questioning of Equality notion/Usawa in the context of Azimio La Arusha. Binafsi nadhani professor Shivji anatusaidia vizuri zaidi kutupa msingi jinsi gani tuukabili huu mjadala, pale anaposema kwenye article yake titled: Critical Elements of a New Democratic Consensus in Africa (2000):
["The theoretical or conceptual building blocks of the new consensus should be the notions of social justice and equity as opposed to the notions of natural justice and equality. The ideas of equality and natural justice are the foundations of liberal/bourgeois political doctrines, jurisprudence and theories of right" (here Shivji also refers to: Cormick and Bankowski ‘1989', Enlightenment, Rights and Revolution: essays in legal and social philosophy….'). Shivji continues "The right ideology built around the concept of equal rights (Dworking 1977, Pashukanis 1978), as I have argued elsewhere, has little resonance in the popular consciousness besides being obviously inequitable and unjust (Shivji, 1995). As it has been said, equality among Unequals is Inequitable. I have no time here to go into details, but I have shown elsewhere, the notions of Usawa and Haki in the ideology of Ujamaa, for example, are closer to notions of Justice and Equity rather than equal rights."]
Pia kuna issue uliyo raise last time, and I quote:
Kama chama kinaona mambo ni ya Msingi basi kiyatungie sheria, au kiyaingize katika katiba kupitia bunge la Jamhuri ya Muungao wa Tanzania, badala ya kubaki kama Maazimio, kwa maana katika nyakati hizi Chama hakishiki hatamu siyo kama enzi zile!
I second you on that point.
Lakini unaposema:
Narudia kusema, Azimio la Zanzibar halikuua azimio la Arusha bali lililiboresha!- Muda ulikuwa umefika wa kwenda na wakati, mambo ya Viongozi kutokuweza kupangisha Nyumba zao yalikuwa yamepitwa na wakati!, na Azimio la Zanzibar ndilo lilikifanya.
Ni yepi hayo yaliyoboreshwa ambayo yanakuwa practiced leo kwa manufaa ya watanzania milioni zaidi ya 30 out of the total 45 million (i.e 70% waliopo in rural areas)? Ningependa sana kuyafahamu in 2011.