Nyerere: The Man, The Myth and the Legend

This man will live forever in the hearts of many people because he gave himself to his country and people
the thing that you cant see today in modern leaders
 
Kumkumbuka Mwalimu nimekuwa napitia pitia kwa kina machapisho yake ili kupasha bongo moto.Huyu mtu alikuwa genious na hazina kwa Africa na dunia nzima.Ifuatayo ni interview aliofanya na Ikaweba Bunting who was Oxfam's Communications Officer for East Africa.

Ikaweba Bunting (IB): What was the anti-colonial movement's greatest contribution to humanity?

Mwalimu Julius Nyerere (MJN): There are two fundamental things that the anti-colonial liberation movement contributed to humanity. The first is simply that the suffering of a whole chunk of human beings through the actions of others was halted. The arrogance of one group of people in lording it over the human race and exploiting the poorer peoples was challenged and discredited - and that was a positive contribution made by the liberation struggle to all humanity.

Second, the liberation movement was very moral. It was not simply liberation in a vacuum. Gandhi argued a moral case and so did I. Liberation freed white people also. Take South Africa: there, the anti-apartheid victory freed whites as well as black people.

IB: When did you first encounter the idea of liberation from colonialism?

MJN: I cannot say I encountered the idea of liberation in a totality like a flash of light. I did not have an experience like Paul on the road to Damascus. For me it was a process - something that grew inside of me. Our elders fought and were defeated by the Germans and the British. We were born under colonialism. Some of us never questioned it. Those who got educated began to think about it. What many of us went through was simply a desire to be accepted by the white man. At first this is what it was - a kind of inert dissatisfaction that we were not accepted as equals.

World War Two and what it was fought for - democracy and freedom - started the process for many people, especially those who were in the Army. For me the transformation came later. At Makerere in 1943 I started something called the Tanganyika African Welfare Association. Its main purpose was not political or anti-colonial. We wanted to improve the lives of Africans. But inside us something was happening.

I wrote an essay in 1944 called The Freedom of Women. I must be honest and say I was influenced by John Stuart Mill, who had written about the subjugation of women. My father had 22 wives and I knew how hard they had to work and what they went through as women. Here in this essay I was moving towards the idea of freedom theoretically. But I was still in the mindset of improving the lives and welfare of Africans: I went to Tabora to start teaching.

Then came Indian independence. The significance of India's independence movement was that it shook the British Empire. When Gandhi succeeded I think it made the British lose the will to cling to empire. But it was events in Ghana in 1949 that fundamentally changed my attitude. When Kwame Nkrumah was released from prison this produced a transformation. I was in Britain and oh you could see it in the Ghanaians! They became different human beings, different from all the rest of us! This thing of freedom began growing inside all of us. First India in 1947, then Ghana in 1949. Ghana became independent six years later. Under the influence of these events, while at university in Britain, I made up my mind to be a full- time political activist when I went back home. I intended to work for three years and then launch into politics. But it happened sooner than I planned.

[Note: Independence came in 1961, and Nyerere became President. Six years later, he issued the Arusha Declaration, which nailed Tanzania's colours firmly to the mast of socialism and self-reliance. The great Caribbean historian CLR James once called the Arusha Declaration `the highest stage of resistance ever reached by revolting Blacks'.]

IB: Does the Arusha Declaration still stand up today?

MJN: I still travel around with it. I read it over and over to see what I would change. Maybe I would improve on the Kiswahili that was used but the Declaration is still valid: I would not change a thing. Tanzania had been independent for a short time before we began to see a growing gap between the haves and the have-nots in our country. A privileged group was emerging from the political leaders and bureaucrats who had been poor under colonial rule but were now beginning to use their positions in the Party and the Government to enrich themselves. This kind of development would alienate the leadership from the people. So we articulated a new national objective: we stressed that development is about all our people and not just a small and privileged minority.

The Arusha Declaration was what made Tanzania distinctly Tanzania. We stated what we stood for, we laid down a code of conduct for our leaders and we made an effort to achieve our goals. This was obvious to all, even if we made mistakes - and when one tries anything new and uncharted there are bound to be mistakes.

The Arusha Declaration and our democratic single-party system, together with our national language, Kiswahili, and a highly politicized and disciplined national army, transformed more than 126 different tribes into a cohesive and stable nation.

However, despite this achievement, they say we failed in Tanzania, that we floundered. But did we? We must say no. We can't deny everything we accomplished. There are some of my friends who we did not allow to get rich; now they are getting rich and they say `See, we are getting rich now, so you were wrong'. But what kind of answer is that?

The floundering of socialism has been global. This is what needs an explanation, not just the Tanzanian part of it. George Bernard Shaw, who was an atheist, said, `You cannot say Christianity has failed because it has never been tried.' It is the same with socialism: you cannot say it has failed because it has never been tried.

IB: After independence you pursued an African socialism while in Kenya Jomo Kenyatta embraced a more conservative nationalism. The two of you came to symbolize opposing visions of development. Were you conscious at the time of the need to chart a different course that might inspire other new African nations?

MJN: Anti-colonialism was a nationalist movement. For me liberation and unity were the most important things. I have always said that I was African first and socialist second. I would rather see a free and united Africa before a fragmented socialist Africa. I did not preach socialism. I made this distinction deliberately so as not to divide the country. The majority in the anti-colonial struggle were nationalist. There was a minority who argued that class was the central issue, that white workers were as exploited as black workers by capitalism. They wanted to approach liberation in purely Marxist terms. However, in South Africa white workers oppressed black workers. It was more than class and I saw that.

Jomo Kenyatta was clearly capitalist and we were trying a different course. But I must confess I did not see myself as charting out something for the rest of Africa. One picks one's way. I never saw the contradictions that would prevent Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania from working together. I was na‹ve, I guess. Even now for me freedom and unity are paramount.

I respected Jomo (Kenyatta) immensely. It has probably never happened before in history. Two heads of state, Milton Obote [Uganda's leader] and I, went to Jomo and said to him: `let's unite our countries and you be our head of state'. He said no. I think he said no because it would have put him out of his element as a Kikuyu Elder.

IB: In 1990 you were quoted as saying that you thought the absence of an opposition party had contributed to the Tanzanian ruling party's abandonment of its commitments. Do you think it was a mistake for so many new African nations to opt for a one-party state?

MJN: I never advocated this for everyone. But I did for Tanzania because of our circumstances then. In 1990 the Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) abandoned the one-party state for a multi-party system. But we do not have an opposition. The point I was making when I made the statement was that any party that stays in power too long becomes corrupt. The Communist Party in the Soviet Union, the CCM of Tanzania and the Conservative Party of Britain all stayed in power too long and became corrupt. This is especially so if the opposition is too weak or non-existent.

IB: What were your main mistakes as Tanzanian leader? What should you have done differently?

MJN: There are things that I would have done more firmly or not at all. For example, I would not nationalize the sisal plantations. This was a mistake. I did not realize how difficult it would be for the state to manage agriculture. Agriculture is difficult to socialize. I tried to tell my government that what was traditionally the family's in the village social organization should be left with the family, while what was new could be communalized at the village level. The land issue and family holdings were very sensitive. I saw this intellectually but it was hard to translate it into policy implementation. But I still think that in the end Tanzania will return to the values and basic principles of the Arusha Declaration.

IB: Why did your attempt to find a new way founder on the rocks?

MJN: I was in Washington last year. At the World Bank the first question they asked me was `how did you fail?' I responded that we took over a country with 85 per cent of its adult population illiterate. The British ruled us for 43 years. When they left, there were 2 trained engineers and 12 doctors. This is the country we inherited.

When I stepped down there was 91-per-cent literacy and nearly every child was in school. We trained thousands of engineers and doctors and teachers.

In 1988 Tanzania's per-capita income was $280. Now, in 1998, it is $140. So I asked the World Bank people what went wrong. Because for the last ten years Tanzania has been signing on the dotted line and doing everything the IMF and the World Bank wanted. Enrolment in school has plummeted to 63 per cent and conditions in health and other social services have deteriorated. I asked them again: `what went wrong?' These people just sat there looking at me. Then they asked what could they do? I told them have some humility. Humility - they are so arrogant!

IB: Do you think Third World independence actually suited the industrialized world, leaving it with the economic power but without the political responsibility?

MJN: It seems that independence of the former colonies has suited the interests of the industrial world for bigger profits at less cost. Independence made it cheaper for them to exploit us. We became neo-colonies. Some African leaders did not realize it. In fact many argued against Kwame (Nkrumah)'s idea of neo-colonialism.

The majority of countries in Africa and the rest of the South are hamstrung by debt, by the IMF. We have too much debt now. It is a heavy burden, a trap. It is debilitating. We must have a new chance. If we doubled our production and debt-servicing capabilities we would still have no money for anything extra like education or development. It is immoral. It is an affront. The conditions and policies of the World Bank and the IMF are to enable countries to pay debt not to develop. That is all! Let us argue the moral case. Let us create a new liberation movement to free us from immoral debt and neo-colonialism. This is one way forward. The other way is through Pan-African unity.

IB: Should African resistance movements have embraced Pan-Africanism more readily? Do you think we should be working now towards a federal United States of Africa?

MJN: Kwame Nkrumah and I were committed to the idea of unity. African leaders and heads of state did not take Kwame seriously. However, I did. I did not believe in these small little nations. Still today I do not believe in them. I tell our people to look at the European Union, at these people who ruled us who are now uniting.

Kwame and I met in 1963 and discussed African Unity. We differed on how to achieve a United States of Africa. But we both agreed on a United States of Africa as necessary. Kwame went to Lincoln University, a black college in the US. He perceived things from the perspective of US history, where the 13 colonies that revolted against the British formed a union. That is what he thought the OAU should do.

I tried to get East Africa to unite before independence. When we failed in this I was wary about Kwame's continental approach. We corresponded profusely on this. Kwame said my idea of `regionalization' was only balkanization on a larger scale. Later African historians will have to study our correspondence on this issue of uniting Africa.

Africans who studied in the US like Nkrumah and [Nigerian independence leader] Azikiwe were more aware of the Diaspora and the global African community than those of us who studied in Britain. They were therefore aware of a wider Pan-Africanism. Theirs was the aggressive Pan-Africanism of WEB Dubois and Marcus Garvey. The colonialists were against this and frightened of it.

After independence the wider African community became clear to me. I was concerned about education; the work of Booker T Washington resonated with me. There were skills we needed and black people outside Africa had them. I gave our US Ambassador the specific job of recruiting skilled Africans from the US Diaspora. A few came, like you. Some stayed; others left.

We should try to revive it. We should look to our brothers and sisters in the West. We should build the broader Pan-Africanism. There is still the room - and the need.
 
Nakushauri ungetafuta ukurasa kwenye mwanahalisi..nadhani ungesomeka vizuri
 
Katika thread hii, mleta hoja anatahadharisha kusisitiza mazuri tu ya Nyerere na kuacha makosa yake. Jambo ambalo linamletea hofu kuwa ataonekana Mungu mtu. Nikweli mwalimu alikuwa na makosa hakuna asiyejua hilo. Hata yeye mwenyewe aliwahi kusema kwamba alifanya makosa kwakuwa hakuwa malalika na kimsingi aliwahi kusema mwenyewe kuwa wakati wa utawala wao walifanya hata makosa ya kijinga.Kwa hiyoHakuna anayeficha makosa ya Nyerere. Ila kitu cha msingi nikuwa Nyerere ni national icon.Tunapomuangalia Nyerere kama kiongozi na hawa viongozi wetu wa leo ndo apo mtu anaposamehe yote alokosea Nyerere.

Kuna tofauti kubwa sana ya makosa ya mwalimu na viongozi wetu. Mosi, Nyerere alikosea kama binadamu katika kuelekea njozi zake ambazo aliamini zingesaidia watu wake. (hakufanya hivo akijua atashindwa au kwa faida yake au familia yake) viongozi wa leo wanakosea makusudi wakijua wanakosea na wa kiwa na nia ya uovu ya kutuibia ( mfano, unaratibu mpango wa kuliiibia taifa kwa kusaini mkataba ambao unazibana mianya yote ya kutusaidia mambo ya kienda mlama. unajadiliana kuweka vipengele kwenye mikataba ambavyo vinatuumiza sisi na kumnufaisha mwekezaji.Mwalimu alikuwa na utu, leo hii utu ni bidhaaa adimu kuipata toka kwa viongozi wetu. Maaana kiongozi alochaguliwa na watu anadhubutu vipi kuruhusu polisi waue raia wanao lilia shida zao. mwalimu alimpinga Amin kwa tabia hii ya mabavu kwa dhid ya raia wake. Kwa ujasiri wa mwalimu angejua mipango yake ingekwama angeisahihisha.

Hatumtendei haki kabisa mwalimu kwa kumlaumu juuu ya ubovu wa viongozi wetu wa leo eti kisa aliwahi kuwa nao. Kutegemea kila aliyekuwa na mwalimu awe nasifa nzuri kama zake nadhani huko ndo kumfanya Nyerere Mungu mtu mana Mungu ndo anaweza kufanya muujiza huo. Na hoja hii inatoka wapi? mbona nyerere mala nyingi sana aliwakosoa viongozi wadhaifu mara nyingi tu tena hadharani? Mbona tunasahau haraka. Waulize msoma na mgombea wao wa CCM alivo pingwa na mwalimu mwaka 1995,rejea kitabu chake; Uongozi na hatima ya Tanzania, rejea msimamo wake juu ya mgombea binafsi ambapo bila kumungunya maneno mwalimu anamweleza wazili mkutanoni '...waziri, hamna uwezo wa kufuta haki za raia..'

Katika jamii kama hii ambapo inaelekea kuaminika kuwa uongozi ni ufisadi, wizi, katika jamii ambapo uzalendo unapukutika , ubinafsi unatawala, ufisadi unatamaraki na uovu unaelekea kushinda wema itakuwa ni kukosa busara kuacha kuwapa picha watu kuwa kiongozi anaweza kuwa mwema na msafi na bado akaongoza vizuri. Na kwetu Tanzania mtu huyo ni Nyerere itatusaidia kujua sifa zake kuliko udhaifu wake. Maana tukielemea kwenye mabaya ya Nyerere viongozi wetu ndo watapata kisingizio cha kututea uovu wao watasema mbona na mwalimu alikosea. Tunataka kujenga taifa lenye maadili mema na uzalendo hatuitaji mifano ya maovu haitusaidii. Unapo mlea mtoto una mould kwa kumpa mifano ya kumpa moyo sio kumkatisha tamaa. Kwa hiyo Nyerere si tu ni kiongozi wa kihistoria bali alama ya uzalendo wa taifa hili. He is a living example of how leaders should be when it comes to national interests. Kwanini tusimuone kama mungu mtu kiongozi ambaye alikuwa rais lakini anawaaacha watoto wake wakue naturally kama watanzania wengine na wapate kazi kama watanzania wengine bila kuwabeba.

MWACHENI NYERERE AITWE NYERERE HANA KOSA MAAANA HAKUTUTUMA SISI KAMA TAIFA TUNA MUONA HIVO.H AKUTAFUTA SIFA WAKATI WA UHAI WAKE WACHA TUMLIPE KWA HILO ANASTAHILI. NA KWA KUFANYA HIVO TUNAONYESHA THAMANI YA KUTENDA MEMA ILI TUJE KUUUSHINDA UOVU. MAAANA TUKIDHARAU VIONGOZI WAAADILIFU TUTAKUWA TUNATUKUZA NA KULEA UFISADI. RIP MWALIMU
 
Ndio uzuri wa ulaya huo na nnachowapendea wazungu,hata ukiunga unga na ngeli yako wao mradi wakikuelewa tu inatosha..
GOD BLESS THE QUEEN...isingekuwa yeye na lugha yake waafrika sijui tungekuwa tunawasiliana vipi ughaibuni
 
Ni kweli maeneo mengi ya waislam hayajaendelea.....sababu ziko wazi tu kama una hata kauelewa kadogo ka historia na si kumlaumu Nyerere kwa ujinga wako.Nenda kabukue ujue sababu ya kuwa nyuma
 
Einherjar Angan said:
IB: Does the Arusha Declaration still stand up today?

MJN: I still travel around with it. I read it over and over to see what I would change. Maybe I would improve on the Kiswahili that was used but the Declaration is still valid: I would not change a thing. Tanzania had been independent for a short time before we began to see a growing gap between the haves and the have-nots in our country. A privileged group was emerging from the political leaders and bureaucrats who had been poor under colonial rule but were now beginning to use their positions in the Party and the Government to enrich themselves. This kind of development would alienate the leadership from the people. So we articulated a new national objective: we stressed that development is about all our people and not just a small and privileged minority.

The Arusha Declaration was what made Tanzania distinctly Tanzania. We stated what we stood for, we laid down a code of conduct for our leaders and we made an effort to achieve our goals. This was obvious to all, even if we made mistakes - and when one tries anything new and uncharted there are bound to be mistakes.

The Arusha Declaration and our democratic single-party system, together with our national language, Kiswahili, and a highly politicized and disciplined national army, transformed more than 126 different tribes into a cohesive and stable nation.

However, despite this achievement, they say we failed in Tanzania, that we floundered. But did we? We must say no. We can't deny everything we accomplished. There are some of my friends who we did not allow to get rich; now they are getting rich and they say `See, we are getting rich now, so you were wrong'. But what kind of answer is that?
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R.I.P. Mwalimu, your legacy will live forever!

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Hapo umenena haswaa,manake we unafikiri JK angesema nini juu ya mtu aliyesema hafai kuwa Rais....na kweli kawa Rais asiyefaa naye analijua hilo.Anachoshindwa kutamka ni kwamba anashindwa kwa sababu ya maneno ya nuksi aliyopewa na Nyerere(katika jitihada za kutafuta visingizio).Ni upunguani gani huo anaothubutu kumkosoa Nyerere?ila kwa vile tumeona utendaji wake na ule utabiri wa Nyerere umetimia hatushangai manake ndio imesaidia kupata tafsiri sahihi ya yale maneno yake kuwa JAMAA HAJAKOMAA....
 
ni rahisi kuona mabaya kuliko mazuri na ni rahisi kutafuta mabaya kuliko mazuri pia! lakini yote wadanganyika tunayachukua kama changamoto. tutafanyaje ikiwa siku hizi tumegawanyika na wengi wetu tumekuwa madalali wa wezi w nchi hii.lakini mtu huu hata kam mtamuhukumu kwa mabaya tukumubke jinsi aliyotutunzia utajiri wetu wa asili pamoja na umaskini tulio nao alituachia uongozi na sasa kuna utawala ni mengi bila kusahau jinsi tunavyowabeba wenzetu wa jirani wanzanzibar ambao kila siku kukicha hawaishi kulalamika kama kweli vile hawautaki na hawaoni faida zake kwao
mungu amsamehe mapunufu yake na apumzike kwa amani
cc tusonge mbele kwa manufaa ya jamii yetu japo si wote tuko tayari
 
Mistakes are normal mwl.sio malaika lakini he was a true son of Africa think about unity being now destroyed through CCM's propaganda.
 
Ernesto Che said:
Binafsi nakubaliana sana hoja kwamba though Nyerere was intelligent but was very poor in Economic philosophies, alijali sana siasa bila kuangalia Watanzania tutapata nini kiuchumi, mbaya zaidi kujihusisha na vita visivyo na msingi kama vya Mozambique, SA, Angola na nchi zote za SADC, Nampa 40% success na 60% failure, so totally he failed!
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Inategemea na wewe unautazama vipi Uchumi. Kama wewe unachukulia kipimo cha uchumi ni mafanikio yake basi kweli Nyerere hakuwa mzuri ktk uchumi, lakini sidhani kama watu woote waloanzisha biashara na zika fail are poor in economics philosophies bila kutazama factors zilizosababisha biashara hiyo kushindwa na sii mtu mwenyewe kuwa sababu.

Ebu tuangalie na tumpime ktk aloyafanya na tuweke ni wapi alikosea ktk uwekezaji maana ni Nyerere aliyetujengea Reli ya Tazara, viwanda vyote hadi tulikuwa tukitengeneza wenyewe zana za kilimo, baiskeli, nguo, viatu, kusafisha na kukata almasi, viwanda vya Korosho, Pamba na Kahawa to finished product, shirika la Ndege, TRA, UDA, vyama vya Ushirika na kadhalika..Mikopo yote alochukua nje haikuwa kuiendesha serikali bali kujenga miundombinu ya uzalishaji.. ni makosa yapi ya kiuchumi ambayo aliyafanya wakati leo hii ndani ya Ubepari na ubinafsishaji hakuna hata kitu kimoja tunachoweza kuivunia as made in Tanzania! tena vichache tunashindwa hata kuviendeleza tumefikia kuuza hadi ARDHI ambayo ndio tafsiri ya Uhuru wetu..

Wachina ambao walikuwa wakitengeneza vitu feki kama sisi, wakiwa na shida kama sisi wameweza vipi wao kujiendeleza na miundombinu ile ile alowaachia MaoTse Tung kufikia leo kuwa Taifa linalokuza uchumi wake kwa haraka kuliko mataifa yote duniani! India acha kote huko Indonesia na Singapore hawa wote walikuwa maskini kama sisi kuishia mwkaa 1985 wala usichukulie toka Uhuru.. Wako wapi leo? mbona wao wameweza kuiendeleza, kuiboresha hadi wakafanikiwa na sii kuibomoa kama sisi kisha bado tunatazama makosa ya nyuma na sii tunayoyafanya sasa hivi..

Nitakwambia sababu haswa ya manung'uniko yetu, tumeshindwa kujitazama sisi wenyewe kwanza kwa sababu hatutaki kuujua ukweli wa nafsi zetu sisi wenyewe. Sisi ni Wachawi wakubwa, wanafiki na kubwa kuliko yote maaskini wa roho na mali. Nitarudia kusema tena na tena kwamba - we are ignorant, greed and selfish kwa sababu ya umaskini wa roho. Ni bora mwenyezi Mungu akupe Utajiri wa roho akunyime mali, kuliko Utajiri wa mali na akakunyima utajiri wa roho..

Ogopa sana mtu maskini wa roho mwenye ambition kwani mafanikio yake yatagharimu kuliko uloyaona kwa mwalimu.. Na mifano mnaiona leo kwani Ufisadi, Udini, Ukabila, U mimi na kadhalika ni matumda ya Umaskini wa roho..MONEY, POWER and FAME will be their set goals!.

Sii makosa ya Nyerere, sisi wenyeweKweli tumeshindwa kuona makosa yetu, tumekula au tumeuza hadi mbegu...now this U may call lack of BASIC economic philosophies..Utakulaje mbegu yako! hii akli kweli kama sii Ulimbukeni, Ulafi na Ubinafsi...Tumesha kula mtaji na kuharibu vyanzo vyote kiasi kwamba hatuwezi hata kulipia matumizi ya ndani, tumemaliza vyote sasa tunauza hadi ardhi kwa sababu tumemaliza kote lakini bado wa kumlalamikia ni Nyerere..

Je, ni kipimo gani mnachotumia kupima mafanikio ya kiongozi....Hivyo vita vya kusini mbona nchi zote hizo zilifanikiwa kupata Uhuru wake? au haya sio mafanikio isipokuwa mnatazama ilitugharimu kiasi gani?..Hivi kweli tunaijua gharama ya Mozambique ambayo sii huru leo!..Jamani acheni kufanya mzaha na maswala haya, ni vizuri sana tukitazama sisi wenyewe tunashindwa kipi badala ya kuendelea kutafuta mchawi..Hii roho ya kimaskini na inatuponza kila siku.
 
Mandela said:
Huyu Dr. Who ana yake huyu ya udini! ujahidina hapa!!


Kuna wakati nilitoa article kuhusu maproffesor ajana na zake eti hajui kuhusu ni alichokuwa anafanya Prof. Malima!

Nilitaja maprofessor wengi tu lakini yeye akarukia kuhusu malima, na Kapuya!

Sasa kama hamjui Malima na Kapuya atamujua Nyerere!?

Hatusemi kuwa Nyerere alikuwa malaika "but he did his best!
nabii haheshimiki kwao!

Imagine watu wanagapi walisomeshwa ndani na nje ya nchi buree!

watu wanagapi walitibiwa buree!

Kuwa CUF haina maana kuona 2+2=8!
Hebu jiulize tanzania ingekuwaje kama Mkapa ndiye angekuwa raisi wa kwanza Tanzania!!?? Mwinyi!!
Madini haya tunayoyapigia kelele yasingekuwako tena mna wala uchumi usikuwa tofauti na huu uliopo sasa hivi landa ingekuwa mbaya zaidi!!


Eti Mkapa naye anaanza kumulaumu JK!!

Huyu alipaswa kuwa anaongelea mahakama kama Chiluba!

Ebu jiulize kama serkali yetu kwa sasa inakataa kuosemesha wanafunzi chuo kikuu tena 1200 tuuu!! na wakati kila sikua tunachimaba madini!

Je wakati huo wa amamu ya kwanza tulikuwa hatuchimbi madini na watu walisoma tena bureeeeeeeee
Leo ndio hap hao wanshiriki kutuibia!!

Mwl aliwahi kusema a poor person can be potentially Capitalist and vice versa!

Eti mwl alikuwa mdini!! are you serious?

Unaona hadi wanyarwanda wanamlilia eti tu kwa kuwa watu wanasema muda wa kuwaingiza kwente EAC bado!

Hapa sisi ni watanzania anayejiona ni mwarabu aende uarabuni mapema!
Tanzania siyo waraabu hata kidogo!
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udini ndiyo tatizo lako mkuu maana haya ya waarabu (unamaanisha waislamu si ndio) na bado iko siku kiti ulokalia kitawaka moto na tanzania utakua mkimbizi nyie endeleeni na upupu wenu na dharau tu ila uwongo utaondoka na ukweli utadumu zaidi.
mfanyeni mtakatifu na mwisho mumwite mungu wenu si mmezoea mungu wenu ni pesa.
 
Aina kubwa ya umaskini duniani ni umaskini wa mawazo.nyere was sleeping with his head and brain.of which many people in the current world dont pamoja na hapa tanzania.na hii itaongeza umaskini wa kipato,kisiasa,utamaduni na aina zote nyingine inatosha kwanza hii
 
ISSUE SIO UKAMILIFU WA NYERERE,KWANI HATA YEYE ALIKIRI SI MKAMILIFU!Nyerere alikuwa kiongozi hasa,huku akiweka maslahi mapana ya taifa mbele!Huyo dr ni udini tu unamsumbua,TUMHURUMIE!!!!!!!
 
well said DK Mkumbo, its very unfotunately i never meet mwalimu physical, but i meet mwalimu via his correspondence, his philosophy, his dreams and desires, his vision to take the country in the right direction, truely he was not a perfect person and no body who is perfect (plsam 53) but through comparison with the kind of leaders we have you will come with the right and correct answer to justfy that the world lost viosionary leader , try to look on the mwalimu's phylosophy behind education system,healthcare, economics and patriotism, he Left a legacy which i think everybody need to leave it down on this planet, shame on those deemed to be his successors, shame on those who are betraying all his good plans to his beloved tanzanians, his footprints will always be a cake to all patriotic people in and outside the country.make a self analysis on what he did and where he left this country compare with where we are now! we will remember his wisdome and viosion.
 
Game Theory said:
@Kitila Mkumbo

I wrote a pretty long reply but lost it
Imagine these leaders cant even read small print when they sign a Water privatization with foreign companies such as BI WATER or IPTL ...yes they are a a product of Mwalimu who never taught them being accountable to their people..be it those in the power or opposition[/QUOTE]

Nimekuwa impressed sana na analytical mind yako - ni watu wachache wanao juwa maana ya "GULAGS" nadhani kuna tofauti kidogo sana kati ya GULAG na Azimio la Arusha. Wakati wa Stalin huko Urusi nadhani watu walikufa sina hakika kama wakati wa kuhamisha watu kwenda vijiji vya ujamaa hapa Tanzania kuna aliyekufa, vile vile sina uhakika kama malengo ya Stalin kuhamisha watu kwa nguvu na kuwahua baadhi yao unaweza kuyalinganisha na malengo ya Nyerere, nadhani Nyerere alikuwa na nia nzuri tu sema operation ilikwenda mlama kidogo, lakini all in all mtu unaweza kusema Azimio lilikuwa a watered down GULAG type ingawa yote yalileta madhala makubwa kwa wananchi.

Kwenye hiyo nyekundu ni SPOT ON.
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