Mtei alipotofautiana na Mwalimu Nyerere

[Zakumi]

Na Mwalimu kama kiongozi wa nchi hawezi kukubali masharti ya IMF bila kutathmini athari yake kwa uchumi wa nchi na pia kwa hali ya maisha ya Wananchi wake. Na kuthibitisha kwamba Mwalimu alikuwa na haki ya kuyakataa masharti yale ya IMF masharti yale hayakufanikiwa katika nchi yoyote bali yaliongeza ugumu wa maisha kwa kasi kubwa sana.

BAK:

IMF haitoi masharti wala haisumbuani na nchi inayofanya vizuri kiuchumi. Na kama inafanya hivyo naomba mnipe mfano wa nchi moja. Kwa mtaji huu katika kipindi kile, kilichofanyika Tanzania kilikuwa na negative impacts kwa uchumi na wananchi wake.

Hivyo Mwalimu kukataa masharti kulikuwa na namna mbili. Stay the cource, kile alichokuwa anafanya kingeweza kufanikiwa. Au change the course, alikuwa na njia nyingine zaidi ya hile ya IMF na zaidi ya hile aliyokuwa anafuata.

Kutofanikiwa kwa masharti ya IMF kuna mambo mengi yanayochangia. Na unapoweza kuyatatua hayo mambo yenyewe tayari utaweza kujijengea knowledge base ya kukusaidia kutatua matatizo yako ya baadaye.

Lakini kukataa masharti kwa sababu ya ubishi na pride tu bila kuwa na alternative is one of the stupidest ideas.

 

[Zakumi]

Jasusi,
Mkuu wangu hujakisoma kitabu lakini kinajieleza vizuri zaidi kwa kichwa
chake.. yaani somo zima ni toka Mchunga mbuzi na kuwa Gavana!..Ni kitabu kilicholenga zaidi wazungu na mataifa ya nje kwani hilo jina lake tu possiblity ya kutokea hivyo kwa nchi zao ni 1 in a Billioni. Lakini kwetu sisi sote tumetoka huko kila Mdanganyika katokea ktk maisha duni hivyo kichwa cha kitabu hiki hakina mvuto zaidi kwetu kuliko hao walengwa. na ndio maana kimeandikwa kwa kiingereza.

Pili, Jokakuu amesema wazi kwamba swala la mwalimu limechukua page chache sana ktk kitabu chake lakini bado imechukua UZITO mkubwa ktk mazunguzo wa Watanzania ambao sii walengwa. Hivyo, kinachoweza kubeba uzito mkubwa wa kitabu hiki ni maisha ya Mh.Mtei..ambaye alikuwepo wakati wote wa mafanikio ya Ujamaa wa mwalimu.

Kifupi bado tutakuwa tunajiweka ktk wakati mgumu sana kuendelea kuzungumzia watu badala ya kusikiliza hotuba za Mtei mwenyewe wakati huu ambao tunamhitaji sana..Kazungumza mengi sana kutokana na utawala uliopo na mambo yanavyoendelea sasa hivi ambapo Mtei amekosoa almost on every econoimic strategy ya CCM toka Mkapa hadi JK lakini hayazungumziwi kitu isipokuwa tu pale watu wanapoona jina la mwalimu.

Mkandara:

Nitakinunua kitabu hicho sio kusoma ni jinsi gani Mtei alivyokamua mbuzi, bali hizo page chache.

Wangine tunacheza na Enigma Machines. Hivyo cha muhimu ni kupata encryption code na sio machine yenyewe.

 

[Mkandara]

Zakumi,
Bila shaka kanunue kitabu na usome kwa sababu mwalimu kwako ndiye Osama wa Tanzania.
Kifupi mkuu wangu hizi habari za IMF na kuwapongeza sielewi kabisa zinatoka wapi kwani unapouliza nchi ambazo mikakati yake haifanyikazi hali unayo NCHI yako mwenyewe kama mfano sijui unachotaka kuona ni kipi?..
Labda pengine hatusomi page moja.. hivi unaweza kunambia unachofahamu wewe, kwa nini mwalimu alikataa mapendekezo na misaada ya IMF - (sababu alizotoa mwalimu)

 

[Jasusi]

Jasusi:

Nipe insight kidogo. Katika miaka hile ni kitu gani kilimfanya Mwalimu kuamini kuwa anawezaku-pull up miracles ya kuisaidia Tanzania ?

Inawezekana Mtei na jamaa wa IMF hawakufuata protocals. Lakini Tanzania na wananchi wana priorities kubwa kuliko rais, waziri mkuu au mtu yoyote yule.

Zakumi,
Sio kwamba Mwalimu aliamini ku pull up miracles. Imani yake ilikuwa kwa Watanzania. Aliwaamini sana Watanzania. Na pia wakati huo misaada ilitumika vizuri, hasa kutoka Scandinavian countries na Canada. Tuliweza kuona matokeo yake. Na Mwalimu alijua, na baadaye alikuja kuwaambia viongozi wa IMF hapa Washington DC kuwa prescription zao zinaleta ufukara zaidi ya utajiri kwa mataifa yanayoendelea. And to some extent he was right. It always amazed me kwamba everytime he came to New York to deal with the Burundi issue the World bank President always invited him for a chat here in DC.

 

[Mkandara]

Jasusi,
Mkuu wangu watasema sana kuhusu misaada lakini ukweli utabakia kwamba mwalimu alichukua mikopo ambayo ilichangia zaidi kidogo ya asilimia 5 ya GDP yetu na the highest ilifikia asilimia 9 ya GDP mwaka 1980...Lakini utasikia matusi yao wakisema sijui IMF iliwahi kumpa mikopo mwalimu lakini waulize ni kiasi gani na kwa mkakati gani, watabakia midomo wazi tu..Hata hayo ya Scandinavia na Canada wangependa sana waziondoe nchi hizo wabandike Urusi na China.
Hata hivyo nimechukua kipande hiki toka IMF wenyewe. labda kitawasaidia. ​

History and Evolution of Aid to Tanzania
​

​

​

Tanzania has long received substantial amounts of donor aid. Since the mid-1970s,aid has consistently exceeded 5 percent of GDP a year, and it has been rising over time (Figure 16).After peaking at nearly 26 percent of GDP in 1992, aid declined to an average of about 10½ percent in the second half of the 1990s before increasing to about 12½ of GDP for 2001–06.​

Currently, aid inflows finance about 40 percent of government operations. To a large extent Tanzania's aid receipts over time have reflected the global pattern for total aid delivery (Figure 17). At the same time, Tanzania's share of the total aid pie has risen along with its economic reforms. In particular, the comprehensive ERP reforms initiated in 1986 drew widespread support from the donor community. In U.S. dollar terms, Tanzania's aid receipts doubled between 1985 and 1988 and continued to increase over the next several years to the peak of 26 percent of GDP in 1992 before declining gradually through the late 1990s. More recently, the donor community has
recognized Tanzania's progress on economic stabilization, structural reforms, and poverty reduction by increasing aid from 10 percent of GDP in 2000 to 12.9 percent in 2006.​

The composition of donor assistance to Tanzania has changed significantly over the past decade (Table 4). Until the mid-1990s, it consisted largely of project aid and technical assistance, with only limited amounts of direct budgetary support. Since the World Bank approved its first structural adjustment credit in 1997 Tanzania began to receive increasing amounts of direct support for budgeted government expenditures. ​

Direct budget support expanded further when several development partners signed onto the Joint Assistance Strategy for Tanzania (JAST) program. As a result, budget support has increased gradually from about 2½ percent of GDP in 1996/97 (about 30 percent of total aid inflows), to a projected 6 percent in 2007/08 (just under 50 percent of total aid inflows); meanwhile, project assistance declined by about ½ a percentage point of GDP. ​

Tanzania also received extensive debt relief from the HIPC and MDRI initiatives. It qualified for HIPC relief initiative in 2001; cumulative debt relief amounted to approximately $3 billion. Subsequently, in 2006, the IMF, the World Bank, and the African Development Bank implemented the Multilateral Debt Reduction Initiative (MDRI). Under this initiative the multilateral creditors provided debt relief of $3.5 billion. In flow terms, HIPC and MDRI debt relief reached about 1 percent of GDP in 2006/07 and is expected to amount to about ½ percent of GDP annually over the​

medium term (Box 14).

 

[Zakumi]

Zakumi,
Bila shaka kanunue kitabu na usome kwa sababu mwalimu kwako ndiye Osama wa Tanzania.
Kifupi mkuu wangu hizi habari za IMF na kuwapongeza sielewi kabisa zinatoka wapi kwani unapouliza nchi ambazo mikakati yake haifanyikazi hali unayo NCHI yako mwenyewe kama mfano sijui unachotaka kuona ni kipi?..
Labda pengine hatusomi page moja.. hivi unaweza kunambia unachofahamu wewe, kwa nini mwalimu alikataa mapendekezo na misaada ya IMF - (sababu alizotoa mwalimu)

Mkandara:

Unachofanya ni kutunyima haki ya kuelewa truth. Katika kipindi kile mwalimu alishashika nchi kwa zaidi ya miaka 15. Na katika kipindi hicho alishafanya implementations zake. Therefore, it is imperative to know what he was thinking at that time. Alichotakiwa achague matatu. Kubakia katika siasa zake, kubadilika au kufuata ushauri wa wengine.

Tunaheshimu michango ya mwalimu na hata siku moja sijamfananisha kama Osama. Lakini pamoja na hayo ninatofautiana naye kiitikadi. Na mnaounga mkono itikadi zake, mnashindwa kuja hapa na goodies.

 

[Zakumi]

Zakumi,
Sio kwamba Mwalimu aliamini ku pull up miracles. Imani yake ilikuwa kwa Watanzania. Aliwaamini sana Watanzania. Na pia wakati huo misaada ilitumika vizuri, hasa kutoka Scandinavian countries na Canada. Tuliweza kuona matokeo yake. Na Mwalimu alijua, na baadaye alikuja kuwaambia viongozi wa IMF hapa Washington DC kuwa prescription zao zinaleta ufukara zaidi ya utajiri kwa mataifa yanayoendelea. And to some extent he was right. It always amazed me kwamba everytime he came to New York to deal with the Burundi issue the World bank President always invited him for a chat here in DC.

Jasusi:

Read my lips: misaada ni chanzo cha umasikini. Kama mnavyopiga kelele hapa kuwa masharti ya IMF/WB yanaleta ufukara. Vilevile hakuna nchi iliyojikwamua kwa kutumia misaada.

Hizo nchi zilizotusaidia zinafanya reviews za misaada yao. Na reviews zingine zinaonyesha kabisa kuwa misaada haifanyi kazi.

 

[Jasusi]

Jasusi:

Read my lips: misaada ni chanzo cha umasikini. Kama mnavyopiga kelele hapa kuwa masharti ya IMF/WB yanaleta ufukara. Vilevile hakuna nchi iliyojikwamua kwa kutumia misaada.

Hizo nchi zilizotusaidia zinafanya reviews za misaada yao. Na reviews zingine zinaonyesha kabisa kuwa misaada haifanyi kazi.

Zakumi,
Hapo nakubaliana na wewe kabisa. Lakini wewe na mimi tuna benefit ya hindsight. Mwalimu hakuwa nayo. Ni kama mtu ambaye amekuta mbuga zikiwa tupu and you have to start from somewhere. Kimantiki, Mwalimu alijua kuwa misaada si panacea, lakini at the same time unataka uwasomeshe Watanzania, uwape matunzo ya tiba, na wakati huo huo ndugu zetu kusini mwa Afrika wanatutazama kwa matumaini tuwasaidie nao wajikomboe. What would you have done in his shoes?

 

[Mkandara]

Jasusi:

Read my lips: misaada ni chanzo cha umasikini. Kama mnavyopiga kelele hapa kuwa masharti ya IMF/WB yanaleta ufukara. Vilevile hakuna nchi iliyojikwamua kwa kutumia misaada.

Hizo nchi zilizotusaidia zinafanya reviews za misaada yao. Na reviews zingine zinaonyesha kabisa kuwa misaada haifanyi kazi.

Mkuu wangu shukran sana kwa maelezo haya kwa sababu ndicho alicho preach mwalimu.
Kuna tabia moja imetokea hapa JF ya kununua maneno ya mtu na kuyapamba kiasi kwamba ukweli uonekanae uongo..
Ndugu yangu Pundit na Blueray siku zote wamekuwa wakipotosha ukweli na maana halisi na neno KUJITEGEMEA, na mimi nimekuwa nikipambana nao kwa tafsiri yao wenyewe..yaani kama wao wanaujua huu 9kupekecha kwa mbele)basi nami naujua huu 9kupekecha kwa nyuma)...

Lakini leo nimefurahi sana kuona wewe umekuwa wa kwanza kukubali kwamba hakuna nchi iliyojikwamua kwa kutumia misaada...na ndicho mwalimu alichokiona na kuweka njia ambayo inajitenga na kuwa taifa tegemezi - Dependent.

 

[JokaKuu]

Sijasoma kitabu cha Mtei lakini nashangaa kwa mtu ambaye alifanya kazi na
Mwalimu hakujua vitu ambavyo vinaweza kumuudhi JKN. Yule afisa wa IMF nadhani alikuwa kiongozi wa mission na si afisa mwandamizi ndani ya IMF.
Na kama Mtei alishindwa kumshawishi Mwalimu alifikiriaje kuwa mzungu wa IMF atafanikiwa? Kwangu hainiingii akilini. Mwalimu alikubali kukutana nao akifiria kuwa it was a courtesy call. Unless kama Mtei alifurahia lugha waliyotumia wale maafisa mbele ya Mwalimu lakini ni wazi kuwa Julius was angry. Ndio maana alikwenda baharini kutuliza hasira. Mtei anakubali kuwa Mwalimu alimwambia aachane nao yet he goes on to host a party for them.
Mwalimu alipotaka kukutana tena na Mtei aliambiwa Mtei ana host party ya maafisa wa IMF That fact is not disputed.

Jasusi,

..umenichanganya kidogo hapo. kwani Nyerere alikuwa na matatizo na wazungu kiasi cha kuweza kukataa ushauri mzuri toka kwao?

..kumbuka kwamba Nyerere huyohuyo alikuwa na washauri, na hata wasaidizi, wazungu.

..nadhani iwekwe bayana hapa kwamba Mwalimu alikuwa na matatizo ya "ushauri" aliokuwa akipewa, hakuwa na matatizo na "washauri."

..pia naomba utueleze kwanini Mwalimu hakumtuma Waziri wake wa Mambo ya Ndani kuwafukuza hao "Wazungu wa IMF" baada ya Mtei "kukaidi" maagizo ya kuwafukuza?

..mkutano kati ya Mwalimu na ujumbe wa IMF ulifanyika Msasani siku ya Jumatano. ujumbe huo uliendelea kukaa nchini mpaka Jumamosi walipoondoka. naomba kuuliza wakati wote huo Mwalimu,Waziri wa Mambo ya Ndani,IGP,Mkuu wa Usalama wa Taifa, Mkuu wa Immigration, walikuwa wapi wasiwape notice kwamba hawatakiwi nchini?

..what is not disputed ni kwamba baada ya mkutano wa Msasani, Mtei na ujumbe wa IMF walikwenda nyumbani kwa Mtei and they had tea. kwamba Mtei alipigiwa simu arudi Msasani, akakataa kwasababu alikuwa akinywa chai na wazungu, ni suala ambalo linahitaji kuhakikiwa.

..si rahisi kuyaelewa mahusiano kati ya Mwalimu Nyerere na Mzee Edwin Mtei. nasema hivyo kwasababu baada ya Mtei "kutimuliwa" / "kujiuzulu" uwaziri wa fedha, serikali ilimpendekeza kwenda kushika nafasi ya Ukurugenzi wa IMF kwa nchi za Afrika. vilevile Mtei aliendelea kuwa na access na viongozi karibu wote wa Tanzania ikiwemo Mwalimu Nyerere.

 

[Shwari]

Mwalimu, alipohojiwa na waandishi wa habari mwaka wa 1984, Dar es Salaam, alieleza kwa kirefu kwa nini alitofautiana na IMF. Na aliuliza, nani aliipa IMF mamlaka kuwa "International Ministrty of Finance"?

Bado naendelea kuvisoma vitabu vya Godfrey Mwakikagile (coincidentally, schoolmate wangu Tambaza High School) kuhusu Mwalimu Nyerere, na katika kitabu chake, "Tanzania under Mwalimu Nyerere: Reflections on an African Statesman," ameeleza kwa nini Mwalimu hakukubaliana na masharti ya IMF. Na katika kitabu chake kingine, "Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era," amemu quote Mwalimu Nyerere:

"I was in Washington last year (1997). At the World Bank. The first question they asked me was ‘how did you fail?' I responded that we took over a country with 85 per cent of its adult population illiterate. The British ruled us for 43 years. When they left, there were 2 trained engineers and 12 doctors. This is the country we inherited.

When I stepped down there was 91-per-cent literacy and nearly every child was in school. We trained thousands of engineers and doctors and teachers.

In 1988 Tanzania's per-capita income was $280. Now, in 1998, it is $140. So I asked the World Bank people what went wrong. Because for the last ten years Tanzania has been signing on the dotted line and doing everything the IMF and the World Bank wanted. Enrolment in school has plummeted to 63 per cent and conditions in health and other social services have deteriorated. I asked them again: ‘what went wrong?' These people just sat there looking at me. Then they asked what could they do? I told them have some humility. Humility - they are so arrogant!" - (Godfrey Mwakikagile, "Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era," p. 580).

Pia katika Chapter Sixteen: Nyerere as a Third World Leader, in "Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era," Godfrey Mwakikagile has written this:

"JULIUS NYERERE was one of the most eloquent spokesmen for the Third World. He was also a leading figure in the Non-Aligned Movement and one of its most uncompromising advocates. As he stated as far back as 1961, the same year he led Tanganyika to independence from Britain, we are not going to allow our friends to choose enemies for us.

But it was in Tanganyika, later Tanzania, where he demonstrated his qualities as a man of the people; a leader who sacrificed his personal comfort for the well-being of others. His policy of socialism was adopted in pursuit of this goal, as was the Arusha Declaration he wrote as the nation's political and economic blueprint but whose scope and relevance went beyond Tanzania to include Africa as a whole.

The driving force behind all his actions and policies was his belief that governments and societies exist to serve man. They have no other justification. A nation's economic growth is meaningless if the vast majority of its people, the poorest of the poor, do not benefit from such progress. Clean water for the people is more important than growth statistics; clinics more important than expensive projects undertaken out of sheer national pride.

And he was painfully aware of our underdeveloped status, not only as Tanzanians but as Africans as a whole. As he once said, "while others are going to the moon, we are trying to reach the village and it is getting farther and farther away." And to catch up with the rest, or achieve significant progress, "we must run while others walk," as he put it succinctly. Tragically, in many cases across the continent, we are not even running but crawling, if at all, emaciated by hunger, crippled by disease, and mangled by war. As he said not long before he died, "Africa is in a mess."

It was with such problems in mind, except civil wars, that he adopted socialist policies as the best way to achieve economic progress and social justice, enabling us to share the nation's wealth on an egalitarian basis. And his battle with the IMF and the World Bank in the early 1980s, against structural adjustment programmes and other austerity measures which hurt the poor the most but which these financial institutions demanded to be implemented by African and other developing countries as a condition for aid, clearly demonstrated his commitment to the well-being of the poorest of the poor; and his belief that economic growth indexes are less important than the welfare of the people. They come first.

In 1984, when he was still president and about a year after he survived a coup attempt some of whose details are discussed in Appendix VI of this book, Nyerere explained in detail Tanzania's stand on IMF proposals as they related to the country's economic development and financial woes. He said the major difference between Tanzania and the IMF was not based on the conditions demanded by the latter but the extent to which such conditions could be applied to Tanzania.

In an interview with local and foreign journalists at the State House in Dar es Salaam on November 22 the same year, the president said none of the IMF packages ranging from massive devaluation of currency, reduction of government deficits to liberalization of imports had helped improve any Third World economy. As he explained:

"They (international financial institutions) advised us to liberalize imports in 1977 when we had surplus in foreign reserves and we did. But we have been in trouble ever since."1

He once described the IMF as the International Ministry of Finance and famously asked who elected the IMF to be the ministry of finance for every country in the world.

Nyerere said IMF imposition of the ready-made prescriptions on poor countries as a condition for aid was unacceptable: "Any serious Third World government will ask serious questions. I cannot sign an agreement (with the IMF) and then have riots on the streets. You may be the economic experts but I am the political expert - allow me at least to say how much the people can take."2

He went on to explain that blind conformity and acceptance of the IMF packages would force the government to turn the police force against the people. The president said the government was flexible in its economic policies and had taken a number of measures similar to those recommended by the IMF; and went on to stress: "We don't say we don't change but we say how much should we change. Every government will have to ask that. Every government asks that."3

He said Tanzania needed the financial resources offered by the IMF to pay for her raw materials and spare parts but insisted that the negotiations must be balanced.

Commenting on government involvement in running the economy, Nyerere said all governments, including that of the United States, had to make decisions dealing with the economy. He cited as an example the deliberate decision by the American government to maintain "huge deficits" in its annual budget: "Those deficits are a government decision and it pervades the total economy."4

Nyerere said the higher degree of government control of the economy in Tanzania was basically historical because most of the economic infrastructure, including industry, was created by the government, pointing out that little was inherited from the colonial powers (first Germany, and then Britain). As he put it: "In Tanzania we do a little bit more than they (other countries) do. It is partly historical, partly ideological...but mostly historical."5"

See, Godfrey Mwakikagile, Chapter Sixteen: Nyerere as a Third World Leader," in "Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era," pp. 438 - 440.

 

[JokaKuu]

Shwari,

..Mwalimu hakujibu swali aliloulizwa na jamaa wa IMF.

..au labda wananchi tungemuuliza ni kwanini alikwenda IMF/WB kutafuta ushauri na msaada wa kiuchumi.

..the back and forth that went on kati ya Mwalimu na IMF inaashiria jambo moja kubwa kwamba there was something wrong with how we run our economy.

..Mwalimu angejieleza tu ni wapi anadhani alikosea. hali ya kiuchumi tuliyokuwa nayo wakati ule ni ushahidi tosha kwamba tulikosea mahali fulani.

..mbona Allan Greenspan wa USA akiulizwa makosa aliyoyafanya hatoa majibu ya mkato-mkato na jazba kama ya Mwalimu alivyofanya kwa IMF.


NB:

..soma vizuri majibu ya Mwalimu anadai almost every child was in school.

..kwa miaka mingi tumekuwa tukijisifia kwa idadi ya watoto wanaoandikishwa mashuleni, badala ya idadi ya wasomi wanaohitimu.

 

[mwanamasala]

Mkumbuke kuwa Nyerere alifia katika Hospitali ya St Thomas Uingereza,nchi iliyotua chia uhuru wetu.Ina maana baada ya miaka yote hiyo ya uhuru ,ina maana hatuna madoctor good enough Muhimbili au hospitali yoyote nchini!

 

[Zakumi]

Zakumi,
Hapo nakubaliana na wewe kabisa. Lakini wewe na mimi tuna benefit ya hindsight. Mwalimu hakuwa nayo. Ni kama mtu ambaye amekuta mbuga zikiwa tupu and you have to start from somewhere. Kimantiki, Mwalimu alijua kuwa misaada si panacea, lakini at the same time unataka uwasomeshe Watanzania, uwape matunzo ya tiba, na wakati huo huo ndugu zetu kusini mwa Afrika wanatutazama kwa matumaini tuwasaidie nao wajikomboe. What would you have done in his shoes?

Jasusi:

Nakubaliana na wewe kuwa Mwalimu hakuwa na benefit of hindsight. Hili ni sawa kabisa.

Lakini application of data inakusaidia sana kuweka ukweli wazi. Mwalimu alikuwa mzito kutumia application of data. Na sio yeye pekee yake bali viongozi wengi wa kiAfrika na waliopo madarakani sasa.

Kuna maana gani kuwa na performance benchmarks kama GDP, inflation kama viongozi wanashindwa kupata insight ya sera zao.

 

[Shwari]

Shwari,

..Mwalimu hakujibu swali aliloulizwa na jamaa wa IMF.

..au labda wananchi tungemuuliza ni kwanini alikwenda IMF/WB kutafuta ushauri na msaada wa kiuchumi.

..the back and forth that went on kati ya Mwalimu na IMF inaashiria jambo moja kubwa kwamba there was something wrong with how we run our economy.

..Mwalimu angejieleza tu ni wapi anadhani alikosea. hali ya kiuchumi tuliyokuwa nayo wakati ule ni ushahidi tosha kwamba tulikosea mahali fulani.

..mbona Allan Greenspan wa USA akiulizwa makosa aliyoyafanya hatoa majibu ya mkato-mkato na jazba kama ya Mwalimu alivyofanya kwa IMF.


NB:

..soma vizuri majibu ya Mwalimu anadai almost every child was in school.

..kwa miaka mingi tumekuwa tukijisifia kwa idadi ya watoto wanaoandikishwa mashuleni, badala ya idadi ya wasomi wanaohitimu.

JokaKuu,

Umesema Mwalimu hakujibu swali aliloulizwa na viongozi wa IMF. Aliwajibu aliposema na kuwauliza:

"In 1988 Tanzania’s per-capita income was $280. Now, in 1998, it is $140. So I asked the World Bank people what went wrong. Because for the last ten years Tanzania has been signing on the dotted line and doing everything the IMF and the World Bank wanted. Enrolment in school has plummeted to 63 per cent and conditions in health and other social services have deteriorated. I asked them again: ‘what went wrong?’ These people just sat there looking at me. Then they asked what could they do? I told them have some humility. Humility - they are so arrogant!" - (Godfrey Mwakikagile, "Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era," p. 580)."

Kuhusu elimu, Tanzania had the highest literacy rate in Africa, and one of the highest in the world (higher than India's, for example, a country which has the largest number of scientists after the United States and the former Soviet Union), during Nyerere's leadership. And the standard of education during his presidency was higher than it is nowadays - katika shule zote, za msingi, secondary schools, na Mlimani (UDSM).

In the sixties and seventies, especially, we were not afraid of Kenyans or Ugandans kwamba hatuwezi ku compete nao academically, intellectually and at work, as many Tanzanians are nowadays. We were a product of excellent schools. And that was during Mwalimu's tenure.

 

[Zakumi]

Mwalimu, alipohojiwa na waandishi wa habari mwaka wa 1984, Dar es Salaam, alieleza kwa kirefu kwa nini alitofautiana na IMF. Na aliuliza, nani aliipa IMF mamlaka kuwa "International Ministrty of Finance"?

Bado naendelea kuvisoma vitabu vya Godfrey Mwakikagile (coincidentally, schoolmate wangu Tambaza High School) kuhusu Mwalimu Nyerere, na katika kitabu chake, "Tanzania under Mwalimu Nyerere: Reflections on an African Statesman," ameeleza kwa nini Mwalimu hakukubaliana na masharti ya IMF. Na katika kitabu chake kingine, "Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era," amemu quote Mwalimu Nyerere:

"I was in Washington last year (1997). At the World Bank. The first question they asked me was ‘how did you fail?’ I responded that we took over a country with 85 per cent of its adult population illiterate. The British ruled us for 43 years. When they left, there were 2 trained engineers and 12 doctors. This is the country we inherited.

When I stepped down there was 91-per-cent literacy and nearly every child was in school. We trained thousands of engineers and doctors and teachers.

In 1988 Tanzania’s per-capita income was $280. Now, in 1998, it is $140. So I asked the World Bank people what went wrong. Because for the last ten years Tanzania has been signing on the dotted line and doing everything the IMF and the World Bank wanted. Enrolment in school has plummeted to 63 per cent and conditions in health and other social services have deteriorated. I asked them again: ‘what went wrong?’ These people just sat there looking at me. Then they asked what could they do? I told them have some humility. Humility - they are so arrogant!" - (Godfrey Mwakikagile, "Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era," p. 580).

Pia katika Chapter Sixteen: Nyerere as a Third World Leader, in "Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era," Godfrey Mwakikagile has written this:

"JULIUS NYERERE was one of the most eloquent spokesmen for the Third World. He was also a leading figure in the Non-Aligned Movement and one of its most uncompromising advocates. As he stated as far back as 1961, the same year he led Tanganyika to independence from Britain, we are not going to allow our friends to choose enemies for us.

But it was in Tanganyika, later Tanzania, where he demonstrated his qualities as a man of the people; a leader who sacrificed his personal comfort for the well-being of others. His policy of socialism was adopted in pursuit of this goal, as was the Arusha Declaration he wrote as the nation's political and economic blueprint but whose scope and relevance went beyond Tanzania to include Africa as a whole.

The driving force behind all his actions and policies was his belief that governments and societies exist to serve man. They have no other justification. A nation's economic growth is meaningless if the vast majority of its people, the poorest of the poor, do not benefit from such progress. Clean water for the people is more important than growth statistics; clinics more important than expensive projects undertaken out of sheer national pride.

And he was painfully aware of our underdeveloped status, not only as Tanzanians but as Africans as a whole. As he once said, "while others are going to the moon, we are trying to reach the village and it is getting farther and farther away." And to catch up with the rest, or achieve significant progress, "we must run while others walk," as he put it succinctly. Tragically, in many cases across the continent, we are not even running but crawling, if at all, emaciated by hunger, crippled by disease, and mangled by war. As he said not long before he died, "Africa is in a mess."

It was with such problems in mind, except civil wars, that he adopted socialist policies as the best way to achieve economic progress and social justice, enabling us to share the nation's wealth on an egalitarian basis. And his battle with the IMF and the World Bank in the early 1980s, against structural adjustment programmes and other austerity measures which hurt the poor the most but which these financial institutions demanded to be implemented by African and other developing countries as a condition for aid, clearly demonstrated his commitment to the well-being of the poorest of the poor; and his belief that economic growth indexes are less important than the welfare of the people. They come first.

In 1984, when he was still president and about a year after he survived a coup attempt some of whose details are discussed in Appendix VI of this book, Nyerere explained in detail Tanzania's stand on IMF proposals as they related to the country's economic development and financial woes. He said the major difference between Tanzania and the IMF was not based on the conditions demanded by the latter but the extent to which such conditions could be applied to Tanzania.

In an interview with local and foreign journalists at the State House in Dar es Salaam on November 22 the same year, the president said none of the IMF packages ranging from massive devaluation of currency, reduction of government deficits to liberalization of imports had helped improve any Third World economy. As he explained:

"They (international financial institutions) advised us to liberalize imports in 1977 when we had surplus in foreign reserves and we did. But we have been in trouble ever since."1

He once described the IMF as the International Ministry of Finance and famously asked who elected the IMF to be the ministry of finance for every country in the world.

Nyerere said IMF imposition of the ready-made prescriptions on poor countries as a condition for aid was unacceptable: "Any serious Third World government will ask serious questions. I cannot sign an agreement (with the IMF) and then have riots on the streets. You may be the economic experts but I am the political expert - allow me at least to say how much the people can take."2

He went on to explain that blind conformity and acceptance of the IMF packages would force the government to turn the police force against the people. The president said the government was flexible in its economic policies and had taken a number of measures similar to those recommended by the IMF; and went on to stress: "We don't say we don't change but we say how much should we change. Every government will have to ask that. Every government asks that."3

He said Tanzania needed the financial resources offered by the IMF to pay for her raw materials and spare parts but insisted that the negotiations must be balanced.

Commenting on government involvement in running the economy, Nyerere said all governments, including that of the United States, had to make decisions dealing with the economy. He cited as an example the deliberate decision by the American government to maintain "huge deficits" in its annual budget: "Those deficits are a government decision and it pervades the total economy."4

Nyerere said the higher degree of government control of the economy in Tanzania was basically historical because most of the economic infrastructure, including industry, was created by the government, pointing out that little was inherited from the colonial powers (first Germany, and then Britain). As he put it: "In Tanzania we do a little bit more than they (other countries) do. It is partly historical, partly ideological...but mostly historical."5"

See, Godfrey Mwakikagile, Chapter Sixteen: Nyerere as a Third World Leader," in "Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era," pp. 438 - 440.

Swari:

Paka wa polini na paka wa nyumbani wana characteristics sawa kwa mtazamo wa daktari wa wanyama (vet).

Lakini kwa mtazamo wa pet owner, domesticated cat and stray one are two different beasts.

Mtazamo mkubwa hapa ni wa uchumi. Longolongo zingine ni za kisiasa.

 

[Eric Cartman]

Kuhusu elimu, Tanzania had the highest literacy rate in Africa, and one of the highest in the world (higher than India's, for example, a country which has the largest number of scientists after the United States and the former Soviet Union), during Nyerere's leadership. And the standard of education during his presidency was higher than it is nowadays - katika shule zote, za msingi, secondary schools, na Mlimani (UDSM).

Mh, samahani but i had to say somen about this one. It dont matter that much the number of literate people he produced. Even today the UK has a huge number of illiterate adults, Lakini we can not compare ourself to them. The issue should be aliacha watu wangapi ambao ni highly schooled those are what matters in social progress.

Lastly its time you guys accepted Mwalimu was a failure by facts. No matter how much you try to paint a good picture of his reign. Historical results tells us he failed and by the time he left office the only thing he can claim to have achieved was creating a torrerant nation.

Na ujamaa ndio mmh, i dont understand anyone who defends a system thats prone to fail even if we return it today.

 

[Mkandara]

Zakumi,
Mkuu wangu hizi hadithi mnakuja nazo toka wapi? lini Paka wa nyumbani na wa Porini wakawa sawa? Hata kwa daktari haiwezi kuwa sawa unless unazungumzia wanyama wa aina hiyo iwe simba, chui tiger na kadhalika lakini wanyama hao ulotaja hawafanani kimaumbile hata kidogo. Hata mimi nisokuwa daktari I can tell the difference.
Hizi habari za mwalimu kuwafuata IMF ni zipi na wakati gani?... ikiwa maelezo yenu yanatokana na kitabu cha Mtei nitawaelewa lakini hayo mengine jazeni kwanza kisha sisi tutatafuta ukweli.

Juma Contena,
Mkuu wangu hakuna kiongozi Afrika ambaye hakushindwa.. sababu ya nchi zetu kuwa maskini hadi leo ni kutokana na kushindwa kwa viongozi mengine yote ni figures na hesabu za kujaza pakacha hata kama nyanya ni mbovu.

 

[Mkandara]

Jasusi,

..umenichanganya kidogo hapo. kwani Nyerere alikuwa na matatizo na wazungu kiasi cha kuweza kukataa ushauri mzuri toka kwao?

..kumbuka kwamba Nyerere huyohuyo alikuwa na washauri, na hata wasaidizi, wazungu.

..nadhani iwekwe bayana hapa kwamba Mwalimu alikuwa na matatizo ya "ushauri" aliokuwa akipewa, hakuwa na matatizo na "washauri."

..pia naomba utueleze kwanini Mwalimu hakumtuma Waziri wake wa Mambo ya Ndani kuwafukuza hao "Wazungu wa IMF" baada ya Mtei "kukaidi" maagizo ya kuwafukuza?

..mkutano kati ya Mwalimu na ujumbe wa IMF ulifanyika Msasani siku ya Jumatano. ujumbe huo uliendelea kukaa nchini mpaka Jumamosi walipoondoka. naomba kuuliza wakati wote huo Mwalimu,Waziri wa Mambo ya Ndani,IGP,Mkuu wa Usalama wa Taifa, Mkuu wa Immigration, walikuwa wapi wasiwape notice kwamba hawatakiwi nchini?

..what is not disputed ni kwamba baada ya mkutano wa Msasani, Mtei na ujumbe wa IMF walikwenda nyumbani kwa Mtei and they had tea. kwamba Mtei alipigiwa simu arudi Msasani, akakataa kwasababu alikuwa akinywa chai na wazungu, ni suala ambalo linahitaji kuhakikiwa.

..si rahisi kuyaelewa mahusiano kati ya Mwalimu Nyerere na Mzee Edwin Mtei. nasema hivyo kwasababu baada ya Mtei "kutimuliwa" / "kujiuzulu" uwaziri wa fedha, serikali ilimpendekeza kwenda kushika nafasi ya Ukurugenzi wa IMF kwa nchi za Afrika. vilevile Mtei aliendelea kuwa na access na viongozi karibu wote wa Tanzania ikiwemo Mwalimu Nyerere.

Jokakuu, Mkuu unataka unauliza kwa nini mwalimu hakuwafukuza wale wajumbe wa IMF kwani wao walifanya kosa gani haswa?.. Mkuu wangu ukimfumania, siku zote ugonvi upeleke nyumbani kwao mwenyewe. Sina maana Mtei alikuwa na relation ya namna hiyo na mwalimu isipokuwa kimadarasa.

Wale wawakilishi wa IMF hawakufanya kosa lolote la kuvunja sheria isipokuwa tunaweza sema Mtei ndiye alovunja na hasa hizi hadithi za kusema ati hakuisoma barua ya mwalimu pindi alipoipata, kaitupa ktk kiti cha gari akaendelea na shughuli zake.. Mkuu, hii ni barua toka kwa RAIS wako unasema hukuifungua!..
Kwa hiyo tuachane na haya yote kila mtu anaweza kuja na sababu millioni hapa.. What was done is done, tugange yajayo na tumwache mzee wetu Mh. Mtei aendelee kula kuku zake..

 

[Jasusi]

jokaKuu,
Mwalimu alikuwa mkali lakini hakuwa na roho mbaya. Ndio maana hiyo nafasi ya ukurugenzi ilipofikia zamu ya Tanzania, ni Mwalimu aliyependekeza Mtei aende Washington. Hilo limethibitishwa na Mwakikagile na Mzee Mtei mwenyewe. Hiyo ya simu sidhani Mwalimu alifanya direct call mwenyewe. Alikuwa na tabia ya kuwaambia wasaidizi wake "nitafutieni Mzee Bomani, nitafutieni Mtei." Lakini najua alikuwa amemwambia Mtei aachane nao na siyo kuwa-entertain. But to me that is a small matter. I am glad Mzee Mtei ameandika ya upande wake and I look forward to reading the book. Siku tukikutana nikumbushe nikupe mchapo wa mkutano wa mara ya kwanza kati ya Mwalimu na Mtei pale Moshi baada ya Mtei "kujiuzulu. P.S. Nani alikwambia ushauri wa wale wazungu ulikuwa mzuri? Suali halikuwa ni ushauri. Ilikuwa ni protocal. Walipelekwa kukutana na Mwalimu as a courtesy call, they turned the meeting into lecturing Mwalimu.