tafiti then jadili said:
Kama mnakumbuka niliahidi kuweka piece on UDINI tanzania, nasikitika nimeshindwa kutokana na ukosefu wa takwimu husika. ingawa nimegundua kuna manung'uniko pande zote yaani waislamu wanahisi kuna udini dhidi yao na kwa upande wao na wakristo piawanaona kuna udini dhidi yao.
Hii mada imekosa muelekeo kwa sasa partly kutokana na baadhi ya attempt za baadhi humu kuidrive outside the agenda walizokusudia waanzilishi na pia partly due to administrators error ya kuchanganya mambo hapa.
Sasa wale wote wanaoclaim kuwepo na udini katika taasisi za serikali aidha waislamu kupendeleana au otherwise and vice vierca naomba tusaidiwe japo majina ya kina nani wamepewa vyeo kwa vile majina yao au imani zao ni za kiislamu au kikristo.
In particular mlalahoi na mugishagwe tuwekeeni mwangaza katika hili, otherwise sorry is a simple word lakini quiet meangfull...
"Udini" upo Tanzania like anywhere else in the world.By the way,"udini"tulionao sisi sio ulopita kiwango kama kwa nchi kama Marekani,Israel,mengi ya mataifa ya Kiarabu,etc.Pengine tatizo hapa ni semantics na application ya "udini" katika maendeleo ya taifa.
Nadhani tatizo sio dini ya watu wanaolalamikiwa bali wasifu wa watu hao.Waislam wanaweza kuwa na hoja ya kuomba upendeleo wa kidini iwapo wanaona kuna hali ya kutokuwa na usawa katika sekta kama ajira na elimu.Kukosekana usawa huko kupo,hilo halina mjadala.Sababu zipo lakini nyingine zinapingana.Ntajaribu kufafanua.
Kimsingi,idadi kubwa ya waislam huko nyumbani wana hisia kuwa hakuna usawa kati yao na wasio waislam hususan ktk maeneo makuu mawili:ajira ya umma na elimu ktk taasisi za elimu za umma.Wengi wa Waislam ambao naomba niwaite "mainstream" wanaona chanzo cha tatizo hilo kuwa ni legacy ya colonial rule,na failure ya post-independece governments kuli-address na kulitatua.Put it simply,wajerumani waliwa-incorporate waislam,sio kwa vile waliipenda dini hiyo bali kwa for their (germans') colonial interests (ref:the Mecca letter affair na wito kwamba kupambana na "allied forces" ni jihad).Hata hivyo,licha ya ukweli kwamba german colonial policies in a way helped penetration of islam far into the interior from the coastal areas (ie roles of akidas,govt clerks,etc most of whom were swahili muslims,who in turn spread their faith when transfered by germans to work in the interior of the country) wajerumani walikuwa exclusively christians,and surely they couldnt prevent the "christinisation mission" carried out by the missioneries
Things took a worse turn when Tanganyika fell into the British rule.Sera za elimu na kazi were essentially discriminating Muslims,japo hata hao African christians were just being favoured for the sake of kuendeleza ukoloni.Unfortunately,tulipopata uhuru 1961 tulirithi karibu kila kitu cha kikoloni,same old wine in new bottles.And Nyerere knew for sure that one reason why Islam was a strong force in the struggle for independence was walitaka kumalizwa kwa sera za ubaguzi wa kidini by the british,hoping tht uhuru ungeleta usawa.Tatizo hadi hapa sio wakristo waafrika bali colonial legacy.
Kati ya 1961-1968 kuna mambo ambayo yanazua utata katika kuyaeleza.Kuvunjwa kwa EAMWS na hatimaye kuundwa kwa BAKWATA is one of them,as is the implementation of the Arusha declaration and its subsequent villagization policy.How?Put it simply,asilimia kubwa ya wafanyabiashara walikuwa waislam,kutaifisha mali za umma kuliwathiri zaidi wao na kupeleka watu vijijini kulimaanisha kuwatenganisha na mali za
😵ther side of the same coin,wapo wanaoona kulikuwa na harakati between african muslims versus muslims of asian or arab origin,especially in the EAMWS-BAKWATA saga.
"Radical" Muslims' point of view is like,wakoloni walikuwa wakristo,nyerere was a christian,na watanzania walio wakristo ndio walioendeleza plight faced by Muslim before independence.In a serious tone,kundi hili halitaki kuangalia sababu za kihistoria bali zile zilizopo kwa wakati huu.Pia wanaona kuwa sababu za kihistoria zinatumika kuendeleza matatizo yaliyopo.Japo wengi wanaafikiana kuhusu ineffectiveness ya BAKWATA,kundi hili linaiona taasisi hiyo kama chombo kilichoundwa makusudi na serikali kuwagawa waislam.
Approach ya kutatua tatizo hili is another point of difference between the "mainstreams" and the "radicals".While the former thinks that it takes more than a debate to redress the situation,and violence should be used where necessary,the latter seems to prefer rather peaceful means including dialogue with the govt and other faiths.If you think the contradiction is over,a surprise is in store for you."Radicals" wanafanya reforms kwa vitendo (kuanzisha shule za english-medium,miradi ya kijamii,etc) wakati "mainstreams" in the form of BAKWATA wamekuwa ni wa maneno zaidi kuliko vitendo.BAKWATA has been there for ages,and you dont need statistics kufahamu jinsi ilivyoshindwa kuendeleza miradi yake kwa ufanisi.
Yet within "radicals" kuna mgawanyiko mwingine on how to achieve the best results out of their efforts.While watu kama akina Ponda wanadhani matumizi ya nguvu ni sehemu muhimu ya efforts hizo,wapo wengine ambao nguvu yao wameelekeza kwenye jitihada za kielimu kwa waislam.Reformers pia wanaamini kuwa madrasa sio sehemu ya kujifunza Quran pekee bali pia elimu dunia,and you end up with taasisi kama ile polytechnic ya magomeni (kichangani),mtambani na ununio,not forgetting Islamic university ya Morogoro which is in stark contrast na chuo kama Tamta cha Tanga.Mfumo wa elimu ktk taasisi za kielimu za kikristo umewasaidia sana ktk advancement in both religious and "worldly" education:seminari sio about upadre pekee but preparation of a man to serve God and society.If you teach a kid to IMITATE the Quran without equiping them with knowledge on how to apply it in the society,well,ni kutomjengea msingi mzuri.On average wanaoamua kuaachana na seminari za kikristo na kuingia kwenye shule za kawaida tend to perform better...you decide yourself if the same could be said baada ya mtu kuspend 6 yrs in a madras,but to give you a hint taasisi za Kiislam kama Muslim Development Fund (somebody told me humo wamo Kinana,KK,etc),TAMPRO na IPC zimeliona hilo na focus yao ni elimu-dini sambamba na elimu-dunia.
Wapo,even among Christians including myself,wanaoamini kwamba "affirmative action" is somehow needed kwa vile it's like living in denial tukijidai kusema hakuna inequlities katika sekta za elimu na ajira ya umma kati ya waislam and non-Muslims.And believe me or not,JK promised to work on the affirmative action strategy,perhaps differently from the previous attempts by the likes of marehemu Kighoma Malima.It's an affirmative action with purpose,built on improving unity and equality-not disunity and inequality- among TANZANIANS.Nadhani "upendeleo" wanaopewa ethnic minorities US,UK na kwingineko hauchukuliwi kuwa ni ubaguzi,japokuwa wapinzani wa sera hiyo wanauita hivyo...again,it might just be a matter of semantics.
For me,u-DINI can be seen as a sense of belonging to your own faith.Kuwapa nafasi za kazi waislam kwa vile tu ni waislam ni ubaguzi but kuwapa nafasi kwa vile wana sifa zinazostahili na kuna a bit of "inequality" sio necessarily or negatively ubaguzi,kwa vile kimsingi lengo ni kujenga jamii iliyo karibu na sawa (there's and shall never be an ABSOLUTE equal society).
Tatizo sio udini bali ubaguzi kwa misingi ya kidini.And I know that is ambiguous enough to take my whole arguement out of context.Hivi essentially NSSF inalaumiwa kwa udini au ubaguzi wa kidini?Wengi wa watumishi wa taasisi hiyo ni Waislam,lakini hivi kinachowakera watu ni dini yao au utendaji wao?Hivi kweli watu walilalamikia uteuzi wa Mapuri na Adadi kwa vile ni Waislam tu au wasifu wao una walakini?Uislam wa Kapuya can be used an excuse katika ku-describe udhaifu wake as kiongozi.
That's an academic arguement,kama kuna utata I'd be glad to clarify.