Malecela and Dr. Salim - Into Oblivion?

Malecela and Dr. Salim - Into Oblivion?

Mwakikagile ameandika kitabu kimoja kizuri sasa kuhusu mahusiano kati ya Waafrika na Wamarekani wenye asili ya kiafrika. The title escapes me at this moment but if anyone of you knows it please let me know.
 
Mzee Joka,

Nimekujibu kutokana na maswali yako kwangu, ambayo pia yalikuwa ni ya ujanja ujanja, lakini hayana facts, au yale yale ambayo tumezoea kuyasikia yakitolewa emotionally against Malecela bila ya kuuliza facts, ndio maana unahitaji kutafakari kwanza bro!

Mama Manning, ninajua kuwa mara ya mwisho akiwa waziri wa sheria, hakuelewana na Mwalimu, akapewa ujaji wa mahakama either kuu au equivalent to, baadaye alienda kuwa balozi France, kabla ya kurudi na kuwa jaji tena mkubwa sana bongo, lakini sina uhakika sana!

ila Mzee Joka, nina swali la nyongeza pia, Je unafikiri ni kwa nini Aboud Jumbe, na Seif Hamadi walitolewa madarakani kule Chimwanga kinyemela, na walipumzishwa na nani? Na kwa nini?
 
Mwakikagile ameandika kitabu kimoja kizuri sasa kuhusu mahusiano kati ya Waafrika na Wamarekani wenye asili ya kiafrika. The title escapes me at this moment but if anyone of you knows it please let me know.

Kinaitwa "Relations Between Africans and African Americans: Misconceptions, Myths and Realities."

Kingine ni "Relations Between Africans, African Americans and Afro-Caribbeans: Tensions, Indifference and Harmony."
 
Hili game ni kali mno...wacha tusio na ubavu tukae mbali tusije ungua vidole bure...

Tanzanianjemaa
 
Ndio napoipendea JF...panapotokea mjadala kati ya manguli wawili.Teh teh teh,tusiojua mengi tunanufaika mno🙂
 
I copied this stuff from Mwakikagile's old website at tripod.com. Early last year, I asked him if could be available to make a presentation on African Politics at the climax of our International Week, but he politely declined by not responding to my e-mail. However, after about two months, he sent me an e-mail informing me of his forthcoming book, which was an indication that he had indeed received my email. I have read several of his books, and I can tell that he is a very good writer.

GODFREY MWAKIKAGILE has written many books about Africa, race relations, and international affairs. But his main interest is Africa. His books are found in many university libraries around the world, but are also read by members of the general public.

His background is not very much different from that of his contemporaries across Africa, born and brought up under colonial rule and in the euphoric sixties, Africa's decade of independence.

He was born on 4 October 1949 in Kigoma, Tanganyika, which became Tanzania in 1964 after uniting with Zanzibar. He spent his early childhood in Kigoma and Ujiji in western Tanganyika; in Morogoro which then was part of the Coast Province; and in Mbeya and Rungwe District in the Southern Highlands. His parents also lived in Kilosa in the Coast Province, and in Amani and Handeni in Tanga Province in northeastern Tanganyika.

His family lived in different parts of Tanganyika when his father worked in the 1940s and early 1950s as a medical assistant during British colonial rule, and at the Amani Institute which was founded by the German colonial rulers - who preceded the British - and became world-famous as a tropical research institute. His background, having lived in different parts of the country and gone to school with members of different tribes, helped shape his personality transcending tribal identity. Yet, his experience and upbringing is by no means unique. As he bluntly states:

"Had it not been for the astute and charismatic leadership of President Julius Nyerere, Tanzania wouldn't be what it is today as a nation of more than 120 different tribes living in relative peace and harmony on a continent torn by conflict. And that includes racial minorities, Tanzanians of Arab, Asian - mostly Indian - and European descent who consitute a significant number of the total population. He was able to fuse them into an organic entity, earning Tanzania the distinction - rare on a turbulent continent - of being one of the very few countries where tribalism and racism don't play a major role in life across the spectrum. Erudite yet humble, tolerant yet tough, he was a rare combination of humility and genius, wit and profound insight and foresight, compassion and integrity, with unparalleled commitment to the well-being of his people - especially the masses preyed upon by the vampire elite - and that of the entire continent. Tragically, he died when Africa needed him most. It was a blessing to have been led by him, and his ideals and exemplary leadership which inspired millions, will always remain an inspiration in my life. The world produces few such men, and women, in a span of centuries. His death was, indeed, a loss to mankind, from the most humble to the most exalted."

His achievements are acknowledged across the ideological spectrum. According to the conservative "Wall Street Journal": "He was a skillful nation builder. He fused Tanzania's 120 tribes into a cohesive state, preventing tribal conflicts plaguing so much of Africa. Above all, he proved that it is possible to forge a nation whereby vicissitudes of ethnic affiliation are banished from social and political life."

Such singular significance is equally acknowledged in glowing terms by fellow Africans. As South African journalist Mathatha Tsedu stated in "The Mercury," Durban, 5 October 1999, just nine days before Nyerere died:

"Dr. Nyerere and his government decreed that Kiswahili would be the official language of the country, with English running a poor second. The result has been a nation that speaks one language, and people who see themselves as Tanzanians and not members of tribal entities. In a region where tribalism has been so entrenched that when people speak they want to first identify one's tribal affiliation as in Kenya and Uganda and even as far as Nigeria, Tanzania stands as a different entity. And the penetration of this nationalism is wide."

It is an achievement probably no other leader on the continent can claim, especially when one considers the fact that Tanzania is one of only four countries which have more than 100 different tribes; the other three being the Democratic Republic of Congo (Congo-Kinshasa) and Nigeria, each with more than 200, and Cameroon with 150. As Keith Richburg states in his book "Out of America: A Black Man Confronts Africa":

"One of my earliest trips was to Tanzania, and there I found a country that had actually managed to purge itself of the evil of tribalism. Under Julius Nyerere..., the government was able to imbue a true sense of nationalism that transcended the country's natural ethnic divisions, among other things by vigorous campaigns to upgrade education and to make Swahili a truly national language....Tanzania is one place that has succeeded in removing the linguistic barrier that separates so many of Africa's warring factions. But after three years traveling the continent, I've found that Tanzania is the exception, not the rule. In Africa..., it is all about tribes."

It is a realistic assessment of Tanzania's success in fusing the country's different ethnic groups into an organic whole, under the leadership of Mwalimu Nyerere. And as Mwakikagile says in what is partly an understatement: "We may not have conquered tribalism in Tanzania, but we have been able to contain it effectively. And that's no mean achievement; a rare feat on a continent where the idea of nation as a transcendent phenomenon in a polyethnic context remains a nebulous concept."

Despite its shortcomings in a number of areas, the one-party system also played a critical role in uniting Tanzania's different tribes and racial groups because it was inclusive, embracing everybody. It was essentially a national movement, not a political party, involving mass participation in the political process and in national development. Tribalism and racism were not tolerated, religious intolerance or any other form of bigotry was not tolerated; evils which, although only to a limited degree, have crept into national life and found "legitimate" expression since the introduction of multiparty politics in the early 1990s which exploits differences and thrives on partisanship. As Nyerere himself, after embracing multiparty politics in the early nineties, said, according to the "Sunday Independent," Johannesburg, October 17, 1999:

"I really think that I ran the most successful single-party system on the continent. You might not even call it a party. It was a single, huge nationalist movement....I don't believe that our country would be where it is now if we had a multiplicity of parties, which would have become tribal and caused us a lot of problems. But when you govern for such a long time, unless you are gods, you become corrupt and bureaucratic....So I started caling for a multiparty system."

And despite the failure of his socialist policies in the economic arena, there were notable achievements in other areas. As he told the World Bank:

"We took over a country with 85% of its adults illiterate. The British ruled us for 43 years. When they left, there were two trained engineers and 12 doctors. When I stepped down there was 91% literacy and nearly every child was at school. We trained thousands of engineers, doctors and teachers."

But he was also humble enough to admit mistakes he made especially in the economic arena, a rare concession among leaders, most of whom see such admission as a sign of weakness. And his quest for African unity and success in forging Tanzania's different tribes into a single political entity were among his most memorable achievements. As he said in an interview with "The New York Times" in 1996 in his home village of Butiama where he returned to live after voluntarily stepping down from the presidency in November 1985:

"I felt that these little countries in Africa were really too small, they would not be viable - the Tanganyikas, the Rwandas, the Burundis, the Kenyas. My ambition in East Africa was really never to build a Tanganyika. I wanted an East African federation. So what did I succeed in doing? My success is building a nation out of this collection of tribes."

Nyerere was so determined to build the federation that he offered to delay the independence of Tanganyika so that the three East African countries - Kenya, Uganda, and Tanganyika - would attain sovereign status on the same day as a collective entity in order to unite under one government. Unfortunately, the leaders in the other two countries did not reciprocate his feelings. Nationalist sentiments prevailed over this Pan-African ambition, and the federation was never consummated. However, Nyerere never gave up. In 1964, he engineered the union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar, the first such union of independent countries on the African continent. And he remained committed to the goal of African unity on a continental scale until his last days.

Inspired by such leadership, the author went on to pursue higher education; an opportunity he couldn't afford to miss, since it was available to everybody. Under Nyerere, education was free, from primary school to university level. Medical service was also free, all this in one of the 25 poorest countries in the world; a searing indictment against the elite resolutely opposed to policies pursued by President Nyerere to help the masses.

Pursuing higher education, the author attended Songea Secondary School in Ruvuma Region in southern Tanzania (1965 - 1968), and Tambaza High School (Form V and Form VI - standard 13 and standard 14) in the nation's capital Dar es Salaam from 1969 - 1970. These were some of the most significant years in his life. Growing up in the ideological ferment of the sixties when he was in his teens and Tanzania was undergoing radical transformation under the leadership of Nyerere, it was during this period that many of his ideas that were to shape his personality crystallized into a political creed inspired by the ideals of Nyerere and other Pan-Africanist leaders such as Nkrumah; the author discusses Nkrumah's concept of the African personality in one of his books, "Africa and the West," paying tribute to one of the most influential African leaders in the twentieth century, who also blazed the trail for the African independence movement when he led Ghana to become the first black African country to emerge from colonial rule.

It was also during this period that the author started working as a reporter of the nation's largest newspaper, "The Standard," in 1969 when he was still in high school in standard 13; the paper was renamed "Daily News" in 1970 when it was nationalized. President Nyerere became editor-in-chief. But his role was ceremonial rather than functional. He was no more than an embodiment - a highly symbolic role - of the ideals that guided the paper as a public institution, no longer owned and controlled by foreign interests. As the author says, President Nyerere played no executive role at the paper:

"After the paper was nationalized, Sammy Mdee was the editor when I worked there; in fact, he's the one who hired me full-time after I finished high school and completed National Service in 1971. After he left and became Tanzania's Director of Information Services at tne Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Ben Mkapa became our editor, appointed by Mwalimu Nyerere, as Mdee was. Mkapa came from 'The Nationalist,' the ruling party's newspaper, where he served as editor. We were never under any censorship, or under any pressure to censure ourselves. We wrote many articles, and published many stories, highly critical of the government. Yet, all the time I was there, I was never told what to write, or what not to write. I even covered the president himself in some of my assignments, and felt no intimidation from anybody. President Nyerere's influence at the paper in terms of editorial content and direction was minimal, at best, although he was our editor-in-chief. His only influence on us, and that was barely perceptible, was in terms of the ideals he embodied and which inspired us just like they did any other Tanzanians."

Sammy Mdee later on became President Nyerere's press secretary. And a few years later, Ben (Benjamin) Mkapa became Tanzania's Minister of Foreign Affairs, among other ministerial appointments and other posts including one as amabssador to the United States; and finally president of Tanzania (1995 - 2005). Yet, as the author says, they did not in any way tell or try to influence reporters to write stories or articles favorable to the government, although it was President Nyerere who had appointed them to the post.

And it was with the same kind of freedom that the author left his job as a reporter under Ben Mkapa, and his country Tanzania, to go to school abroad. As he put it:

"I got the chance to attend school in the United States with the help of my editor, Ben Mkapa. I secured admission on my own, but he's the one who facilitated my travel. I would not have been able to do that without his help and approval, and some financial backing by our newspaper, the government-owned 'Daily News,' where I worked."

He left for the United States in 1972 where he attended and graduated from Wayne State University in Detroit, Michigan. He also attended Aquinas College in Grand Rapids, Michigan, and lived there for a number of years after moving from Detroit.

He has written many books about Africa, but also about race relations in the United States. They include: "Economic Development in Africa"; "Africa and the West"; "The Modern African State: Quest for Transformation"; "Military Coups in West Africa since the Sixties"; "Army Rule in East and Central Africa"; "Africa after Independence: Realities of Nationhood"; "Ethnic Politics in Kenya and Nigeria"; "Quest for Peace and Stability in Africa: Are Colonial Boundaries Outmoded?"; "The Angolan Civil War: Its Cold War Origins and Ethnic Dimensions"; "Civil Wars in Rwanda and Burundi: Conflict Resolution in Africa"; "The Black Conservative Phenomenon in Contemporary America: Contending Ideologies: Conservatism versus Liberalism"; "Conservatives and Black America"; "Resistance to Racial Equality: Limited Integration as a Viable Option for Black America." And his forthcoming books include "Africa since the Sixties, Algeria to Zimbabwe: A Political History"; "Africa at the End of the Twentieth Century"; and "Regional Integration in Africa."

The author sees no future - none whatsoever - for African countries unless they integrate their economies at the macronational level, institute a common market and a common currency, establish regional defence forces, and form a political union on regional or continental basis, even if such a union is a confederation, short of federation. And he remains committed to the same Pan-African ideology, as reflected in his writings in which he tackles subjects whose significance is continental in scope.

It is a commitment that was fortified when he attended school in Detroit where he shared ideological affinity with members of the Pan-African Congress-USA - an organization founded by African-Americans and based in that city - who played a major role in his first years in the United States under their sponsorship; he further discusses their ideological position in one of his forthcoming books, "Conservatives and Black America" (Nova Science Publishers). It is an affinity that has endured through the years, clearly evident in his books about black America which, in a Pan-African context, constitutes an integral part of the African world; a position he and his ideological compatriots forcefully articulate.

Besides his interest in Africa, he also writes about international affairs from a Third World perspective, and all the books he has written about Africa tackle themes of international significance. They include "The Angolan Civil War: Its Cold War Origins and Ethnic Dimensions."

And as he states in one of his books, "The Modern African State: Quest for Transformation":

"I must...express deep gratitude to Africa in a very special way for inspiring this study. She has inspired me in a way nobody else could have. Her trials and tribulations, successes and failures, will always serve as a challenge and an inspiration in my life, which I hope will end in Africa for me to be buried in my native land."
 
I copied this stuff from Mwakikagile's old website at tripod.com. Early last year, I asked him if could be available to make a presentation on African Politics at the climax of our International Week, but he politely declined by not responding to my e-mail. However, after about two months, he sent me an e-mail informing me of his forthcoming book, which was an indication that he had indeed received my email. I have read several of his books, and I can tell that he is a very good writer.

From New Africa Press

Author Profile: Godfrey Mwakikagile

Godfrey Mwakikagile is an African writer from Tanzania. He was born on 4 October 1949 in Kigoma, a town and port on Lake Tanganyika, in western Tanganyika. In 1964, Tanganyika united with Zanzibar to form Tanzania.

He grew up in Tanganyika, and Tanzania, and attended school in his home country from primary school to high school.

He went to primary school in his home district, Rungwe, Mbeya Region, in the Southern Highlands in the Great Rift Valley, which borders Malawi and Zambia; attended Songea Secondary School in Ruvuma Region from 1965 to 1968 on the border with Mozambique; and Tambaza High School from 1969 to 1970 in the nation's capital Dar es Salaam.

After finishing high school (Form VI or Standard 14) at Tambaza, he joined the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting in the nation's capital as an information officer and later became a news reporter at the country's largest English news paper, the "Daily News," which was also and still is based in Dar es Salaam. Concidentally, his editor at the "Daily News," Benjamin Mkapa who also helped him to go to school in the United States, later became president of Tanzania from 1995 to 2005.

His relationship with the "Daily News" started earlier when he was still a student at Tambaza High School in Form V and Form VI from 1969 to 1970 when he started working at the paper as a news reporter. The paper was then known as the "Standard." It was nationalised in 1970 and renamed "Daily News."

After working at the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting for some time, he returned to the "Standard," after it was renamed "Daily News," and joined the editorial staff as a news reporter (1).

He later attended school in the United States where he graduated from Wayne State University in Detroit, Michigan. He also attended Aquinas College in Grand Rapids in the same state.

He wrote a major book about President Julius Nyerere not long after the former Tanzanian leader died and has witten other books. His works have been getting serious attention among many people including academics in a number of countries who have also reviewed some of his books in scholarly journals.

His first book was published in 1999 and he has maintained a steady pace since then, writing books, as demonstrated by the number of titles he has on the market. He may be one of the most prolific Tanzanian authors today.

He has written 20 books (since 1999) mostly about Africa during the post-colonial period, and has been described as a political scientist although his works defy classification. He has written about history, politics, economics and contemporary affairs from an African and Third World perspective and is known for such works as "Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era," and "Africa and the West."

Both have been favourably reviewed in a number of publications including the highly influential "West Africa" magazine ( founded in 1917) which reviewed two of his books in the same year; a rare accomplishment in such a major publication.

His work, "Nyerere and Africa," probably his most well-known title, was reviewed by "West Africa" magazine three years after Nyerere died of leukemia in October 1999 at the age of 77 (2).

It was also reviewed by the "Daily News," Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, which said about the book: :"For a deeper, more nuanced understanding of the interior narrative of Mwalimu Nyerere, one needs not look elsewhere" (3).

The book has also been cited by a number of African leaders including South African Vice President Ms. Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka in one her speeches about African leadership and development in which she quotes the author (4).

Although his books have been able to get the attention of some African leaders, it is impossible to know if they have had any influence on any of them. But the mere fact that they are cited by them shows that he is taken seriously as an author, not only in Tanzania but also in other African countries and probably elsewhere.

Godfrey Mwakikagile's other book, "Africa and the West," which is a sweeping survey of the continent before the advent of colonial rule and during the colonial era as well as after independence, was also reviewed by "West Africa" magazine in its edition of 21st - 27th January 2002.

It was described by Kofi Akosah Sarpong, a Ghanaian and senior editor of the magazine, as "a new book calling for a return to African traditions and rejection of harmful Western ideas...and an uncompromising demand for dignity and respect for Africans....Godfrey Mwakikagile's book is also a reflective treatise, especially in its philosophical discussion of the importance of African values, history and traditions, African philosphical concepts, and the way of life in pre-colonial times as compared to the advent of colonialism" (5).

"West Africa magazine" also described Godfrey Mwakikagile as an author who articulates the position of "African Renaissance thinkers." He is one of the most well-known Tanzanian writers.

Although he has been exposed to Western cultures, was educated in the Western intellectual tradition and even lived in the United States for many years, his perspectives and philosophical conceptions have undoubtedly been shaped by his African upbringing and are deeply rooted in African cultures and traditions. And he rejects the notion that Africa was a blank slate until Europeans came to write on it.

He passionately argues that the history written about Africa by Europeans when they first went to Africa and even during colonial rule as well as after independence is not African history but the history of Europeans in Africa; and maintains that traditional Africa has produced philosophers and other thinkers whose knowledge and ideas can match and even surpass the best in the West and elsewhere in the world. He forcefully articulates that position in his book, "Africa and The West." As he states in the book in which he focuses on the Sutu-nguni community as one of the study cases he has written about to illustrate his point::

"We have discussed at length the cosmic view of reality articulated by Africans who contitute the Sutu-nguni community in what is South Africa today to demonstrate that Africans did indeed engage in philosophical reflection and had eminent conceptual thinkers without whom it would have been impossible to develop such a complex system of thought. They still do. Anyone who dismisses such a system as shallow simply lacks depth perception...The African personality (is) on the same level with the best in the West and other cultures.

Africans have never been given credit in the department of intellectual inquiry as original thinkers. But the evidence we have presented here demonstrates otherwise....Africans are no less capable of profound theological reflection that Saint Thomas Aquinas or Karl Barth, phenomenological reduction than Edmund Husserl, or 'a leap of faith' than Soren Kierkegaard....African philosophy is comparable to the best in terms of philosophical profundity." (6).

He undoubtedly has strong convictions but does not neatly fit into any ideological category. He expresses strong Pan-Africanist views in his writings and sees Africa as a collective entity and one organic body and has strongly been influenced by staunch Pan-Africanist leaders such as Kwame Nkrumah, Julius Nyerere, Sekou Toure and Patrice Lumumba whom he also strongly admires (7).

But some of his critics contend that he overlooks or glosses over the shortcomings of these leaders precisely because they are liberation icons and played a leading role in the struggle for independence and against white minority rule in southern Africa (8).

He also seems to be "trapped" in the past, in liberation days, especially in the seventies when the struggle against white minority rule was most intense. But that may be for understandable reasons. (9).

He was a part of that generation when the liberation struggle was going on and some of his views have unquestionably been shaped by what happened during those days as his admiration for Robert Mugabe, for example, as a liberation icon clearly shows; although he also admits in his book, "Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era," that the land reform programme in Zimbabwe could have been carried out in an orderly fashion and in a peaceful way.

But his admiration for Mugabe as a true African nationalist and Pan-Africanist remains intact; a position that does not sit well with some of his critics. And by remarkable contrast, his contempt for African leaders whom he sees as whites in black skin also remains intact. He mentions Dr. Hastings Kamuzu Banda as a typical example of those leaders (10).

So, his identification with liberation heroes is clear and understandable; and so is his "nostalgia" about liberation days in the sixties and seventies. And that may be why some of his critics and supporters say "he belongs to the old school of thought."

He also lived and grew up under the leadership of Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere, a legendary figure, a liberation icon and staunch Pan-Africanist and one of the most influential and most respected leaders Africa has ever produced, whose socialist policies he has also defended in his writings because of the egalitarian ideals they instilled in the people of Tanzania enabling them to form a peaceful, cohesive nation in which they saw themselves as one people and equal in terms of rights and dignity as fellow human beings in spite of the poverty they endured under ujamaa , Nyerere's African version of socialism.

Yet, in spite of his admiration of liberations icons, he also is highly critical of African leaders from the same generation who led their countries to independence, contending that most of them did not care about the well-being their people; a position he forcefully articulates in his writings (11).

He sometimes seems to be a contradictory character, or simply difficult to understand, but he is actually torn between two worlds because of the generation to which he belongs, having been born before independence and partly brought up under colonial rule.

One of his critics has described him as "a shrewd intellectual in defence of liberation icons" and accuses him of not being intellectually honest about leaders such as Nyerere and Nkrumah for not criticising them harshly for their failures (12).

In a way, some people may see him as a complex character not always easy to understand, although he articulates his position clearly and forcefully.

Some of the confusion among his readers about his position on African leaders of the independence generation has to do with his own background since he was an integral part of that generation in the sense that he witnessed the end of colonial rule and the emergence of the newly independent African states although he was not old enough to have participated in the independence struggle himself (13).

He admires the leaders who led their countries to independence, yet he is highly critical of them in most cases for their failures during the post-colonial period. He admires many aspects of Nyerere's socialist policies in Tanzania, yet concedes the policies were also a failure in many cases. And he strongly favours fundamental change in African countries, yet he is nostalgic about the past (14).

His advocacy for fundamental change is articulated in many of his writings including "The Modern African State: Quest for Transformation," one his more well-known books.

In his review of the book, Ronald Taylor-Lewis, a Sierra Leonean and editor of "Mano Vision" magazine, London, described it as:

"A masterpiece of fact and analysis. In the one book he manages to extensively cover the 'rebirth' of Liberia, the 'powerless' state of Sierra Leone, 'ethnic cleansing' in Rwanda, 'stateless' Somalia, slavery in Mauritania and Sudan, and the fall of Mobutu in the Democratic Republic of Congo (former Zaire). Any one of the topics is the subject of a book in itself....The whole book is a great read for scholars and people merely interested in the affairs of the continent and reads as a piece put together by someone who has taken the trouble to research his facts properly" (15).

The book has also been reviewed in other publications. Tana Worku Anglana reviewed Godfrey Mwakikagile's "Modern African State: Quest for Transformation" in "Articolo" at www.africansocieties.org/n1/paginaarticolo2.htm and stated, in "Discussing African Social Fates: A First Overview of An Unbiased Literature," the following:

"Another group of authors maintain that the reasons for Africa's crisis mainly lie in an inadequate political system. An interesting example comes from the analysis carried out by G. Mwakikagile, in the book "The Modern African State" (2001) , which stresses the need for a democratic system as a prerequisite for peace and stability in Africa.

However, in the author's view, democracy per se cannot survive in countries torn by conflict. Conflicts spring from poverty, and the poverty in many African countries is caused by dictatorships, corruption, tribalism and want. For the author, these are the gravest problems that feed one another and give rise to a dangerous vicious circle.

This is why Mwakikagile makes a list of necessary actions for Africa to achieve political stability, which is the essential foundation for widespread development.

These include: the decentralisation of power; an independent judiciary; promoting political pluralism and consensus for coalition governments; introducing federal systems favouring greater freedom; creating independent electoral committees composed of members of all political and ethnic groups and of community representatives; promoting national conferences for the participation of all regions and ethic groups; promoting citizen participation in legislative and political changes; establishing an independent free communication service; setting fixed terms of office for presidents (6 years) and members of parliament (3 years); setting up monitor groups to investigate power abuse and corruption in the governing class.

In short, the author feels that development cannot be possible without fundamental changes inside African countries themselves, damaged by decades of dictatorships and that still have a significant number of one-party systems" (16).

In what is probably is his most controversial book, "Africa is in A Mess: What Went Wrong and What Should Be Done," he strongly crticises most of the leaders of post-colonial Africa for tyranny and corruption, and for practising tribalism, a common theme in the works of many African writers and other people including well-known ones and many African scholars in and outside Africa. But Godfrey Mwakikagile's book stands out as one of the most blunt ever written about Africa's rotten leadership.

Unfortunately, because of its vitriolic condemnation of most African leaders during the post-colonial era, the book has been cited by some people, who obviously have not read it well if at all, as a clarion call for the re-colonisation of Africa (because things are so bad, colonial rule was better) although the author says exactly the opposite in his work (17).

He unequivocally states in his book, "Africa is in A Mess," that he does not support any attempt or scheme, by anybody, to recolonise Africa, although he also concedes that African countries have lost their sovereignty to donor nations and multilateral institutions such as the World Bank and the IMF dominated by Western powers including those who once colonised Africa and are therefore virtual colonies already. He also admits that African countries have really never been free in spite of the instruments of sovereignty they are supposed to have. Yet he has wrongly been portrayed, along with some prominent African scholars, as someone who advocates the recolonisation of Africa as one writer asked:

"Given the crisis in post-colonial Africa, is it time that the former Western colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, Portugal, Italy & Germany) committed themselves, as proposed by a growing body of African and European academics - Ali Mazrui, Christoph Blocher, Mahmood Mamdani, Peter Niggli, R. W. Johnson & Godfrey Mwakikagile - as well as a number of African diplomats and politicians, including the Prime Minister of Sierra Leone in the nineties, to a form of temporary semi re-colonisation of the continent?" (18).

Godfrey Mwakikagile says exactly the opposite in his book "Africa is in A Mess."

His fellow Africans who have reviewed the book on amazon.com and elsewhere in different publications and on the Internet strongly support the author and share his concerns about Africa's plight and the misguided leadership the continent has had to endure for decades since independence (19).

And in the same book, "Africa is in A Mess," he is also highly critical of Western powers for ruthlessly exploiting Africa even today in collusion with many African leaders.

His books have also been reviewed in a number of academic publications including the highly prestigious academic journal "African Studies Review" by leading scholars in their fields. They include "Military Coups in West Africa Since The Sixties" which was reviewed Professor Claude E. Welch of the Department of Political Science at the State University of New York, Buffalo; and "Ethnic Politics in Kenya and Nigeria" reviewed by Nigerian Professor Khadijat K. Rashid of Gallaudet University, Washington, D.C. (20).

For more reviews of his books, see also "Expo Times," Sierra Leone; "The Mirror," Zimbabwe, and other publications including those featured on the Internet (21).

He has also written about race relations in the United States and relations between continental Africans and people of African descent in the diaspora. His titles in these areas include "Black Conservatives in The United States;" "Relations Between Africans and African Americans;" and "Relations Between Africans, African Americans and Afro-Caribbeans."

Godfrey Mwakikagile's books are found in public and university libraries around the world and have been adopted for class use at many colleges and universities in the United States and other countries. Most college and university libraries in the United States have his books.

Here is a list of titles by Godfrey Mwakikagile:

"Economic Development in Africa," 1999
"Africa and The West," 2000
"The Modern African State: Quest for Transformation," 2001
"Military Coups in West Africa Since The Sixties," 2001
"Ethnic Politics in Kenya and Nigeria," 2001
"Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era," 2002
"Africa is in A Mess: What Went Wrong and What Should Be Done," 2004
"Tanzania under Mwalimu Nyerere: Reflections on an African Statesman," 2004
"Black Conservatives: Are They Right or Wrong?," 2004
"Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era: Expanded Edition with Photos," 2005
"Relations Between Africans and African Americans: Misconceptions, Myths and Realities," 2005
"Life in Tanganyika in The Fifties: My Reflections and Narratives from The White Settler Community and Others," 2006
"African Countries: An Introduction," 2006
"Africa After Independence: Realities of Nationhood," 2006
"Life under Nyerere," 2006
"Black Conservatives in The United States," 2006
"Africa and America in The Sixties: A Decade That Changed The Nation and The Destiny of A Continent," 2006
"Relations Between Africans, American Americans and Afro-Caribbeans: Tensions, Indifference and Harmony," 2007
"Investment Opportunities and Private Sector Growth in Africa," 2007

References:

1. "Tanzanian writer: Godfrey Mwakikagile" web site.

2. Kofi Akosah Sarpong, "Nyerere's Vision," in "West Africa," 25th November - 1st December 2002, p. 41.

3. Fumbuka Ng'wanakilala, "Nyerere: True pan-Africanist, advocate of unity," in "Three Years After Mwalimu Nyerere, " in the "Daily News," Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, Monday, October 14, 2002, p. 19.

4. Godfrey Mwakikagile quoted by South African Deputy President Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka in "Address Delivered by the Deputy President, Ms. Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka at the Third Annual Julius Nyerere Memorial Lecture at the University of the Western Cape, South Africa." Issued by the Presidency through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Pretoria, South Africa, 6 September 2006.

5. Kofi Akosah-Sarpong, "Back to The Roots," in "West Africa," 21st - 27th January 2002, p. 43 .

6. Godfrey Mwakikagile, "Africa and The West," pp. 23 - 24. See also pp. 1 - 46, and 201 - 218.

7. Godfrey Mwakikagile, "Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era." For Godfrey Mwakikagile's Pan-Africanist views and perspectives, see also Professor Eric Edi of Temple University, in his paper, "Pan West Africanism and Political Instability: Perspectives and Reflections," in which he cites Godfrey Mwakikagile's books, "Military Coups in West Africa Since The Sixties" and "The Modern African State: Quest for Transformation."

8. Reviews of his book, Godfrey Mwakikagile, "Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era" on amazon.com.

9. Godfrey Mwakikagile, "Nyerere and Africa: End of Era"; and Godfrey Mwakikagile, "Africa After Independence: Realities of Nationhood".

10. Godfrey Mwakikagile, "Africa After Independence: Realities of Nationhood," pp. 156 - 163.

11. Godfrey Mwakikagile, "Africa is in A Mess: What Went Wrong and What Should Be Done," and "Africa After Independence: Realities of Nationhood."

12. Kwesi Johnson-Taylor in his review of Godfrey Mwakikagile's book, "Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era," on amazon.com, February 21, 2006.

13. Biography on the web site, "Tanzanian Writer: Godfrey Mwakikagile."

14. Godfrey Mwakikagile, "Africa is in A Mess," "Africa and The West," and "Life in Tanganyika in The Fifties."

15. Ronald Taylor-Lewis, in his review of Godfrey Mwakikagile, "The Modern African State: Quest for Transformation," in "Mano Vision," Issue 23, October 2001, pp. 34 - 35. See also Professor Catherine S.M. Duggan, Department of Political Science, Stanford University, in her paper, "Do Different Coups Have Different Implications for Investment? Some Intuitions and A Test With A New Set of Data," in which she cites Godfrey Mwakikagile on fundamental changes in African countries. See also Godfrey Mwakikagile, cited in Christopher E. Miller, "A Glossary of Terms and Concepts in Peace and Conflict Studies," p. 87; and in Gabi Hesselbein, Frederick Golooba-Mutebi, and James Putzel, "Economic and Political Foundations of State-Making in Africa: Understanding State Reconstruction," Working Paper No. 3, 2006.

16. Articolo: http:// www.africansocieties.org/n1/paginaarticolo2.htm.

17. Dr. Kenday Samuel Kamara of Walden University in his abstract, "Considering the Enormity of Africa's Problems, is Re-Colonization an Option?" in which he cites Godfrey Mwakikagile's "Africa is in A Mess" and related works by other African leading academic authors including Professor Ali Mazrui, and Professor George Ayittey's "Africa in Chaos." See Mwakikagile's book on the subject, "Africa is in A Mess: What Went Wrong and What Should Be Done." See also Tunde Obadina, "The Myth of Neo-Colonialism," in "Africa Economic Analysis," 2000; and Timothy Murithi, in his book, "The African Union: Pan-Africanism, Peacebuilding and Development."

18. Hobbit, in "Gaire: Africa Re-Colonized," 28 March 2007.

19. Professor Sabelo J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni, a Zimbambwean teaching international studies at Monash University, South Afica campus, in his abstract, "Gods of Development, Demons of Underdevelopment and Western Salvation: A Critique of Development Discourse as a Sequel to the CODESRIA and OSSREA International Conferences on Development in Africa," June 2006. Professor Ndlovu-Gatsheni advances the same argument Godfrey Mwakikagile does and cites Mwakikagile's work, "Africa is in A Mess," to support his thesis. See also Floyd Shivambu, "Floyd's Perspectives: Societal Tribalism in South Africa," September 1, 2005, who cites Godfrey Mwakikagile's "Ethnic Politics in Kenya and Nigeria," in his condemnation of tribalism in post-apartheid South Africa; Mary Elizabeth Flournoy of Agnes Scott College, in her paper, "Nigeria: Bounded by Ropes of Oil," citing Godfrey Mwakikagile's writings including "Ethnic Politics in Kenya and Nigeria"; Professor Eric Edi of Temple University, in his paper, "Pan West Africanism and Political Instability: Perspectives and Reflections," in which he cites Godfrey Mwakikagile's books, "Military Coups in West Africa Since The Sixties" and "The Modern African State: Quest for Transformation."

20. Professor Claude E. Welch, Jr., in "African Studies Review," Vol. 45, No. 3, December 2002, pp. 124 - 125); and "Ethnic Politics in Kenya and Nigeria," reviewed by Nigerian Professor Khadijat K. Rashid of Gallaudet University, Washington, D.C. in "African Studies Review," Vol. 46, No. 2, September 2003, pp. 92 - 98).

21. Godfrey Mwakikagile in "Expo Times," Freetown, Sierra Leone, and in "The Mirror," Harare, Zimbabwe, 2002.
 
JF,
So interesting and enlightening to read! Especially on the writings of Godfrey Mwakikagile. Are his writings also available at UDSM? Call a spade a spade- not a big spoon- Godfrey Mwakikagile is one of important resources we have in Tanzania/Africa. It is an inspiration to most of us- present generation including our leaders. That is why we are constantly urging our ex-leaders including BWM, Mwinyi and Salmin …just to mention a few to write!
 
Mzee Cheche/Nyundonzito,

Ukweli ni kwamba hakuna mjinga kwenye hii forum, yes tumesoma between the lines, nimemuongelea Mwakikagile kama ninavyomfahamu na mpaka nikaweka namba yake ya simu hapa, unaonekana kupenda sana mchezo wa kutaja majina ya watu, hiyo post yako ni very clear kwangu kuwa wewe ni nani, maana ni watu wachache sana bongo wanaoweza kuandika kwa staili ambayo ilikufanya one time ukawa mkuu wa hicho kitengo bongo,

Anyway sitaligusa jina la Mwakikagile tena kwenye hii topic, maana halihusiani na hii mada, na wala sijaonyesha any hostility kwa Mwakikagile kama unavyodai, huko Michigan kuna wana-Forum wengi sana kwa hiyo tumewapa mpaka address ya kumpata huyu mzee, ambaye sasa hivi yuko kwenye maisha magumu sana kutokana na kuibiwa all the rights za maandishi yake na wazungu matapeli, kuendelea kujaribu kupindisha ukweli wa huyu mzee ambaye ninafahamu kuwa sasa hivi ana kazi nzito ya kumlea mkewe, ambaye amekuwa kilema kwa muda sasa, ninaona ni torture kwake na ni kujaribu kutafuta umaarufu katika hii forum temporarily, hatuko interested na hizo sifa za muda mfupi,

Anyway kuaznia sasa nita-stick na topic, na sitarudia kumtaja huyu mzee Mwakikagile, if anything ninamuombea tu afanikiwe kutatua matatizo yake kimaisha ambayo the man of his status hakupaswa kuwa nayo, kuhusu mchezo wako wa majina tutaendelea ku-read between the lines halafu kama kawaida kutakuwa na the right response ikibidi!

Off course kwa maneno yako ninajua kuwa huyu Mwakikagile sio tu alikuwa rafiki yako kabla hajaondoka bongo, no!, pia ni kabila yako, ila ninajua one yhing for sure ni kwamba hata wewe toka uende huko uliko sasa hujawahi kuongea naye, ila tu una kumbu kumbu zake za zamani kabla hajaondoka bongo,

na ni lazime niseme kuwa haiwezekani kuwa nimecheza halaiki nikiwa na miaka kumi (10), na pia haiwezekani kuwa nilikuwa standby kwenda vitani against Idd Amini nikiwa boarding school na miaka 10, sikuenda JKT nikiwa na miaka 11 au 12, unachojaribu kufanya hapo juu ni ku-twist facts kwa makusudi, ni kunitisha, na kuni-manipulate ili nikuogope na nisiandike mawazo yangu hapa forum, ninaamini kuwa wewe ni smarter than that mzee!

Halafu wewe ni mtu wa mwisho duniani ningetegemea kuhusika na hayo maandishi yako ya kujaribu kuharibu majina ya watu wasiohusika na hii forum, ninamjua mpaka aliyekupa hizi habari za hii forum na hii topic, I am lost ila nimemuomba Admin, afute majina ya watu wasiohusika ambao umewataja kwa makusudi ili kutimiza nia yako kama wewe hufahamiki, what a shame mzee kwa mtu mzima mwenye heshima kama wewe kujiingiza kwenye this kind of childish games, I have no problem na hoja zako, ila kutaja majina ya watu na kutishia kuwa maofisa wa serikali, na kwmaba id za hao watu zinafahamika, hivyo ni vitisho visivyokuwa na msingi, hakuna mtoto mdogo anyeingia hii forum, kila mtu anajua anachofanya, na kwa taarifa yako ID zako ninazijua zote mpaka za mke wako na watoto, the next time you do this nitaziweka tena mpaka magazeti ya bongo, ninakuomba tena kuwa unapotoa hoja zako weka hoja sio majina na historia za watu wasiohusika, ni ushauri wa bure tu, lakini bado nina-read between the lines kuona nini itakuwa the right response, na sio lazima iwe hapa forum!

Nipo forum kwa muda mrefu sana mkuu, na I am having a lot of fun ya burudani katika bulogu!
 
Eeh bwana leo nimepata bahati ya kuzungumza na wananchi wengi wanaoingia hii forum bila kutoa hoja zao, wengi wao wamenionyesha huzuni zao juu ya baadhi mambo yanayofanywa hapa, na hasa uandikaji fulani ambao walidai kuwa ni too low kwa watu wanaoweza kuingia au kuwa wana-forum kwenye internet,

Lilikuwa ni rungu zito sana kwangu kwa kuelewa kuwa mimi pia ni mwanachama hapa, ukweli ni kwamba wengi wao wako impressed na watu kama Mzee MMJ, Kichuguu, Mugongo, na the likes, kilichonishitua ni uwezo wao wa kuwataja baadhi ya wana-forum wa hapa kwa majina wanaowaona kuwa wanaandika, kwa ustaarabu na wanaeleweka, na wakanitajia the lows pia,

na most of them wakasema kuwa they were turned off sana na ile ishu ya ukabila na ikulu, waliniacha speechless bros! Kwa hiyo ni lazima kuheshimu mawazo ya watazamaji mpira kuliko wacheza mpira wenyewe, maana wakati sisi tunacheza hapa wao huangalia kwa makini sana na maoni yao ni muhimu sana baada ya mechi kuisha!

Shukrani Mkuu!
 
Mzee Es,

Watu bwana! Huongea tu mengi- ukiamua kuwasikiiza! Waaache tu waongee JF ni forum iko juu- with members from all works of life! Kama wanadamu- kuna utani, vijembe, ucheshi, serious discussions, kuheshimiana, kuelimishana n.k. Mimi binafsi nina kama 1 month hapa JF, on a very serious note- nimejifunza mengi sana! Hata ukisema unakaa unasoma kitabu/jarida huwezi kujua mengi hivi! Pia inafundisha uvumilivu, kutetea/kujenga hoja n.k.

Mzee Es hao wanaona wivu JF ni nzuri! Nimekuwepo pia ktk fora zingine sikuona changamoto na uhuru kama wa JF!
Tusonge mbele! Ndo maana idadi ya wanachama inazidi kuwa kubwa kila siku!
 
"JF ni forum iko juu- with members from all works of life! Kama wanadamu- kuna utani, vijembe, ucheshi, serious discussions, kuheshimiana, kuelimishana n.k"

Hakuna ubishi mkuu, maneno mazito hayo!
 
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