Katika harakati za uhuru wa Palestine Wakristo wa kipalestina kazi yao nini? Mbona Waislam wa kipalestina wamechachamaa zaidi ?

[Mto Songwe]

Katika harakati za uhuru wa Palestine ukisoma zaidi taarifa mbalimbali utaona mchango mkubwa wa waislam wa Kipalestina katika kupambana dhidi ya manyang'au wakoloni wa kiyahudi.

Hata vikosi mbalimbali vinavyo ongoza mashambulizi dhidi ya wakoloni wa kiyahudi ni vikosi vya waislam wa Kipalestina zaidi.

Sasa binafsi nilikuwa nauliza Je, mchango wa wakristo wa Kipalestina katika harakati za mapambano ya uhuru wao toka mikononi mwa wakoloni wa kiyahudi ni upi mpaka sasa naomba kujuzwa?

 

[Moisemusajiografii]

Hao wakristu wapo kiasi gani/asilimia ngapi huko Palestina?Wanashirikishwa au hutengwa tu?Wapalestina wa kiislamu wanauhitji mchango wao?Kwamba wakristu wa Palestina hawana mchango wowote ni hisia au kuna utafiti wa kurejea?

 

[Mto Songwe]

Hao wakristu wapo kiasi gani/asilimia ngapi huko Palestina?Wanashirikishwa au hutengwa tu?Wapalestina wa kiislamu wanauhitji mchango wao?Kwamba wakristu wa Palestina hawana mchango wowote ni hisia au kuna utafiti wa kurejea?

Unajua kusoma ?

 

[Mto Songwe]

uhuru gan ? wakati waliukataa wao mwaka 1948

Nini sasa hiki umeandika mbona hueleweki

 

[Moisemusajiografii]

Unajua kusoma ?

Sijui kusoma.Huwa naandika kwa kutumia kiuno.

 

[Moisemusajiografii]

Nini sasa hiki umeandika mbona hueleweki

Unataka upewe majibu uliyoandikiwa kwenye kibuyu nyumbani kwenu?Ishi nayo.

 

[Mto Songwe]

Unataka upewe majibu uliyoandikiwa kwenye kibuyu nyumbani kwenu?Ishi nayo.

Sijui kusoma.Huwa naandika kwa kutumia kiuno.

Ujinga ni kama tabia sio rahisi kuuondoa. Unasikitisha sana kama una familia

 

[Moisemusajiografii]

Ujinga ni kama tabia sio rahisi kuuondoa. Unasikitisha sana kama una familia

Tumia akili unapotafuta majawabu.Unapewa maelekezo halafu unajibu kijuha unategemea ununuliwe peremende?Usije na majibu yako na majibu au maswali ya kebehi JF kama unataka mijadala hai na yenye afya kwako.Au unavuta bangi wewe?

 

[bagamoyo]

ASILI YA WAPALESTINA KUTOUNGWA MKONO, PIA KUOGOPWA SANA NA MATAIFA YA KIARABU

Dr Edward SAID professor wa chuo cha The College de France jijini Paris Ufaransa, mpalestina aliyewasili miaka ya 1950 katika jiji hili tajwa la ulaya Magharibi


View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=7g1ooTNkMQ4

Akiwa na kiu ya kujiendeleza kimasomo baada ya kuwasili akiwa kijana asiye na certificate wala diploma yoyote amezaliwa 1935 katika familia tajiri hivyo kusomeshwa shule nzuri na baadaye kwenda ngambo kusoma katika vyuo tajwa duniani nchini Marekani vya Princeton na Harvard kisha kuwa professor University of Columbia New York US.

Akiwa ngambo masomoni alizungukwa na marafiki wengi wa karibu wa kimagharibi na kiyahudi pia ingawa nje ya kundi hilo alionekana kama adui mkubwa kwa kukumbatia ugaidi wa wapalestina.

Wazazi wake Prof. Edward Said yaani mama yake alizaliwa Nazareth huku baba mzaliwa wa Jerusalem. Baadaye wazazi wake walihamia Lebanon na kuwa raia wa huko Lebanon ingawa vyeti vyao vinaonesha walizaliwa Palestine nchini Israel.

Prof. Edward Said mpalestina mkristo anaendelea kuelezea uaina wa watu waliozaliwa eneo hilo la Mashariki ya Kati wenye mchanganyiko mwingi wa kihistoria, kijamii na muingiliano wa mataifa mengi kutokana na mambo mengi yaliyojitokeza.

Prof. Edward Said katika maandiko yake kuhusu mtizamo wa Magharibi kuhusu Mashariki uwe katika vitabu, michoro, picha, simulizi, aina ya fikra za Mashariki kuwa yanafanana na kuweza kuiva katika chungu kimoja bila kutibua ladha ni mtizamo usio onesha hali halisi.

Prof. Edward Said anasema mwenyeji wa Egypt ana tabia tofauti na sema mwenyeji wa Syria vile vile wa kutoka Jordan wana mtizamo tofauti na wa kutoka Tunisia au Saudia.

Prof. Edward Said katika mihadhara yake na uandishi umeleta malumbano mengi moto na kuvutia wengi kusikiliza pia kusoma.

Prof. Edward Said kuhusu kuwepo vitabu vingi vya jiografia na historia vipya ambavyo vimejaribu kufuta ya zamani na kuandika vitu vingi vipya kwa sababu maalumu zenye manufaa kwa ....

Prof. Edward Said anaikumbuka Beirut ya miaka 1970s na 1980s iliyowakaribisha kwa mikono miwili siyo wapalestina tu bali waarabu kutoka nchi za Egypt, Syria, Jordan, Iraq, Sudan n.k wote walikimbilia Beirut Lebanon lakini baadaye wote walifurushwa kutokana na majeshi ya mgambo ya wenyeji wa KiShiite na Kikristo kuwazunguka na kuwatimua

Na baada ya hapo hasahasa wapalestina hawatakiwi tena katika mataifa ya kiarabu kufuatia nchi zilizowapa ukimbizi kwa wingi kama Jordan na Lebanon kuwaona wapalestina ni wakorofi na wakiwa wakimbizi huamua kujiingiza ktk siasa za wenyeji wao.

Mataifa ya kiarabu kuingia woga kwa imani ya Wapalestina kwenda mbali zaidi kuchukua upande wa moja wa wenyeji wao na kushiriki kwa kutumia silaha kujaribu kupindua serikali za wenyeji wao.

Kwa wapalestina kuamini itapatikana serikali mpya ya kiarabu iliyo majimuni Pan Arabian itakayounga mkono, harakati ya umoja mpya wa Kiarabu kuishambilia Israel, na ifutike ili wapalestina warudi ktk nchi wanayoamini yakwao pekee siyo ya mataifa mawili ya Palestine na Israel yanayoishi sambamba kwa kutambua uwepo wa mataifa mawili kiasili ....

Prof. Edward Said anaikumbuka Beirut ya miaka 1970s na 1980s iliyowakaribisha kwa mikono miwili siyo wapalestina tu bali waarabu kutoka nchi za Egypt, Syria, Jordan, Iraq, Sudan n.k wote walikimbilia Beirut Lebanon lakini baadaye wote walifurushwa kutokana na majeshi ya mgambo ya wenyeji wa KiShiite na Kikristo kuwazunguka na kuwatimua

Na baada ya hapo hasahasa wapalestina hawatakiwi tena katika mataifa ya kiarabu kufuatia nchi zilizowapa ukimbizi kwa wingi kama Jordan na Lebanon kuwaona wapalestina ni wakorofi na wakiwa wakimbizi huamua kujiingiza ktk siasa za wenyeji wao.

Mataifa ya kiarabu kuingia woga kwa imani ya Wapalestina kwenda mbali zaidi kuchukua upande wa moja wa wenyeji wao na kushiriki kwa kutumia silaha kujaribu kupindua serikali za wenyeji wao.

Kwa wapalestina kuamini itapatikana serikali mpya ya kiarabu iliyo majimuni Pan Arabian itakayounga mkono, harakati ya umoja mpya wa Kiarabu kuishambilia Israel, na ifutike ili wapalestina warudi ktk nchi wanayoamini yakwao pekee siyo ya mataifa mawili ya Palestine na Israel yanayoishi sambamba kwa kutambua uwepo wa mataifa mawili kiasili ....

CHAMA CHA POPULAR FRONT FOR THE LIBERATION OF PALESTINE -PFLP

Mkuu wa kitego cha mawasiliano na tamaduni wa Chama cha PFLP (Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine) katika mazungumzo exclusive. Akielezea tofauti ya kundi lao lililoasisiwa na kiongozi wao George Habash akishirikiana vijana wengine miaka ya mwanzo ya 1970s ...

October 2023
Beirut, Lebanon

View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=EqQUOYcJzds
BT's Rania Khalek sat down with Marwan Abdul Al, a member of the Political Bureau of The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) and head of the group’s Cultural Department. Initially born out of the Arab nationalist movement, the PFLP adopted Marxism-Leninism and distinguished itself as one of the leading organizations in the resistance to occupation. The interview was filmed in a refugee camp in Beirut, prior to recent events. They discussed the current state of Palestinian resistance in the face of the occupation, the changing world situation, how the PFLP views religion, the strategic tasks of uniting the left, international solidarity and more.

 

[Mto Songwe]

Fuatilia vizuri historia ya mapambano ya kipalestina hasa kupitia njia zisizo rasmi (terrorism etc.). Wapo akina George Habash na wengine.

Sawa nitafuatilia kwa kuanza na huyo George Habash

 

[bagamoyo]

Vaetan / AP
George Habash attacks a U.S.-sponsored Israeli-Palestinian peace plan during a speech in Beirut, March 11, 1979

You could call George Habash, a Palestinian leader who died in Amman on Saturday at the age of 82, the godfather of Middle East terrorism. If you assumed that Palestinian or Arab extremism somehow sprung entirely from Islam — from the puritanical Wahabbi intolerance and so forth — take a close look at Habash's first name. He was a Greek Orthodox Christian, who sang in his church choir as a boy back in the Palestinian town of Lydda. Habash's life tells us a lot about the long Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which seems as intractable as ever, and prompts reflection on the Middle East's seemingly unstoppable whirlwind of violence.

Habash's group, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), pioneered the hijacking of airplanes as a Middle East terror tactic — one eventually employed by the al-Qaeda hijackers on 9/11 — way back in 1968 when three PFLP armed operatives commandeered an Israeli El Al airliner enroute from Rome to Tel Aviv. Checking in for a flight has never been the same since.

Many PFLP operations remain etched into history as some of the most infamous acts of terrorism. In 1970, PFLP terrorists hijacked four airliners at one time, flew three of them to Jordan, blew them up, and triggered the Black September civil war between Jordan's Hashemite monarchy and Palestinian guerrillas. In 1972, Japanese Red Army terrorists working with the PFLP massacred 24 people at Israel's Lod International Airport (now called Ben Gurion International Airport).

In 1976, the PFLP's last hijacking ended in the daring rescue by Israeli counter-terrorism commandos in Entebbe, Uganda. By then, the actions of Habash's small but radical faction had propelled the Middle East into cycles of violence that were ever more extreme. They have yet to subside. Besides multiplying in number and intensity, Palestinian terrorism prompted reciprocal Israeli counter-attacks on neighboring countries that in some instances led to the outbreak of war. But compared to the terrorists behind today's nihilistic suicide bombings and mass atrocities such as 9/11, Habash's commandos were almost softies. Before they blew up the three planes in Jordan in a spectacular, televised moment that was the 9/11 of its day, all of the 300 or so passengers were evacuated and quickly freed.

To what exact extent Habash inspired the likes of Osama bin Laden is a matter of conjecture. While the al-Qaeda leader seeks to avenge Palestinians and surely was aware of Habash's exploits, he would not be impressed by Habash's Christianity, Marxist-Leninist politics or connections to the ex-Soviet Union. It is clear, however, that the PFLP's audacious actions prompted other Palestinian factions to launch international terror campaigns of their own. Admirers of the PFLP's headline-making attacks within Yasser Arafat's mainstream Fatah group went on to plan an attack on the Olympic Games in 1972 — ending in the Munich Massacre of 11 Israeli athletes and six others.

What led Habash, a Christian physician — hence his nickname al-Hakim or the doctor — into such a life, of revolution, of killing? The son of a well-to-do merchant, he was trained at the American University of Beirut, the most liberal university in the Middle East then as now. His background was almost identical to that of his best friend, Wadia Haddad, the No. 2 in the PFLP and the operational genius and passionate proponent of the group's terrorist acts. When I asked Habash that question during a series of interviews many years ago, he simply told me about his personal experiences when his family lost its home during Israel's 1948 War of Independence, what the Palestinians call the Catastrophe.

Habash's mother insisted he stay in Lebanon for his studies. He told me he "respected her very much. She was praying all the time. She influenced me to be merciful, kind to people, to love people, etc." When war broke out in 1948, he returned to Lydda. In July, Israeli forces led by Moshe Dayan entered Lydda and its population emptied. Israeli accounts long portrayed the Palestinians as having "fled." But Israeli historian Benny Morris wrote in 1999 that Israeli forces killed at least 250 townspeople, including young men massacred in a mosque. "Immediately after this, with [Israeli Prime Minister] Ben Gurion's authorization, the troops expelled the inhabitants of Lydda and Ramle and drove them toward the [Arab] Legion lines to the east," according to Morris.

That was the horror Habash recollected as well, compounded for him by a personal tragedy: the same night, one of his sisters died in the town. Although she succumbed to typhoid, the clan blamed the Israeli onslaught for preventing her from receiving proper care. He buried the sister in the backyard, took her small children by the hand and followed the orders of the Israeli soldiers to leave. "The soldiers would say, 'All of you, out! In this direction!'" Habash recalled. "I remember asking one of the soldiers where we were supposed to go." Habash told me he rejected Christianity then. "I was all the time imagining myself as a good Christian, serving the poor. When my land was occupied, I had no time to think about religion."

Habash never returned to Lydda, which, renamed Lod, became part of the State of Israel. He and Haddad spent their time volunteering medical services in the newly established Palestinian refugee camps and later formed the Arab Nationalist Movement in solidarity with Egypt's revolutionary leader, Gamal Abdul Nasser. After Nasser's humiliating defeat in the 1967 war with Israel, Palestinians broke off from the group and formed the PFLP. Habash initially sought to use terrorism to instigate a Palestinian uprising against Israel and popular revolts in Arab countries like Jordan ruled by pro-Western leaders.

When I told Habash, "You were a medical doctor, yet you killed and assassinated and used volence," he did not flinch from responding. "All the time I was believing from the bottom of my heart and brain that I am fighting for a righteous cause," he said. "The Israelis took our country because they are powerful, and that is why we have to attain power, because justice without power means nothing. Certain [terrorist] operations would make Palestinians themselves feel that they can do something, which would make all the world stop and say, 'Oh, what is this?'"

Four decades after Habash introduced the world to airplane hijacking, that question continues to be asked about the violent actions of Palestinians. Habash succeeded in raising awareness of their cause, yet his extreme, vengeful methods also helped drench it in blood, and likely brought Palestinians no closer to freedom and dignity

 

[bagamoyo]

03 March 2024

Wadi Haddad, Palestinian Hijacking Strategist, Dies​

By Raymond H. Anderson

Dr. Wadi Haddad, the strategist behind the Palestinian guerrilla movement's hijacking of airliners and a shadowy figure linked to international terrorist groups, has died of cancer in a hospital in East Germany, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine announced in Lebanon yesterday.
The Popular Front, which Dr. Haddad founded in 1967 along with Dr. George Habash, said that he “died as a hero” on Tuesday.
The body of the 49‐year‐old physician was flown yesterday to Baghdad, Iraq, one of the Arab cities where the underground leader had been living out of public view in recent years. Palestinians in Beirut, Lebanon, said he would be brought there for burial at the Palestinians’ “Martyr's Cemetery.”
Dr. Haddad was at the head of Israel's list of wanted terrorists. He went underground after rockets were fired into his Beirut apartment in July 1970.

Directed First Hijacking
The guerrilla leader directed the first airliner hijacking by Palestinians involving the seizure of an Israeli plane, an El Al airliner, in July 1968 and its diversion to AIgeria.

Last October, already confined by his illness, he was the strategist behind the most recent major hijacking, the takeover of a Lufthansa airliner that was ultimately stormed in Somalia by West German commandos.
One of the most dramatic terrorist actions that Dr. Haddad planned was the hijacking of four airliners in September 1970 and the blowing up of three of them in the desert of Jordan and of the fourth at the Cairo airport.

​

That gesture of defiance by the Palestinians to Egypt's acceptance of a ceasefire with Israel backfired and led to Jordanian suppression of the guerrilla movement in Jordan.
In 1972 Dr. Haddad split with the Marxist‐oriented Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine in a dispute over airliner hijackings.

In 1976 he and other supporters of hijackings were formally ousted by the Popular Movement, whose leader, Dr. Habash, had come to regard the seizure of airliners as more damaging than beneficial to the Palestinian fight against Israel.

Dr. Haddad was born in Palestine into a Grzek Orthodox family. His father was a teacher. A refugee after the creation of Israel in 1948, he studied in Beirut, where one of his closest classmates in the American University Medical School was Dr. Habash.
After graduation, Dr. Haddad did social work in Palestinian refugee camps, and he and Dr. Habash formed a group called the Arab Nationalist Movement, intended for struggle against Israel. This developed’ into the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine.

As a guerrilla leader, Dr. Haddad shunned the spotlight. A guerrilla in Lebanon was quoted yesterday as having said of him: “He was a real revolutionary. He did what he thought was best for the Palestinian cause, without publicizing himself.”
Dr. Haddad had close ties with some of the most notorious international ter‐, rorist groups, including the Baader‐Meinhof gang in West Germany and the Red Army in Japan. He was also linked to the Venezuelan terrorist known as Carlos.

Dr. Haddad was reported to have been the planner of the Tel Aviv airport attack by the Japanese Red Army in May 1972, in which the attackers pulled submachine guns and grenades from suitcases in the airport terminal and opened fire, killing nearly 30 people and wounding dozens.
He was also said to have been involved in planning the hijacking of an Air France plane to Uganda in July 1976, which ended with an assault by Israeli commandos to free the hostages.
Uncertainty Over Effect
Dr. Haddad's terrorist ventures were said to have been financed by Arab sectors opposed to any peaceful settlement with Israel, among them the Libyans.
There was uncertainty among Palestinians in Beirut yesterday over the effect of Dr. Haddad's death on guerrilla tactics and international terrorism in general.
No certain successor was in sight to command the splinter group headed by Dr. Haddad, called the P.F.L.P—Foreign Operations Branch. But analysts in Beirut said they thought a guerrilla with the code name of Abu Nidal, who operates from Iraq, might take over.
Some Palestinians reported that Dr. Haddad had hoped before his death to create a terrorist network in the United States.
Source: TheNewYorkTimes

 

[bagamoyo]

Wadie Haddad​

Personal Info​

• Country of residence: Palestine
• Gender: Male
• Born in: 1927

Information​

Wadie Haddad (1927 – 28 March 1978), also known as Abu Hani, was a Palestinian leader of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine's armed wing. He was responsible for organizing several civilian airplane hijackings in support of the Palestinian cause in the 1960s and 1970s.


Haddad was born to Palestinian Christian (Greek Orthodox) parents in Safed, Palestine, in 1927. During the 1948 Arab–Israeli War his family's home was destroyed and his family fled to Lebanon. He studied medicine at the American University of Beirut, where he met fellow Palestinian refugee, George Habash, who was also a medical student. Together they helped found the Arab Nationalist Movement (ANM), a pan-Arabist and Arab socialist grouping aiming to create the State of Palestine and unite the Arab countries.

After graduating, he relocated with Habash (a pediatrician) to Amman, Jordan, where they established a clinic. He worked with the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) in 1956, but due to his Palestinian nationalist activism he was arrested by the Jordanian authorities in 1957. In 1961, he managed to escape to Syria. Haddad argued for armed struggle against Israel from 1963 onwards, and succeeded in militarizing the ANM.

According to Vasili Mitrokhin, a senior KGB archivist who defected to the UK in 1992, in early 1970 Haddad was recruited by the KGB as an agent, codenamed NATSIONALIST. Thereafter, in deep secrecy the Soviets helped to fund and arm the PFLP. The KGB had warning of its major operations and almost certainly sanctioned the most significant, such as the September 1970 hijackings. Haddad remained a highly valued agent till his death in 1978.

A letter by Yuri Andropov allegedly confirming Haddad's role as an agent was independently discovered in Soviet archives by Vladimir Bukovsky and has since been published.

Haddad died on 28 March 1978, in the German Democratic Republic supposedly from leukemia. According to the book Striking Back, published by Aaron J. Klein in 2006, Haddad was eliminated by the Mossad, which had sent the chocolate-loving Haddad Belgian chocolates coated with a slow-acting and undetectable poison which caused him to die severals months later. "It took him a few long months to die", Klein said in the book.

What remained of the PFLP-EO dissolved after his death, but in the process augured the May 15 Organization and the PFLP-SC

 

[bagamoyo]

Hotuba ya kiongozi wa PLO injinia Yasser Arafat ikionesha maono yao ni tofauti na ya sasa ya HAMAS kujificha nyuma ya imani moja. PLO ilikusanya wote bila kujali imani za dini zao na kutaka umajinuhi / umoja wa nchi za Kiarabu (Pan Arabian nations / Arabian Unity ) kumbuka kuna wakristo Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, Palestine n.k

CHAMA CHA POPULAR FRONT FOR THE LIBERATION OF PALESTINE -PFLP

Mkuu wa kitego cha mawasiliano na tamaduni wa Chama cha PFLP (Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine) katika mazungumzo exclusive. Akielezea tofauti ya kundi lao lililoasisiwa na kiongozi wao George Habash akishirikiana vijana wengine miaka ya mwanzo ya 1970s ...

October 2023
Beirut, Lebanon

View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=EqQUOYcJzds
BT's Rania Khalek sat down with Marwan Abdul Al, a member of the Political Bureau of The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) and head of the group’s Cultural Department. Initially born out of the Arab nationalist movement, the PFLP adopted Marxism-Leninism and distinguished itself as one of the leading organizations in the resistance to occupation. The interview was filmed in a refugee camp in Beirut, prior to recent events. They discussed the current state of Palestinian resistance in the face of the occupation, the changing world situation, how the PFLP views religion, the strategic tasks of uniting the left, international solidarity and more.

HOTUBA YA BW. YASSER ARAFAT ILIYOBATIZWA (KAMA ISHARA YA AMANI) TAWI LA MZEITUNI

Hotuba ya kiongozi wa PLO mwaka 1974 mbele ya Umoja wa Mataifa mwezi November 1974 mara baada ya Palestine kukaribishwa kuwa na mwanachama katika Umoja wa Mataifa

View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=SQrbPhrPJ7I
(interpretation from Arabic) :

In the name of the people of Palestine and the leader of its national struggle, the Palestine Liberation organization, 1 take this opportunity to extend to you, Mr. President, my warmest congratulations on your election to the presidency of the twenty-ninth session of he United nations general assembly.



We have, of course, long known you to be sincere and devoted defender of the cause of freedom, justice and peace. We have al a known you also to be in the vanguard of the freedom-fighters in their heroic Algerian war of national liberation. Today Algeria has attained a distinguished position in the world community and has assumed its responsibilities both in the national and in the international fields, thus earning the support and esteem of the entire human family.

I also avail myself of this opportunity to extend my sincerest appreciation to M. Kurt Waldheim the Secretary-General of the United Nations, for the great efforts he has made and is still making to enable us to assume our responsabilities in the smoothest possible way.



In the name of the people of Palestine 1 take this opportunity to congratulate three States that have recently been admitted to membership in the United Nations after obtaining their national independence : Guinea-Bissau, Bangladesh and Grenada. I extend our best wishes to the leadership of those Member States and wish them progress and success-

Mr. president, I thank you for having invited the Palestinian Liberation Organization to participate in this plenary sessions of the United Nations Genera Assembly. 1 am grateful to all those representatives of States of the United Nations who contributed to the decision to introduce the question of Palestine as a separate item of the agenda of this Assembly. That decision made possible the Assembly’s resolution inviting us to address it on the question of Palestine.

This is a very important occasion. The question of Palestine is being reexamined by the United Nations, and we consider that step to be a victory for the world Organization as much as a victory for the cause of our people. It indicates anew that the United Nations of today is not the United Nations of the past, just as today’s world is not yesterday’s world. Today’s United Nation represents 138 nations, a number that more clearly reflects the will of the international community. Thus today’s United Nations is more nearly capable of implementing the principles embodied in its Charter and in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as well as being more truly empowered to support causes of peace and justice.

Our peoples are now beginning to feel that change. Along with them, the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America also feel the change. As a result, the United Nations acquires greater esteem both in our people’s view and in the view of other peoples. Our hope is thereby strengthened that the United Nations can contribute actively to the pursuit and triumph of the causes of peace, justice, freedom and independence. Our resolve to build a new world is fortified-a world free of colonialism, imperialism, neo-colonialism and racism in each of its instances, including Zionism.



Our world aspires to peace, justice, equality and freedom. It wishes that oppressed nations at present bent under the weight of imperialism might gain their freedom and their right to self-determination. It hopes to place the relations between nations on a basis of equality, peaceful coexistence, mutual respect for each other’s internal affairs, secure national sovereignty, independence and territorial unity on the basis of justice and mutual benefit. This world resolves that the economic ties binding it together should be grounded in justice, parity and mutual interest. It aspires finally to direct its human resources against the scourge of poverty, famine, disease and natural calamity, toward the development of productive scientific and technical capabilities to enhance human wealth-all this in the hope of reducing the disparity between the developing and the developed countries. But all such aspirations cannot be realized in a world that is at present ruled over by tension, injustice, oppression, racial discrimination and exploitation, a world also threatened with unending economic disaster, war and crisis.



Great numbers of peoples, including those of Zimbabwe, Namibia, South Africa and Palestine, among many others, are still victims of oppression and violence. Their areas of the world are gripped by armed struggles provoked by imperialism and racial discrimination, both merely forms of aggression and terror. Those are instances of oppressed peoples compelled by intolerable circumstances into a confrontation with such oppression. But wherever that confrontation occurs it is legitimate and just.



It is imperative that the international community should support these peoples in their struggles, in the furtherance of their rightful causes, in the attainment of their right to self-determination.



In Indo-China the peoples are still exposed to aggression. They remain subjected to conspiracies preventing them from the enjoyment of peace and the realization of their goals. Although peoples everywhere have welcomed, the agreements on peace reached in Laos and South Vietnam, no one can say that genuine peace bas been achieved, nor that those forces responsible in the first place for aggression have now desisted from their attacks on Vietnam.’ The same can be said of the present military aggression against the people of Cambodia. It is therefore incumbent on the international community to support these oppressed peoples, and also to condemn the oppressors for their designs against peace. Moreover, despite the positive stand taken by the Democratic Republic of Korea with regard to a peaceful, just solution of the Korean question, there is as yet no settlement of that question.



A few months ago the problem of Cyprus erupted violently before us. All peoples everywhere shared in the suffering- of the Cypriots. We ask that the United Nations continue its efforts to reach a just solution in Cyprus, thereby sparing the Cypriots further war and ensuring peace and independence for them instead. Undoubtedly, however, consideration of the question of Cyprus belongs within that of Middle Eastern problems as well as of Mediterranean problems.

In their efforts to replace an outmoded but still dominant world economic system with a new, more logically rational, one, the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America must nevertheless face implacable attacks on these efforts. These countries have expressed their views at the special session of the General Assembly on raw materials and development. Thus the plundering., the exploitation, the siphoning off of the wealth of impoverished peoples must be terminated forthwith. There must be no deterring of these peoples’ efforts to develop and control their wealth. Furthermore, there is a grave necessity for arriving at fair prices for raw materials from these countries.



In addition, these countries continue to, be hampered in the attainment of their primary objectives formulated at the Conference on the Law of the Sea in Caracas, at the Population Conference and at the Rome Food Conference. The United Nations should therefore bend every effort to achieve a radical alteration of the world economic system, making it possible for developing countries to develop. The United Nations must shoulder the responsibility for fighting inflation, now borne most heavily by the developing countries, especially the oil-producing countries.’ The United Nations must firmly condemn any threats made against these countries simply because they demand their just rights.



The world-wide armaments race shows no sign of abating. As a consequence, the world is threatened with the dispersion of its wealth and the utter waste of its energies. Armed violence is made more likely everywhere. We expect the United Nations to devote itself single-mindedly to curbing the unlimited acquisition of arms ; to preventing even the possibility of nuclear destruction ; to reducing the vast sums spent on military technology ; to converting expenditure on war into projects for development, for increasing production, and for benefiting common humanity.



And still, the highest tension exists in our part of the world. There the Zionist entity clings tenaciously to occupied Arab territory ; Zionism persists in its aggressions against us and our territory. New military preparations are feverishly being made. These anticipate another, fifth war of aggression to be launched against us. Such signs bear the closest possible watching, since there is a grave likelihood that this war would forebode nuclear destruction and cataclysmic annihilation.

The world is in need of tremendous efforts if its aspirations to peace, freedom, justice, equality and development are to be realized, if its struggle is to be victorious over colonialism, imperialism, neo-colonialism, and racism in all its forms, including Zionism. Only by such efforts can actual form be given to the aspirations of all peoples, including the aspirations of peoples whose States oppose such efforts. It is this road that leads to the fulfillment of those principles emphasized by the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Were the status quo simply to be maintained however, the world would instead be exposed to prolonged armed conflict, in addition to economic, human and natural calamity.

Despite abiding world crises, despite even the gloomy powers of backwardness and disastrous wrong, we live in a time of glorious change. An old world order is crumbling before our eyes, as imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism and racism, the chief form of which is Zionism, ineluctably perish. We are privileged to be able to witness a great wave of history bearing peoples forward into a new world which they have created. In that world just causes will triumph. Of that we are confident.



The question of Palestine belongs to this perspective of emergence and struggle. Palestine is crucial amongst those just causes fought for unstintingly by masses laboring under imperialism and aggression. It cannot be, and is not, lost on me today, as I stand here before the General Assembly, that if I have been given the opportunity to address the General Assembly, so too must the opportunity be given to all liberation movements fighting against racism and imperialism. In their names, in the name of every human being struggling for freedom and self-determination, 1 call upon the General Assembly urgently to give their just causes the same full attention the General Assembly has so rightly ,given to our cause. Such recognitions once made, there will be a secure foundation thereafter for the preservation of universal peace. For only with such peace will a new world order endure in which peoples can live free of oppression, fear, terror and the suppression of their rights. As 1 said earlier, this is the true perspective in which to set the question of Palestine. I shall now do so for the General Assembly, keeping firmly in mind both the perspective and the goal of a coming world order.

Even as today we address the General Assembly from what is before all else an international rostrum we are also expressing our faith in political and diplomatic struggle as complements, as enhancements of armed struggle. Furthermore we express our appreciation of the role the United Nations is capable of playing in settling problems of international scope. But this capability, I said a moment ago, became real only once the United Nations had accommodated. itself to the living actuality of aspiring, peoples, towards which an Organization of so truly international a dimension owes unique obligations.

In addressing the General Assembly today our people proclaims its faith in the future, unencumbered either by past tragedies or present limitations. If, as we discuss the present, we enlist the past in our service, we do so only to light up our journey into the future alongside other movements of national liberation If we return now to the historical roots of our cause we do so because present at this very moment in our midst are those, who, while they occupy our homes as their cattle graze in our pastures, and as their hands pluck the fruit of our trees, claim at the same time that we are disembodied spirits, fictions without presence, without traditions or future. We speak of our roots also because until recently some people have regarded-and continued to regard-our problem as merely a problem of refugees. They have portrayed the Middle East Question as little more than a border dispute between the Arab states and the Zionist entity. They have imagined that our people claims rights not rightfully its own and fights neither with logic nor valid motive, with a simple wish only to disturb the peace and to terrorize wantonly. For there are amongst you-and here 1 refer to the United States of America and others like it-those who supply our enemy freely with planes and bombs and with every variety of murderous weapon. They take hostile positions against us, deliberately distorting the true essence of the problem. All this is done not only at our expense, but at the expense of the American people, and of the friendship we continue to hope can be cemented between us and this great people, whose history of struggle for the sake of freedom’ we honor and salute.

I cannot now forgo this opportunity to appeal from this rostrum directly to the American people, asking it to give its support to our heroic and fighting people. 1 ask it whole-heatedly to endorse right and justice, to recall George Washington to mind, heroic Washington whose purpose was his nation’s freedom and independence, Abraham Lincoln, champion of the destitute and the wretched, also Woodrow Wilson whose doctrine of Fourteen Points remains subscribed to and venerated by our people. I ask the American people whether the demonstrations of hostility and enmity taking place outside this great hall reflect the true intent of America’s will ? What, 1 ask you plainly, is the crime of the people of Palestine against the American people ? Why do you fight us so ? Does such unwarranted belligerence really serve your interests ? Does it serve the interests of the American masses ? No, definitely not. 1 can only hope that the American people will remember that their friendship with the whole Arab nation is too great, too abiding, and too rewarding for any such demonstrations to harm it

In any event, as our discussion of the question of Palestine focuses upon historical roots, we do so because we believe that any question now exercising the world’s concern must be viewed radically, in the true root sense of that word, if a real solution is ever to be grasped. We propose this radical approach as an antidote to an approach to international issues that obscures historical origins behind ignorance, denial, and a slavish obeisance to the present.



The roots of the Palestinian question reach back into the closing years of the 19th century, in other words, to that period which we call the era of colonialism and settlement,’ as we know it today. This is precisely the period during which Zionism as a scheme was born ; its aim was the conquest of Palestine by European immigrants, just as settlers colonized, and indeed raided, most of Africa. This is the period during which, pouring forth out of the west, colonialism spread into the furthest reaches of Africa, Asia, and Latin America, building colonies, everywhere cruelly exploiting, oppressing,’ plundering the peoples of those three continents. This period persists into the present. Marked evidence of its totally reprehensible presence can be readily perceived in the racism practiced both in South Africa and in Palestine.



Just as colonialism and its demagogues dignified their conquests, their plunder and limitless attacks upon the natives of Africa with appeals to a “civilizing and modernizing” mission, so too did waves of Zionist immigrants disguise their purposes as they conquered Palestine. Just as colonialism as a system and colonialists as its instrument used religion, color, race and language to justify the African’s exploitation and his cruel subjugation by terror and discrimination, so too were these methods employed as Palestine was usurped and its people hounded from their national homeland.

Just as colonialism heedlessly used the wretched, the poor, the exploited as mere inert matter with which to build and to carry out settler colonialism, so too were destitute, oppressed European Jews employed on behalf of world imperialism and of the Zionist leadership. European Jews were transformed into the instruments of aggression ; they became the elements of settler colonialism intimately allied to racial discrimination.



Zionist theology was utilized against our Palestinian people : the purpose was not only the establishment of Western-style settler colonialism but also the severing of Jews from their various homelands and subsequently their estrangement from their nations. Zionism is an ideology that is imperialist, colonialist, racist ; it is profoundly reactionary and discriminatory ; it is united with antisemitism in its retrograde tenets and is, when all is said and done, another side

of the same base coin. For when what is proposed is that adherents of the Jewish faith, regardless of their national residence, should neither owe allegiance to their national residence nor live on equal footing with its other, non-Jewish citizens-when that is proposed we hear anti-Semitism being proposed. When it is proposed that the only solution for the Jewish problem is that Jews must alienate themselves from communities or nations of which they have been a historical part, when it is proposed that Jews solve the Jewish problem by immigrating to and forcibly settling the land of another people-when this occurs, exactly the same position is being advocated as the one urged by anti-Semites against Jews.

Thus, for instance, we can understand the close connection between Rhodes, who promoted settler colonialism in south-east Africa, and Herzl, who had settler colonialist designs upon Palestine. Having received a certificate of good settler colonialist conduct from Rhodes, Herzl then turned around and presented this certificate to the British Government, hoping thus to secure a formal resolution supporting Zionist policy. In exchange, the Zionists promised Britain an imperialist base on Palestinian soil so that imperial interests could be safeguarded at one of their chief strategic points.



So the Zionist movement allied itself directly with world colonialism in a common raid on our land. Allow me now to present a selection of historical truths about this alliance.



The Jewish invasion of Palestine began in 1881. Before the first large wave of immigrants started arriving, Palestine had a population of half a million ; most of the population was either Moslem or Christian, and only 20,000 were Jewish. Every segment of the population enjoyed the religious tolerance characteristic of our civilization.



Palestine was then a verdant land, inhabited mainly by an Arab people in the course of building its life and dynamically enriching its indigenous culture.



Between 1882 and 1917 the Zionist Movement settled approximately 50,000 European Jews in our homeland. To do that it resorted to trickery and deceit in order to implant them in our midst. Its success in getting Britain to issue the Balfour Declaration once again demonstrated the alliance between Zionism and imperialism. Furthermore, by promising to the Zionist movement what was not hers to give, Britain showed how oppressive was the rule of imperialism. As it was constituted then, the League of Nations abandoned our Arab people, and Wilson’s pledges and promises came to nought. In the guise of a mandate, British imperialism was cruelly and directly imposed upon us. The mandate document issued by the League of Nations was to enable the Zionist invaders to consolidate their gains in our homeland.



In the wake of the Balfour Declaration and over a period of 30 years, the Zionist movement succeeded, in collaboration with its imperialist ally, in settling more European Jews on the land, thus usurping the properties of Palestinian Arabs.

By 1947 the number of Jews had reached 600,000 ; they owned about 6 percent of Palestinian arable land. The figure should be compared with the population of Palestine, which at that time was 1,250,000.



As a result of the collusion between the mandatory Power and the Zionist movement and with the support of some countries,5 this General Assembly early in its history approved a recommendation to partition our Palestinian homeland. This took place in an atmosphere poisoned with questionable actions and strong pressure. The General Assembly partitioned what it bad no right to divide an indivisible homeland. When we rejected that decision, our position corresponded to that of the natural mother who refused to permit King Solomon to cut her son in two when the unnatural mother claimed the child for herself and agreed to his dismemberment. Furthermore, even though the partition resolution granted the colonialist settlers 54 percent of the land of Palestine, their dissatisfaction with the decision prompted them to wage a war of terror against the civilian Arab population. They occupied 81 percent of the total area of Palestine, uprooting a million Arabs. Thus, they occupied 524 Arab towns and villages, of which they destroyed 385, completely obliterating them in the process. Having done so, they built their own settlements and colonies on the ruins of our farms and our groves. The roots of the Palestine question lie here. Its causes do not stem from any conflict between two religions or two nationalisms. Neither is it a border conflict between neighboring states. It is the cause of a people deprived of its homeland, dispersed and uprooted, and living mostly in exile and in refugee camps.



With support from imperialist and colonialist Powers, it managed to get itself accepted as a United Nations Member. It further succeeded in getting the Palestine Question deleted from the agenda of the United Nations and in deceiving world public opinion by presenting our cause as a problem of refugees in need either of charity from do-gooders, or settlement in a land not theirs.



Not satisfied with all this, the racist entity, founded on the imperialist-colonialist concept turned itself into a base of imperialism and into an arsenal of weapons. This enabled it to assume its role of subjugating the Arab people and of committing aggression against them, in order to satisfy its ambitions for further expansion on Palestinian and other Arab lands. In addition to the many instances of aggression committed by this entity against the Arab States, it has launched. two large-scale wars, in 1956 and 1967, thus endangering world peace and security.



As a result of Zionist aggression in June 1967, the enemy occupied Egyptian Sinai as far as the Suez Canal. The enemy occupied Syria’s Golan Heights, in addition to all Palestinian land west of the Jordan. All these developments have led to the creation in our area of what has come to be known as the “Middle East problem.” The situation has been rendered more serious by the enemy’s persistence in maintaining its unlawful occupation and in further consolidating it thus establishing a beachhead for world imperialism’s thrust against our Arab nation. All Security Council decisions and appeals to world public opinion for withdrawal from. the lands occupied in June 1967 have been ignored. Despite all the peaceful efforts on the international level, the enemy has not been deterred from its expansionist policy. The only alternative open before our Arab nations, chiefly Egypt and Syria, was to expend exhaustive efforts in preparing forcefully to resist that barbarous armed invasion-and this in order to liberate Arab lands and to restore the rights of the Palestinian people, after all other peaceful means had failed.



Under these circumstances, the fourth war broke out in October 1973, bringing home to the Zionist enemy the bankruptcy of its policy of occupation, expansion and its reliance on the concept of military might. Despite all this, the leaders of the Zionist entity are far from having learned any lesson from their experience. They are making preparations for the fifth war, resorting once more to the language of military superiority, aggression, terrorism, subjugation and, finally, always to war in their dealings with the Arabs.



It pains our people greatly to witness the propagation of the myth that its homeland was a desert until it was made to bloom by the toil of foreign settlers, that it was a land without a people, and that the colonialist entity caused no harm to any human being. No : such lies must be exposed from this rostrum, for the world must know that Palestine was the cradle of the most ancient cultures and civilizations. Its Arab people were engaged in farming and building, spreading culture throughout the land for thousands of years, setting an example in the practice of freedom of worship, acting as faithful guardians of the holy places of all religions. As a son of Jerusalem, 1 treasure for myself and my people beautiful memories and vivid images of the religious brotherhood that was the hallmark Of Our Holy City before it succumbed to catastrophe. Our people continued to pursue this enlightened policy until the establishment of the State of Israel and their dispersion. This did not deter our people from pursuing their humanitarian role on Palestinian soil.. Nor will they permit their land to become a launching pad for aggression or a racist camp predicated on the destruction of civilization, cultures, progress and peace. Our people cannot but maintain the , heritage of their ancestors in resisting the invaders, in assuming the privileged task. of defending their native land, their Arab nationhood, their culture and civilization, and in safeguarding the cradle of monotheistic religion.



B, we need only mention briefly some Israeli stands : its support of the Secret Army Organization in Algeria, its bolstering of the settler-colonialists in Africa - whether in the Congo Angola , Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Azania or South Africa - and its backing of South Vietnam against the vietnamese revolution. In addition how can mention Israel’s continuing support of imperialists and racists everywhere, its obstructionist stand in the Committee of Twenty-FOur,, its refusal to cast its vote in support of independence for the African States, and its opposition to the demands of many Asian, African and Latin American nations, and several other States in the conference on raw materials, population, the Law Of the Sea, and food. All these facts offer further proof of the character of the enemy which has usurped our land. They justify the honorable struggle which we are waging against it. As we defend a vision of the future, our enemy upholds the myths of the past.

The enemy we face has a long record of hostility even towards the Jews themselves, for there is within the Zionist entity a built-in racism against Oriental Jews. Wbile we are vociferously condemning the massacres of Jews under Nazis rule, Zionist leadership appeared more interested at that time in exploiting them as best it could in order to realize its goal of immigration into Palestine.



If the of immigration of Jews to Palestine had had as its objective the goal of enabling them to live side side by side with us, enjoying the same rights and assuring the same duties, we would . have opened our doors to them, as far as our homeland’s capacity for absorption permitted. Such was the case with the thousands of Armenians and Circassians who still live among us in equality and brethren and citizens. But that the goal of this immigration should be to usurp our homeland, disperse our people, and turn us into second-class citizens - this is what no one

can conceivably demand that we acquiesce in or submit to. Therefore, since its inception, our revolution bas not been motivated by racial or religious factors. Its target bas never been the Jew, as a person, but racist Zionism. and undisguised aggression. In this sense, ours is also a revolution for the Jew, as a human being, as well. We are struggling, so that Jews, Christians and Muslims may live in equality, enjoying the same rights and assuming the same duties, free from racial or religious discrimination.



We do distinguish between Judaism and Zionism. While we maintain our opposition to the colonialist Zionist movement, we respect the Jewish faith. Today, almost one centuy after the rise of the Zionist movement, we wish to warn of its increasing danger to the Jews of the world, to our Arab people and to world peace and security. For Zionism. encourages the Jew to emigrate out of his homeland and grants him an artificially created nationality. The Zionists proceed with their terrorist activities even though these have proved ineffective. The phenomenon of constant emigration from Israel, which is bound to grow as the bastions of colonialism and racism in the world fall, is an example of the inevitability of the failure of such activities.



We urge the people and governments of the world to stand firm. against Zionist attempts at encouraging world Jewry to emigrate from their countries and to usurp our land. We urge them as well firmly to oppose any discrimination against any human being, as to religion, race, or colon

Why should our Arab Palestinian people pay the price of such discrimination in the world ? Why should our people be responsible for the problems of Jewish immigration, if such problems exist in the minds of some people ? Why do not the supporters of these problems open their own countries, which can absorb and help these immigrants ?

Those who call us terrorists wish to prevent world public opinion from discovering the truth about us and from seeing the justice on our faces. They seek to bide the terrorism and tyranny of their acts, and our own posture of self-defence.

The difference between the revolutionary and the terrorist lies in the reason for which each fights. For whoever stands by a just cause and fights for the freedom and liberation of his land from the invaders, the settlers and the colonialists, cannot possibly be called terrorist, otherwise the American people in their struggle for liberation from. the British colonialists would have been terrorists ; the European resistance against the Nazis would be terrorism, the struggle of the Asian, African and Latin American peoples would also be terrorism, and many of you who are in this Assembly hall were considered terrorists. This is actually a just and proper struggle consecrated by the United Nations Charter and by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. As to those who fight against the just causes, those who wage war to occupy, colonize and oppress other people, those are the terrorists. Those are the people whose actions should be condemned, who should be called war criminals : for the justice of the cause determines the right to struggle.



Zionist terrorism which was waged against the Palestinian people to evict it from its country and usurp its land is registered in our official documents. Thousands of our people were assassinated in their villages and towns ; tens of thousands of others were forced at gunpoint to leave their homes and the lands of their fathers. 1-une and time again our children, women and aged were evicted and had to wander in the deserts and climb mountains without any food or water. No one who in 1948 witnessed the catastrophe that befell the inhabitants of hundreds of villages and towns-in Jerusalem, Jaffa, Lydda, Ramle and Galilee-no one who has been a witness to that catastrophe will ever forget the experience, even though the mass blackout has succeeded in hiding these horrors as it has hidden the traces of 385 Palestinian villages and towns destroyed at the time and erased from the map. The destruction of 19,000 houses during the past seven years, which is equivalent to the complete destruction of 200 more Palestinian villages, and the great number of maimed as a result of the treatment they were subjected to in Israeli prisons, cannot be hidden by any blackout.



Their terrorism fed on hatred and this hatred was even directed against the olive tree in my country, which has been a proud symbol and which reminded them of the indigenous inhabitants of the land, a living reminder that the land is Palestinian- Thus they sought to destroy it. How can one describe the statement by Golda Meir which expressed her disquiet about “the Palestinian children born every day.” They see in the Palestinian child, in the Palestinian tree, an enemy that should be exterminated. For tens of years Zionists have been harassing our people’s cultural, political, social and artistic leaders, terrorizing them and assassinating them. They have stolen our cultural heritage, our popular folklore and have claimed it as theirs. Their terrorism even reached our sacred places in our beloved and peaceful Jerusalem. They have endeavored to de-Arabize it and make it lose its Moslem and Christian character by evicting its inhabitants and annexing it.



1 must mention the tire of the Aksa Mosque and the disfiguration of many of the monuments, which are both historic and religious in character. Jerusalem with its religious history and its spiritual values, bears witness to the future. It is proof of our eternal presence, of our civilization, of our human values. It is therefore not surprising that under its skies the three religions were born and that under that sky these three religions shine in order to enlighten mankind so that it might express the tribulations and hopes of humanity, and that it might mark out the road of the future with its hopes.

The small number of Palestinian Arabs who were not uprooted by the Zionists in 1948 are at present refugees in their own homeland. Israeli law treats them as second-class citizens-and even as third class citizens since Oriental Jews are second-class citizens-and they have been subject to all forms of racial discrimination and terrorism after confiscation of their land and property. They have been victims of bloody massacres such as that of Kfar Kassim, they have been expelled from their villages and denied the right to return, as in the case of the inhabitants of Rait and Kfar-Birim. For 26 years, our population has been living under martial law and was denied the freedom of movement without prior permission from the Israeli military governor, this at a time when an Israeli law was promulgated granting citizenship to any Jew anywhere who wanted to emigrate to our homeland. Moreover, another Israeli law stipulated that Palestinians who were not present in their villages or towns at the time of the occupation were not entitled to Israeli citizenship.



The record of Israeli rulers is replete with acts of terror perpetrated on those of our people who remained under occupation in Sinai and the Golan Heights. The criminal bombardment of the Bahr-al-Bakar School and the Abou Zaabal factory are but two such unforgettable acts of terrorism.5 The total destruction of the Syrian city of Kuneitra is yet another tangible instance of systematic terrorism. If a record of Zionist terrorism in South Lebanon were to be compiled, the enormity of its acts would shock even the most hardened : piracy, bombardments, scorched-earth, destruction of hundreds of homes, eviction of civilians and the kidnapping of Lebanese citizens. This clearly constitutes a violation of Lebanese sovereignty and is in preparation for the diversion of the Litani River waters.



Need one remind this Assembly of the numerous resolutions adopted by it condemning Israeli aggressions committed against Arab countries, Israeli violations of human rights and the articles of the Geneva Conventions, as well as the resolutions pertaining to the annexation of the city of Jerusalem and its restoration to its former status ?

The Only description for these acts is that they are acts of barbarism and terrorism. And yet, the Zionist racists and colonialists have the temerity to describe the just struggle of our people as terror. Could there be a more flagrant distortion of truth than this ? We ask those who usurped our land, who are committing murderous acts of terrorism against our people and are practicing racial discrimination more extensively than the racists of South Africa, we ask them to keep in mind the United Nations General Assembly resolution that called for the one-year suspension’ of the membership of the Government of South Africa from the United Nations. Such is the inevitable fate of every racist country that adopts the law of the jungle, usurps the homeland of others and persists in oppression.



For the past 30 years, our people have had to struggle against British occupation and Zionist invasion both of which had one intention, namely the usurpation of our land. Six major revolts and tens of popular uprisings were staged to foil these attempts, so that our homeland might remain ours. Over 30,000 martyrs the equivalent in comparative terms of 6 million Americans, died in the process.



When the majority of the Palestinian people was uprooted from its homeland in 1948, the Palestinian struggle for self-determination continued under the most difficult conditions. We tried every possible means to continue our political struggle to attain our national rights, but to no avail. Meanwhile, we had to struggle for sheer existence. Even in exile we educated our children. This was all a part of trying to survive.



The Palestinian people produced thousands of physicians, lawyers, teachers and scientists who actively participated in the development of the Arab countries bordering on their usurped homeland. They utilized their income to assist the young and aged amongst their people who remained in the refugee camps. They educated their younger sisters and brothers, supported their parents and cared for their children. All along, the Palestinian dreamt of return. Neither the Palestinian’s allegiance to Palestine nor his determination to return waned ; nothing could persuade him to relinquish his Palestinian identity or to forsake his homeland. The passage of time did not make him forget, as some hoped he would. When our people lost faith in the international community which persisted in ignoring its rights and when it became obvious that the Palestinians would not recuperate one inch of Palestine through exclusively political means, our people had no choice but to resort to armed struggle. Into that struggle it poured its material and human resources. We bravely faced the most vicious acts of Israeli terrorism which were aimed at diverting our struggle and arresting it.



In the past 10 years of our struggle, thousands of martyrs and twice as many wounded, maimed and imprisoned were offered in sacrifice ; all in an effort to resist the imminent threat of liquidation, to regain our right to self-determination and our undisputed right to return to our homeland. With the utmost dignity and the most admirable revolutionary spirit, our Palestinian people has not lost its spirit in Israeli prisons and concentration camps or when faced with all forms of harassment and intimidation. It struggles for sheer existence and it continues to strive to preserve the Arab character of its land. Thus it resists oppression, tyranny and terrorism in their ugliest forms.



It is through our popular armed struggle that our political leadership and our national institutions finally crystallized and a national liberation movement, comprising all the Palestinian factions, organizations, and capabilities, materialized in the Palestine Liberation Organization.



Through our militant Palestine national liberation movement, our people’s struggle matured and grew enough to accommodate political and social struggle in addition to armed struggle. The Palestine Liberation Organization was a major factor in creating a new Palestinian individual, qualified to shape the future of our Palestine, not merely content with mobilizing the Palestinians for the challenges of the present.



The Palestine Liberation Organization can be proud of having a large number of cultural and educational activities, even while engaged in armed struggle, and at a time when it faced increasingly vicious blows of Zionist terrorism. We established institutes for scientific research, agricultural development and social welfare, as well as centers for the revival of our cultural heritage and the preservation of our folklore. Many Palestinian poets, artists and writers have enriched Arab culture in particular, and world culture generally. Their profoundly humane works have won the admiration of all those familiar with them. In contrast to that, our enemy has been systematically destroying our culture and disseminating, racist, imperialist ideologies, in short, everything that impedes progress, justice, democracy and peace.



The Palestine Liberation Organization has earned its legitimacy because of the sacrifice inherent in its Pioneering role, and because of its dedicated leadership of the struggle. It has also been granted this . legitimacy by the Palestinian masses, which in harmony with it have chosen it to lead the struggle according to its directives. The Palestine liberation Organization has also gained its legitimation . by representing every faction, union or group as well as every Palestinian talent, either in the National Council or in people’s institutions. This legitimacy was further strengthened by the support of the entire Arab nation, and it was consecrated during the last Arab Summit Conference, which reiterated the right of the Palestine Liberation Organization in its capacity as the . sole representative of the Palestinian People, to establish an independent national State on all liberated Palestinian territory.



Moreover, the Palestine Liberation Organization’s legitimacy was intensified as a result of fraternal support g movements and by friendly, like-minded nations that stood by our side, encouraging and aiding us in our struggle to secure our national rights.



Here 1 must also warmly convey the gratitude of our revolutionary fighters and that of our people to the non-aligned countries, the socialist countries, the Islamic countries, the African countries and friendly European countries, as well as ail our other friends in Asia, Africa and Latin America.



The Palestine Liberation Organization represents the Palestinian people, legitimately and uniquely. Because of this, the Palestine Liberation Organization expresses the wishes and hopes of its people. Because of this, too, it brings these very wishes and hopes before you, urging you not to shirk a momentous historic responsibility towards our just cause.

For many years now, our people has been exposed to the ravages of war, destruction and dispersion. It has paid in the blood of its sons that which cannot ever be compensated. It has borne the burdens of occupation, dispersion, eviction and terror more uninterruptedly than any other people. And yet all this has made our people neither vindictive nor vengeful. Nor has it caused us to resort to the racism of our enemies. Nor have we lost the true method by which friend and foe are distinguished.



For we deplore ail those crimes committed against the Jews, we also deplore all the real discrimination suffered by them because of their faith.



I am a rebel and freedom is my cause. 1 know well that many of you present here today once stood in exactly the same resistance position as I now occupy and from which 1 must fight. You once had to convert dreams into reality by your struggle. Therefore you must now share my dream. 1 think this is exactly why I can ask you now to help, as together we bring out our dream into a bright reality, our common dream for a peaceful future in Palestine’s sacred land.

As lie stood in an Israeli military court, the Jewish revolutionary, Ahud Adif, said : “I am no terrorist ; I believe that a democratic State should exist on this land.” Adif now languishes in a Zionist prison among his co-believers. To him and his colleagues 1 send my heartfelt good wishes.



And before those same courts there stands today a brave prince of the church, Bishop Capucci. Lifting his fingers to form the same victory sign used by our freedom-fighters, he said : “What 1 have done, 1 have done that all men may live on this land of peace in peace.” This princely priest will doubtless share Adif’s grim fate. To him we send our salutations and greetings.



Why therefore should 1 not dream and hope ? For is not revolution the making real of dreams and hopes ? So let us work together that my dream may be fulfilled, that 1 may return with my people out of exile, there in Palestine to live with this Jewish freedom-fighter and his partners, with this Arab priest and his brothers, in one democratic State where Christian, Jew and Moslem live in justice, equality, fraternity and progress.

Is this not a noble dream worthy of my struggle alongside all lovers of freedom everywhere ? For the most admirable dimension of this dream is that it is Palestinian, a dream from out of the land of peace, the land of martyrdom and heroism, and the land of history, too.



Let us remember that the Jews of Europe and the United States have been kmown to lead the struggles for secularism and the separation of Church and State. They have also been known to fight against discrimination on religious grounds. How then can they continue to support the most fanatic, discriminatory and closed of nations in its policy ?

In my formal capacity as Chairrnan of the Palestine Liberation Organization and leader of the Palestinian revolution 1 proclaim before you that when we speak of our common hopes for the Palestine of tomorrow we include in our perspective all Jews now living in Palestine who choose to live with us there in peace and without discrimination.

In my formal capacity as Chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization and leader of the Palestinian revolution I call upon Jews to turn away one by on from the illusory promises made to them by Zionist ideology and Israeli leader ship. They are offering Jews perpetual bloodshed endless war and continuous thraldom.



We invite them to emerge from their moral isolation into a more open realm of free choice, far from their present leadership’s efforts to implant in them a Massada complex.



We offer them the most generous solution, that we might live together in a framework of just peace in Our democratic Palestine.



In my formal capacity as Chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization, I announce here that we do not wish one drop of either Arab or Jewish [blood] to be shed ; neither do we delight in the continuation of killing, which would end once a just peace,9 based on Our people’s rights, hopes and aspirations had been

In my formal capacity as Chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization and leader of the Palestinian revolution I appeal to you to accompany Our people in its struggle to attain its right to self-determination. This right is consecrated in the United Nations Charter and bas been repeatedly confirmed in resolutions adopted by this august body since the drafting of the Charter. I appeal to you, further, to aid Our people’s return to its homeland from an involuntary exile imposed upon it by force of arms, by tyranny, by oppression, so that we may regain Our property, Our land, and thereafter live in Our national homeland, free and sovereign, enjoying all the privileges of nationhood. Only then can we pour all our resources into the mainstream of human civilization. Only then car Palestinian creativity be concentrated on the service of humanity. Only then will Our Jerusalem resume its historic role as a peaceful shrine for all religions.



I appeal to you to enable Our people to establish national independent sovereignty over its own land.

Today I have come bearing an olive branch and a freedom fighter’s gun. Do not let the olive branch fall from my hand. I repeat : do not let the olive branch fall from my hand.

 

[bagamoyo]

MICHEL AFLAQ​

MICHEL AFLAQ​

Michel Aflaq (Arabic: ميشيل عفلق, romanized: Mīšīl ʿAflaq‎, Arabic pronunciation: [miˈʃel ˈʕaflaq]; 9 January 1910 – 23 June 1989) was a Syrian philosopher, sociologist and Arab nationalist. His ideas played a significant role in the development of Ba'athism and its political movement; he is considered by several Ba'athists to be the principal founder of Ba'athist thought.

Since 2007, the English Wikipedia page of Michel Aflaq has received more than 1,005,250 page views. His biography is available in 33 different languages on Wikipedia (up from 32 in 2019).

Michel Aflaq is the 3,352nd most popular politician (down from 2,967th in 2019), the 42nd most popular biography from Syria (down from 35th in 2019) and the 19th most popular Syrian Politician.

Michel Aflaq was a Syrian philosopher and Arab nationalist. He is most famous for co-founding the Ba'ath Party

 

[bagamoyo]

Lebanon

Lebanese outgoing President Michel addresses his supporters as he leaves the presidential palace a day before his six-year term officially ends, in Baabda, Lebanon October 30, 2022 [Mohamed Azakir/Reuters]
Published On 30 Oct 202230 Oct 2022


Lebanon’s President Michel Aoun has vacated the presidential palace with no successor in line to replace him as the divided country struggles to recover from a years-long financial crisis.

Addressing his supporters outside the Baabda presidential palace in Beirut on Sunday, the 89-year-old Christian leader, who took office in 2016, said the Middle East country was entering a new “chapter which requires huge efforts”.

“Without these efforts, we cannot put an end to our suffering. We cannot bring our country back on its feet. We cannot salvage Lebanon out of this deep pit,” he said in front of cheering supporters, leaving a day earlier than when his mandate ends.

Source : aljazeera

 

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Egypt names first-ever Christian head of country’s top court​

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In this photo provided by Egypt’s presidency media office, Egyptian President Abdel-Fattah el-Sissi, right, meets with Judge Boulos Fahmy, after he was sworn in as the first-ever Coptic Christian to head the country’s highest court, in Cairo, Egypt, Wednesday, Feb. 9, 2022.

The 65-year-old is the 19th person to preside over the Supreme Constitutional Court since it was established in 1969. (Egyptian Presidency Media Office via AP)
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In this photo provided by Egypt’s presidency media office, Egyptian President Abdel-Fattah el-Sissi, right, swears in Judge Boulos Fahmy, as the first-ever Coptic Christian to head the country’s highest court, in Cairo, Egypt, Wednesday, Feb. 9, 2022. The 65-year-old is the 19th person to preside over the Supreme Constitutional Court since it was established in 1969. (Egyptian Presidency Media Office via AP)

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BY SAMY MAGDY
Published 12:22 PM GMT, February 9, 2022

CAIRO (AP) — Egypt’s president on Wednesday swore in the first-ever Coptic Christian to head the country’s highest court.

Judge Boulos Fahmy is the 19th person to preside over the Supreme Constitutional Court since it was established in 1969. President Abdel Fattah el-Sissi picked the 65-year-old Fahmy from among the court’s five oldest of 15 sitting judges, as is prescribed by law.

Fahmy succeeded Judge Saeed Marei, who retired over health reasons, according to Mohammed Bassal, a respected expert in Egypt’s judicial affairs and editorial manager of the Shorouk daily.

 

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Monir Fakhry Abdel Nour
Minister of Industry, Trade and Investment
Abdel Nour was born into a Coptic Christian family on 21 August 1945. His father, Amin Fakhry Abdel Nour (1912 – 2012), was a Wafdist politician. He graduated from a French high school in Cairo. He received a bachelor's degree from Cairo University's Faculty of Economics and Political Science. He holds a master's degree from the American University in Cairo (AUC) with a thesis entitled "private foreign investment as a source of economic development."

 

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Boutros Boutros-Ghali​

Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali

Born to a Coptic Christian family in Cairo, Boutros-Ghali was an academic by training and taught international law and international relations at Cairo University from 1949 to 1979. His political career began during the presidency of Anwar Sadat, who appointed him acting foreign minister in 1977. In that capacity, he helped negotiate the Camp David Accords and the Egypt–Israel peace treaty between Sadat and Israeli prime minister Menachem Begin. He was acting foreign minister until early 1991, when he served as deputy foreign minister for a few months.

became the sixth Secretary-General of the United Nations on 1 January 1992, when he began a five-year term.

At the time of his appointment by the General Assembly on 3 December 1991, Mr. Boutros-Ghali had been Deputy Prime Minister for Foreign Affairs of Egypt since May 1991 and had served as Minister of State for Foreign Affairs from October 1977 until 1991.

Mr. Boutros-Ghali has had a long association with international affairs as a diplomat, jurist, scholar and widely published author. He became a member of the Egyptian Parliament in 1987 and was part of the secretariat of the National Democratic Party from 1980. Until assuming the office of Secretary-General of the United Nations, he was also Vice- President of the Socialist International.

He was a member of the International Law Commission from 1979 until 1991, and is a former member of the International Commission of Jurists. He has many professional and academic associations related to his background in law, international affairs and political science, among them, his membership in the Institute of International Law, the International Institute of Human Rights, the African Society of Political Studies and the Académie des sciences morales et politique (Académie française, Paris).

Over four decades, Mr. Boutros-Ghali participated in numerous meetings dealing with international law, human rights, economic and social development, decolonization, the Middle East question, international humanitarian law, the rights of ethnic and other minorities, non-alignment, development in the Mediterranean region and Afro-Arab cooperation.

In September 1978, Mr. Boutros-Ghali attended the Camp David Summit Conference and had a role in negotiating the Camp David accords between Egypt and Israel, which were signed in 1979. He led many delegations of his country to meetings of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, as well as to the Summit Conference of the French and African Heads of State. He also headed Egypt's delegation to the General Assembly sessions in 1979, 1982 and 1990.

Mr. Boutros-Ghali received a Ph.D. in international law from Paris University in 1949. His thesis was on the study of regional organizations. Mr. Boutros-Ghali also holds a Bachelor of Laws degree, received from Cairo University in 1946, as well as separate diplomas in political science, economics and public law from Paris University.

Between 1949 and 1977, Mr. Boutros-Ghali was Professor of International Law and International Relations at Cairo University. From 1974 to 1977, he was a member of the Central Committee and Political Bureau of the Arab Socialist Union.

Among his other professional and academic activities, Mr. Boutros-Ghali was a Fulbright Research Scholar at Columbia University (1954-1955); Director of the Centre of Research of The Hague Academy of International Law (1963-1964); and Visiting Professor at the Faculty of Law, Paris University (1967-1968). He has lectured on international law and international relations at universities in Africa, Asia, Europe, Latin America and North America.

Mr. Boutros-Ghali was President of the Egyptian Society of International Law from 1965; President of the Centre of Political and Strategic Studies (Al-Ahram) from 1975; member of the Curatorium Administrative Council of The Hague Academy of International Law from 1978; member of the Scientific Committee of the Académie mondiale pour la paix (Menton, France) from 1978; and associate member of the Institute affari internazionali (Rome) from 1979. He served as a member of the Committee on the Application of Conventions and Recommendations of the International Labour Organisation from 1971 until 1979.

Mr. Boutros-Ghali also founded the publication Alahram Iqtisadi, which he edited from 1960 to 1975, and the quarterly Al-Seyassa Al-Dawlia, which he edited until December 1991.
The more than 100 publications and numerous articles that Mr. Boutros-Ghali has written deal with regional and international affairs, law and diplomacy, and political science.

During the course of his career, Mr. Boutros-Ghali has received awards and honours from 24 countries, which, besides Egypt, include Belgium, Italy, Colombia, Guatemala, France, Ecuador, Argentina, Nepal, Luxembourg, Portugal, Niger, Mali, Mexico, Greece, Chile, Brunei Darussalam, Germany, Peru, C&ocircte d'Ivoire, Denmark, Central African Republic, Sweden and the Republic of Korea. He has also been decorated with the Sovereign Military Order of Malta.

He was awarded a doctorate of law honoris causa from the Institute of State and Law of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow (September 1992); a doctorate honoris causa from l'Institut d'études politiques de Paris (January 1993); the Christian A. Herter Memorial Award from the World Affairs Council, Boston (March 1993); a doctorate honoris causa from The Catholic University of Louvain, Belgium (April 1993); the "Man of Peace" award, sponsored by the Italian-based Together for Peace Foundation (July 1993); an honorary doctorate degree from the University of Laval, Quebec (August 1993); and the Arthur A. Houghton Jr. Star Crystal Award for Excellence from the African-American Institute, New York (November 1993).

In addition, he was given an honorary membership of the Russian Academy of Natural Sciences, Moscow (April 1994); an honorary foreign membership of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow (April 1994); an honourary foreign membership of the Academy of Sciences of Belarus, Minsk, (April 1994); an honorary doctorate from the University Carlos III of Madrid (April 1994); an honorary degree from the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University, Washington, D.C. (May 1994); a doctorate in international law honoris causa from the University of Moncton, New Brunswick, Canada (August 1994); honorary doctorates from the University of Bucharest (October 1994), University of Baku (October 1994), University of Yerevan (November 1994), University of Haifa (February 1995), University of Vienna (February 1995), and University of Melbourne (April 1995); and a doctorate of law honoris causa from Carleton University, Canada (November 1995). He was made a Fellow of Berkeley College, Yale University (March 1995) and is the recipient of the Onassis Award for International Understanding and Social Achievement (July 1995). He was awarded an honorary doctorate of law by the University Montesquien of Bordeau, France (March 1996), and he received an honorary doctorate from Koryo University, Seoul, Republic of Korea (April 1996).

Mr. Boutros-Ghali was born in Cairo on 14 November 1922 and died on 16 February 2016 at the age of 93. He was married to Leia Maria Boutros-Ghali

 

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Iconic activist George Isaac passes away at age 85​

Ahram Online , Saturday 10 Jun 2023​

George Isaac, a prominent activist and dedicated advocate for change, passed away peacefully on Friday at the age of 85, after battling health issues.​

Politician and activist George Isaac protecting Muslim worshippers in Tahrir Square during Egypt s 2011 revolution.

The leader of the Justice Party, Abdelmonem Emam, announced the news on Facebook, describing Isaac as "the saint of national work."

Isaac carved out a notable place in Egypt's political landscape, particularly as a founding member of the Civil Democratic Movement in 2014. This liberal political alliance comprised parties such as the Social Democratic Party and the Bread and Freedom Party.

He also served as general coordinator of the Kefaya (Enough) Movement, officially known as the Egyptian Movement for Change. Formed in 2004, the movement was as a vocal critic of former President Hosni Mubarak's regime and vehemently opposed the notion of dynastic succession within the presidency, particularly after the 2005 presidential elections.

George Isaac's unwavering commitment to social justice was evident during the transformative events of the January Revolution in 2011. His active participation in the protests, notably as a Christian safeguarding Muslim worshippers in Tahrir Square, demonstrated his dedication to national unity and protecting the rights of all citizens.

The official page of the Civil Democratic Movement mourned his passing, celebrating him as “a rare embodiment of the authentic Egyptian character” and a symbol for “toughness, benevolence and optimism.”

The National Council for Human Rights (NCHR), of which Isaac was a respected member until his passing, acknowledged his impact in inspiring Egyptians across different affiliations, a man who left behind a "great human legacy" and a “bright page in political history.”

Isaac’s funeral will be held on Sunday at the Coptic Orthodox Cathedral in Abbassiya.

Remembering George Isaac: A Political Figure and Advocate for Change​

by 9 months ago

This week, we bid farewell to a visionary leader, an advocate for change, and a true patriot – George Isaac.