Why the WARIOBA COMMISSION has failed the nation in many ways!

[Rutashubanyuma]

(d)Mahakama ya Rufani ya Jamhuri ya Muungano



Mahakama ya Rufani

158.-(1) Kutakuwa na Mahakama ya Rufani ya Jamhuri ya Muungano,itakayojulikana kwa kifupi kama "Mahakama ya Rufani" na ambayo itakuwa na: (a) Mwenyekiti wa Mahakama ya Rufani; na
(b) Majaji wengine wasiopungua kumi na saba.



(2) Majaji wa Mahakama ya Rufani watateuliwa kwa kuzingatia sifa zitakazoainishwa katika Katiba hii na uwiano wa uwakilishi wa sehemu mbili za Washirika waMuungano. (3) Sheria zitakazotungwa kwa mujibu wa Katiba za Washirika wa Muungano zitaweka masharti kuhusu utaratibu wa kuwasilisha rufani mbele ya Mahakama ya Rufani, nyakati na sababu za kukata rufani.

Bungeni tunasema kijinsia nusu kwa nusu sasa mahakamani mbona jinsia ni kimya? Huu ni ubaguzi wa kijinsia ulio wazi ila unaendeshwa kimyakimya.

Pili kuna uhaja wa kuweka ukomo wa idadi ya majaji ili kuzuia kuwa na ajira za shukrani.

USHAURI: Idadi ya Majaji tajwa wasipungue 20 na wasizidi 40.

 

[Rutashubanyuma]

(e)Uteuzi wa Majaji wa Mahakama ya Rufani





Uteuzi wa Mwenyekiti wa Mahakama ya Rufani

162.-(1) Mwenyekiti wa Mahakama ya Rufani atateuliwa na Rais kutoka miongoni mwa majina ya watu watatu yatakayopendekezwa na Tume ya Utumishi wa Mahakama.
(2) Mwenyekiti wa Mahakama ya Rufani atakuwa ndiye Mkuu wa Mahakama ya Rufani na msaidizi wa Jaji Mkuu katika utendaji wa kazi katika Mahakama ya Rufani, na katika madaraka hayo, Mwenyekiti wa Mahakama ya Rufani atatekeleza kazi na shughuli atakazopangiwa mara kwa mara na Jaji Mkuu. (3) Mtu anaweza kuteuliwa kuwa Mwenyekiti wa Mahakama ya Rufani endapo atakuwa amefikisha umri wa miaka arobaini na tano au zaidi na mwenye sifa ya uadilifu, tabia njema na uaminifu na: (a) awe na Shahada ya Sheria kutoka katika Chuo Kikuu kinachotambuliwa na mamlaka inayoshughulikia elimu ya juu katika Jamhuri ya Muungano; (b) awe amefanya kazi ya uhakimu, ujaji, utumishi wa umma au uanataaluma akiwa na sifa ya kufanya kazi ya uwakili au ni Wakili wa Kujitegemea; na (c) awe na sifa ya kusajiliwa kuwa wakili,
na amekuwa na sifa hizo mfululizo kwa muda usiopungua miaka kumi.
(4) Kwa kuzingatia masharti ya Ibara ndogo ya (2), iwapo Rais ataridhika kwamba japokuwa: (a) mtu mwenye sifa mojawapo ya hizo sifa zilizoainishwa katika Ibara ndogo ya (2) hakuwa nayo sifa hiyo kwa muda usiopungua miaka kumi; (b) mtu huyo ana uwezo, ujuzi na kwa kila hali anafaa kukabidhiwa madaraka ya Jaji wa Mahakama ya Rufani;

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(c) kuna sababu za kumfanya mtu huyo astahili kukabidhiwa madaraka hayo,
basi Rais anaweza kutengua sharti la kuwa na sifa kwa muda usiopungua miaka kumi, na baada ya kushauriana na Tume ya Utumishi wa Mahakama, Rais anaweza kumteua mtu huyo kuwa Jaji wa Mahakama ya Rufani.

Suala la umri halina ubavu hapa kama kuna kijana alimaliza shahada yake akiwa na miaka 23 kwa mfano na ana utumishi tajwa usiopungua miaka 10 hivyo yeye sasa ni 33 kwanini asifikiriwe wakati sifa nyinginezo anazo?

Umri unatumika kubagua na kuchelewesha wenye vipaji maalumu kupadna ngazi haraka.

Jingine hakuna suala la usiri kwenye teusi hizi ila ni kwenye vyombo vya habari na wenye sifa zote wahahamasishwe wajitokeze badala ya wajumbe wa tume kuangalia marafiki na mahawara zao tu bila ya kujali utendaji wao ukoje na umma unawaonaje!

 

[Rutashubanyuma]

Uteuzi wa Majaji wa Mahakama ya Rufani


163.-(1) Majaji wa Mahakama ya Rufani watateuliwa na Rais kutoka miongoni mwa majina yatakayopendekezwa na Tume ya Utumishi wa Mahakama. (2) Mtu anaweza kuteuliwa kuwa Jaji wa Mahakama ya Rufani endapo atakuwa na sifa ya uadilifu, tabia njema na uaminifu na: (a) awe na shahada ya sheria kutoka katika chuo kinachotambuliwa na mamlaka inayoshughulikia elimu ya juu katika Jamhuri ya Muungano; (b) awe amefanya kazi ya uhakimu, ujaji, utumishi wa umma au uanataaluma akiwa na sifa ya kufanya kazi ya uwakili au ni wakili wa kujitegemea; na (c) awe na sifa ya kusajiliwa kuwa wakili,
na amekuwa na sifa hizo mfululizo kwa muda usiopungua miaka kumi.

teuzi hizi zizingatie uwazi, ushindani, uwakilishi wa kijinsia na ushirikishi wa umma katika vetting process kupitia bunge.

 

[Rutashubanyuma]

165.-(1) Mwenyekiti wa Mahakama ya Rufani atashika nafasi yamadaraka ya Ofisi ya Mwenyekiti wa Mahakama ya Rufani mpaka atakapofikisha umri wa miaka sabini, isipokuwa kama:
(a) atajiuzulu;
(b) kiti chake kitakuwa wazi kutokana na maradhi au kifo; au

(c) atavuliwa wadhifa wa Mwenyekiti wa Mahakama ya Rufani kwa mujibu wa Katiba hii.

Tatizo la ajira za milele ni kuwa hakuna uwajibikaji. Jaji anajua mpaka aundiwe tume ni lini na wakumshauri Raisi kuunda tume ni maswahiba wake ambao wengineo kasoma nao.

utumishi wa umma lazima uwe una ukomo wa pamoja na hakuna upendeleo. Hizi kazi ziwe za mikataba ili kupata wasaa wa kupima kama ipo tija ya kuendelea na huyo msahiliwa.

Suala la miaka 70 ni kulinda ugali lakini hakuna sababu ya maana hasa ukizingatia tuna vijana wengi ambao hawana ajira na sifa wanazo au wangelikuwa nazo ila wanazibiwa nafasi na ajira za milele ambazo ni za kufahamiana na hazina ushindani.

 

[Rutashubanyuma]

Utaratibu wa kushughu- likia nidhamu ya Majaji wa
Mahakama ya Rufani

167.-(1) Utaratibu wa kushughulikia nidhamu ya Majaji wa Mahakama ya Rufani, kwa sababu ambazo ni tofauti na zilizoainishwa katika nafasi ya Ibara ndogo ya (2), utakuwa kama utakavyoelezwa katika Sheria itakayotungwa na Bunge.



(2) Jaji wa Mahakama ya Rufani anaweza kuondolewa katika nafasi ya madaraka yaJaji kwa sababu ya kushindwa kutekeleza kazi yake kutokana na:

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(a) maradhi ya akili au mwili;
(b) kukiuka Kanuni za Maadili ya Majaji wa Mahakama ya Rufani zilizotungwa kwa mujibu wa sheria;
(c) kutokuwa na uwezo wa kumudu kazi za nafasi ya Jaji; au
(d) tabia mbaya au mwenendo usiofaa unaoathiri Sheria ya Maadili ya Viongozi wa Umma.
(3) Mwenyekiti wa Mahakama ya Rufani, Naibu Mwenyekiti wa Mahakama ya Rufani na Jaji wa Rufani wataweza kuondolewa katika nafasi ya madaraka ya Jaji kwa kufuata utaratibu unaofanana na ule uliowekwa kwa ajili ya kumuondoa kazini Jaji Mkuu, Naibu Jaji Mkuu na Jaji wa Mahakama ya Juu kama ilivyoelezwa.

Utaratibu wa kutungiwa sheria na bunge unapaswa kuwekewa maangalizi kama ushiriki wa umma katika zoezi hilo, uwazi katika uhakiki wake ikiwa ni pamoja na kuwahitaji wananchi kujulishwa kupitia vyombo vya khabari kupeleka taarifa kuhusiana na suala husika au masuala yoyote yale yanayogusa mwenendo wa majaji waliomo madarakani.

Ajira za majaji pia zipitiwe na Bunge baada ya Raisi kuwateua kufuatana na utaratibu ambao ni shirikishi kama nilivyoainisha hapo awali.

 

[Rutashubanyuma]

(f)Usimamizi wa Shughuli za Mahakama



Msajili wa
Mahakama

168.-(1)Kutakuwa na Msajili wa Mahakama atakayeteuliwa na Rais kufuatia mapendekezo ya Tume ya Utumishi wa Mahakama na baada kuidhinishwa na Bunge. (2) Mtu hatateuliwa kushika nafasi ya Msajili wa Mahakama isipokuwa tu kama: (a) ana shahada ya sheria kutoka katika chuo kinachotambuliwa kwa mujibu wa Sheria za nchi; (b) awe amefanya kazi ya uhakimu, utumishi wa umma au mwanataaluma akiwa na sifa ya kufanya kazi ya uwakili wa Serikali au ni wakili wa kujitegemea;
(c) awe na sifa ya kusajiliwa kuwa wakili; na
(d) ni mwadilifu na mwenye tabia na mwenendo mwema,
na amekuwa na sifa hizo mfululizo kwa muda usiopungua miaka kumi.

utaratibu tajwa wa kueua kiongozi huu uwe wa wazi na shirikishi kwa maana ya uwajibikaji kama nilivyoanisha hapo awali kwenye nafasi za majaji. Tuache ubabaishaji katika karne ya 21!

 

[Rutashubanyuma]

(f)Usimamizi wa Shughuli za Mahakama



Msajili wa
Mahakama

168.-(1)Kutakuwa na Msajili wa Mahakama atakayeteuliwa na Rais kufuatia mapendekezo ya Tume ya Utumishi wa Mahakama na baada kuidhinishwa na Bunge. (2) Mtu hatateuliwa kushika nafasi ya Msajili wa Mahakama isipokuwa tu kama: (a) ana shahada ya sheria kutoka katika chuo kinachotambuliwa kwa mujibu wa Sheria za nchi; (b) awe amefanya kazi ya uhakimu, utumishi wa umma au mwanataaluma akiwa na sifa ya kufanya kazi ya uwakili wa Serikali au ni wakili wa kujitegemea; (c) awe na sifa ya kusajiliwa kuwa wakili; na
(d) ni mwadilifu na mwenye tabia na mwenendo mwema,
na amekuwa na sifa hizo mfululizo kwa muda usiopungua miaka kumi.





Majukumu ya Msajili wa Mahakama

169.-(1) Msajili wa Mahakama atakuwa na majukumu yafuatayo: (a) kusimamia utekelezaji wa shughuli za kimahakama;
(b) kuratibu masuala ya kimahakama; na
(c) majukumu mengine atakayopangiwa na Jaji Mkuu.
(2) Katika kutekeleza majukumu yake, Msajili wa Mahakama atawajibika kwa Tume ya Utumishi wa Mahakama.





Mtendaji Mkuu wa Mahakama

170.-(1) Kutakuwa na Mtendaji Mkuu wa Mahakama atakayeteuliwa na Rais kutoka miongoni mwa Watumishi wa Umma kufuatia mapendekezo ya Tume ya Utumishi wa Mahakama na kuidhinishwa na Bunge. (2) Mtu hatateuliwa kushika nafasi ya Mtendaji Mkuu wa
Mahakama isipokuwa tu kama ni:
(a) mtumishi wa umma mwandamizi;
(b) ana weledi na uzoefu katika masuala ya utawala na mambo ya fedha; na
(c) mwadilifu na mwenye tabia na mwenendo mwema.

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Majukumu ya Mtendaji Mkuu wa
Mahakama














Tume ya Utumishi wa Mahakama

171.-(1) Mtendaji Mkuu wa Mahakama atakuwa na majukumu yafuatayo: (a) Katibu wa Tume ya Utumishi wa Mahakama; (b) Afisa Masuuli wa Mahakama;
(c) msimamizi mkuu wa Mfuko wa Mahakama;
(d) msimamizi wa masuala ya utawala ya Mahakama; na
(e) atatekeleza majukumu mengine atakayopangiwa na Jaji Mkuu. (2) Katika kutekeleza majukumu yake, Mtendaji Mkuu wa

Mahakama atawajibika kwa Tume ya Utumishi wa Mahakama.
​

nafasi hizi zitangazwe kama nilivyoshauri awali kuondoa upendeleo na ziwe za mikatab aya miaka mitano mitano na umri wa kustaafu uwe miaka 60 tu.

 

[Rutashubanyuma]

SURA YA KUMI NA MOJA UTUMISHI WA JAMHURI YA MUUNGANO





Misingi mikuu ya Utumishi wa Umma

176.-(1) Utumishi wa umma katika Jamhuri ya Muungano utazingatia misingi na kanuni zifuatazo:

(a) utumishi wa umma ni dhamana kutoka kwa wananchi na hivyo mtumishi anatakiwa kutumikia wananchi kwa uadilifu,

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uaminifu na unyenyekevu;
(b) kudumisha na kukuza viwango vya juu vya maadili ya kitaaluma; (c) kuhamasisha matumizi bora na yenye tija ya raslimali;
(d) kutoa huduma kwa umma kwa njia ya haki, usawa na bila upendeleo; (e) kuhamasisha wananchi kushiriki kwenye maandalizi ya sera mbalimbali za nchi; (f) kuitikia matakwa na mahitaji ya watu kwa haraka na kwa wakati unaofaa; (g) kujitolea katika utekelezaji wa sera na mipango ya kitaifa;
(h) uwajibikaji wa viongozi kwa makosa yanayofanyika chini yao; (i) kuhamasisha sera ya uwazi katika kutoa habari za kweli kwa
umma na kwa wakati ufaao; na
(j) kuhakikisha kwamba watu watateuliwa katika nafasi mbalimbali kwa kuzingatia uwezo wa kitaaluma, weledi, maarifa, ujuzi na uzoefu wao katika eneo husika. (2) Misingi na Kanuni za Utumishi wa Umma zilizoainishwa katika Ibara hii zitazingatiwa na kutumika katika uteuzi wa kushika nafasi za madaraka ya uongozi katika: (a) mamlaka katika mihimili yote ya Dola; (b) taasisi na idara zote za Serikali; na
(c) mashirika yote ya Serikali.
(3) Bunge litatunga sheria kuweka masharti ya utekelezaji wa misingi ya utumishi iliyoainishwa katika Ibara ndogo ya (1).




Masharti kuhusu utumishi katika Jamhuri ya Muungano

177. Bila ya kuathiri masharti ya Katiba hii, utumishi wa umma na uongozi katika Jamhuri ya Muungano utazingatia misingi kwamba utoaji wa ajira na uteuzi wa viongozi utakuwa kwa uwiano baina ya Washirika wa Muungano, kwa kuzingatia weledi na taaluma katika eneo au nyanja husika.

ukisoma kijuujuu utafikiri kuna la maana hapo zaidi ya kurudia yale ambayo yamesemwa awali kwenye Ibara zilizotangulia kwenye nafasi zilizotajwa humu.

Yanayokosekana ni pamoja na yafuatayo:-

a) Ajira za umma zitapatikana kwa utaratibu wa uwazi, shirikishi na wenye ushindani kwa wale wote wenye sifa stahiki.

b) Ajira za utumishi wa umma zitakuwa ni za mikataba ili kuongezea uwajibikaji na tija katika kuzitekeleza.

c) Ajira za utumishi wa umma zitakoma ufikapo miaka 60 ili kutoa mwanya kwa vijana nao kushiriki katika kuchangia maendeleo ya nchi yao kupitia utumishi tajwa.

d) Hapatakuwepo malipo ya pensheni kwa watumishi wa umma ambao baada ya kumaliza ajira moja wakapata nyingine hadi pale watakapokuwa wamestaafu kabisa katika utumishi tajwa.

e) vigezo vya umri na jinsia havitatumika katika kuajiri au kubagua watumishi wa umma ila sifa na wweledi ya wahusika tu.

f) Pesa za umma kamwe hazitatumika katika kulipia huduma za afya nje ya nchi ili kuimarisha huduma za afya hapa nchini.

g) Peasa za umma kamwe hazitatumika kugharimia huduma za elimu nje ya nchi kwa elimu mbayo inaweza kupatikana hapa nchini ili kuimarisha huduma tajwa hapa nchini.

 

[Rutashubanyuma]

Tume ya Utumishi wa Umma
178.-(1) Kutakuwa na Tume ya Utumishi wa Umma itakayokuwa na Mwenyekiti na wajumbe wengine sita watakaoteuliwa na Rais na kuidhinishwa na Bunge. (2) Katika kuteua wajumbe wa Tume ya Utumishi wa Umma, Rais atazingatia Kanuni za Utumishi wa Umma zilizoainishwa katika Katiba hii.

(3) Kutakuwa na Katibu wa Tume ya Utumishi wa Umma ambaye atakuwa ndiye Mtendaji Mkuu na mtekelezaji wa majukumu ya kila siku ya Tume.
(4) Katibu wa Tume ya Utumishi wa Umma atateuliwa na Rais baada ya kuidhinishwa na Bunge kutoka miongoni mwa watumishi waandamizi wa Serikali ya Jamhuri ya Muungano.

Jamii ishirikishwe kwenye hili kikamilifu kama nilivyoshauri awali.

 

[Rutashubanyuma]

SURA YA KUMI NA MBILI​

UCHAGUZI KATIKA VYOMBO VYA UWAKILISHI NA VYAMA VYA SIASA​

SEHEMU YA KWANZA UWAKILISHI WA WANANCHI​

Ushiriki katika vyombo vya uwakilishi

180.-(1) Kila raia wa Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania mwenye umri wa miaka kumi na nane au zaidi mwenye akili timamu ana haki ya kupiga kura na haki ya kuandikishwa kwa ajili ya kupiga kura katika uchaguzi au kura ya maoni. (2) Kwa madhumuni ya Ibara ndogo ya (1), mamlaka ya uchaguzi itazingatia misingi ifuatayo: (a) wananchi wanatumia haki ya kisiasa kwa mujibu wa
Katiba hii;
(b) watu wenye ulemavu wanapewa fursa za uwakilishi;
(c) haki ya kila mtu kupiga kura moja kufuatana na utashi wa uwakilishi na kura sawa; na
(d) uchaguzi ulio huru na ambao - (i) ni wa kura ya siri;
(ii) hauna matumizi ya nguvu, vitisho, vishawishi wala rushwa;
(iii) haukuwa na matamshi au vitendo vinavyoashiria ukabila, ukanda, udini, dharau na kashfa kwa

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jinsia au unyanyapaa kwa walemavu au makundi madogo katika jamii;

(iv) unaendeshwa na kusimamiwa na chombo huru;​

na​

(v) unaendeshwa bila upendeleo au kuegemea upande wowote, uliyo makini na inayoonyesha uwajibikaji wa watendaji. (3) Ili kutekeleza masharti ya Ibara ndogo ya (1) na (2), mamlaka ya nchi itaweka utaratibu wa sheria utakaowezesha: (a) mamlaka zinazosimamia uchaguzi kutangaza majimbo kwa madhumuni ya uchaguzi wa wabunge; (b) uteuzi wa wagombea;

(c) uandikishaji endelevu wa wapiga kura;​

(d) kuendesha na kusimamia uchaguzi na kura ya maoni;
(e) kuweka utaratibu wa kuandikisha raia wa Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania wanaoishi nje ili kuweza kupiga kura katika uchaguzi au kura ya maoni; na (f) utaratibu wa kufanya uchaguzi kuwa mwepesi, wazi na unaozingatia mahitaji ya watu wenye mahitaji maalum. (4) Kwa madhumuni ya Ibara ndogo ya (2), kwa lengo la kukuza demokrasia, kulinda Katiba na kuhakikisha panakuwepo uchaguzi huru, kila mpiga kura ana haki ya kufungua shauri Mahakamani kupinga matokeo ya uchaguzi isipokuwa matokeo ya uchaguzi wa Rais,anayoamini yamevunja au kukiuka masharti ya Katiba hii.

Hii Ibara ya ndogo ya nne hadi nimeiwekea rangi nyekundu inathibitisha jinsi hii tume ya warioba ni tume ya dola.

Huku katiba inasema hakuna ubaguzi sasa kuibagua nafasi ya Uraisi na kuwanyima wapigakura kudai haki yao ya msingi na ya kikatiba ya kuhakikisha kura yao haipotei mbona inaminywa?

USHAURI:

Ibara ndogo tajwa irekebishwe na wapigakura wanayo haki ya kuhoji matokeo yoyote yale ambayo walishiriki katika kupigakura badala ya chaguzi za Uraisi kuziweka rtehani ya mikono ya wagombea ambao wanaweza kutufanyia ufisadi wa kutisha na kutoenda ahakamani baada ya pochi kujazwa minoti.

Na jingine kwanini tuwaamini wao wakati haki ni za kila raia wote?

 

[Rutashubanyuma]

SEHEMU YA PILI TUME HURU YA UCHAGUZI​

(a) Muundo wa Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi na Vyama vya

Siasa​

Kuundwa kwa Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi

181.-(1) Kutakuwa na Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi ya Jamhuri ya Muungano kwa ajili ya kusimamia na kuratibu shughuli za uchaguzi na masuala yanayohusu vyama vya siasa na ambayo pia itaitwa "Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi". (2) Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi itaundwa na Mwenyekiti, Makamu Mwenyekiti na wajumbe wengine saba watakaoteuliwa na Rais baada ya kupendekezwa na Kamati ya Uteuzi. (3) Mwenyekiti, Makamu Mwenyekiti na wajumbe wa Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi watashika madaraka mara baada ya kuthibitishwa na Bunge.

(4) Mwenyekiti na Makamu Mwenyekiti wa Tume ya Uchaguzi watakuwa na sifa zifuatazo:
(a) awe ni raia wa kuzaliwa na angalau mmoja kati ya wazazi wake ni raia wa kuzaliwa wa Tanzania;
(b) awe ni mtu aliyewahi kushika wadhifa wa Jaji wa Makakama ya Juu, Mahakama ya Rufani au Mahakama Kuu na ameshika

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wadhifa huo kwa kipindi kisichopungua miaka mitano;
(c) awe ni mtu mwaminifu, mwadilifu, na mwenye mwenendo usiotiliwa shaka na jamii; (d) awe ni mtu ambaye siyo kiongozi, hajawahi kushika wadhifa wowote wa kisiasa katika chama chochote cha kisiasa; na (e) awe ni mtu ambaye hajawahi kutiwa hatiani kwa kosa lolote la jinai linalohusiana na uaminifu. (5) Mjumbe wa Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi atakuwa na sifa zifuatazo:

(a) awe ni raia wa kuzaliwa na angalau mmoja kati ya wazazi wake ni raia wa kuzaliwa wa Tanzania; (b) awe ni mtu mwaminifu, mwadilifu, na mwenye mwenendo usiotiliwa shaka na jamii; (c) awe ni mtu ambaye siyo kiongozi na hajawahi kushika wadhifa wowote wa kisiasa katika chama chochote cha kisiasa;
(d) awe na elimu ya shahada ya chuo kikuu kinachotambuliwa kwa mujibu wa sheria za nchi; na (e) awe ni mtu ambaye hajawahi kutiwa hatiani kwa kosa lolote la jinai linalohusu kukosa uaminifu.

Tume huru ya uchaguzi ni pamoja kuwa na mfuko wake wa fedha kama Bunge au mahakama

Pili kutotegemea serikali za mitaa katika kufanya kazi zake bali kuajiri watumishi wake ambao watasimamia chaguzi zake.

tatu, tume huru siyo jina tu bali kukaa mbali na majaji katika uteuzi wake.

nne, dhamana ya kuteua tume huru iachiwe kamati ya bunge inayohusika na ajira za watumishi serikalini kwa maana ya uhakiki na kuzithibitisha. Mahakama y Rufaa ilikwisha kusema dhamana ya usimamizi wa chaguzi zetu upo Bungeni sasa Jajji mkuu na wengineo wanatoka wapi kama siyo kuiharamisha tume husika?

 

[Rutashubanyuma]

Kamati ya
Uteuzi

182.-(1) Kutakuwa na Kamati ya Uteuzi wa Mwenyekiti, Makamu Mwenyekiti na Wajumbe wa Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi itakayokuwa na muundo ufuatao: (a) Jaji Mkuu wa Jamhuri ya Muungano ambaye atakuwa ni
Mwenyekiti;
(b) Spika wa Bunge la Jamhuri ya Muungano ambaye atakuwa Makamu Mwenyekiti;
(c) Spika wa Baraza la Wawakilishi la Zanzibar; (d) Spika wa Bunge la Tanzania Bara;
(e) Jaji Mkuu wa Tanzania Bara; (f) Jaji Mkuu wa Zanzibar; na
(g) Mwenyekiti wa Tume ya Haki za Binadamu.

(2) Mkurugenzi wa Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi atakuwa Katibu wa

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Kamati ya Uteuzi.
(3) Kamati ya Uteuzi itakuwa na jukumu la kupokea na kuchambua majina ya watu walioomba kuwa wajumbe wa Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi kwa mujibu wa utaratibu utakaoainishwa na sheria iliyotungwa na Bunge. (4) Kwa kuzingatia masharti ya Ibara ndogo ya (3), Kamati ya Uteuzi mara baada ya kuchambua majina ya watu walioomba kuwa wajumbe wa Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi, itapendekeza kwa Rais majina ya watu wanaofaa kuteuliwa kuwa wajumbe wa Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi. (5) Rais atateua Mwenyekiti, Makamu Mwenyekiti na Wajumbe wa Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi kutoka miongoni mwa majina yaliyowasilishwa na Kamati ya Uteuzi na atawasilisha majina hayo Bungeni kwa ajili ya kuthibitishwa na Bunge.

(6) Bunge litatunga Sheria ambayo pamoja na mambo na mengine itaweka masharti kuhusu kiapo cha Mwenyekiti, Makamu Mwenyekiti na Wajumbe wengine wa Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi.

Majaji hawana sababu ya kuwa wahimili wa chaguzi bali kazi yao ni kuchunguza malalamiko kama yatajitokeza. Hivyo jaji Mkuu na wenzie waondolewe.

Kamati ya Bunge ya uteuzi chini ya uenyekiti wa Spika wake ndiyo ifanye shughuli hii kwa kuwashirikisha maspika na manaibu wao wa mabunge ya Tanganyika na Zanzibar.

 

[Rutashubanyuma]

Ukomo wa kushika madaraka ya Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi

183.-(1) Mjumbe wa Tume atashika madaraka kwa kipindi cha miaka mitano na anaweza kuteuliwa tena kwa kipindi kingine kimoja cha miaka mitano. (2) Mtu atakoma kuwa mjumbe wa Tume endapo litatokea tukio lolote kati ya matukio yafuatayo: (a) kifo;
(b) kujiuzulu;
(c) kutokuwa na uwezo wa kutekeleza majukumu yake kwa sababu za kiafya;
(d) kuondolewa kwa makosa ya kukiuka Kanuni za Maadili ya
Uongozi wa Umma;
(e) kutiwa hatiani kwa kosa ambalo adhabu yake ni kifungo gerezani kwa muda unaozidi siku saba; au
(f) kupoteza sifa ya kuteuliwa kuwa mjumbe.

(2) Kwa madhumuni ya utekelezaji bora wa majukumu ya Tume, kutakuwa na kanuni za maadili kama zitakazoainishwa na Sheria itakayotungwa na Bunge.
(3) Mjumbe wa Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi ambaye atakiuka masharti ya Kanuni za Maadili ya Tume atapoteza sifa za kuendelea kuwa mjumbe. (4) Endapo suala la kumuondoa Mjumbe wa Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi kwa kukiuka Kanuni za Maadili ya Uongozi wa Umma litajitokeza, Rais atateua Kamati itakayoundwa na: (a) Jaji wa Mahakama ya Rufani ambaye atakuwa Mwenyekiti; (b) Kamishna wa Tume ya Haki za Binadamu na Utawala Bora; (c) Mjumbe wa Tume ya Maadili na Uwajibikaji; na (d) Mawakili, mmoja kutoka Tanzania Bara na mmoja kutoka Zanzibar watakaopendekezwa na Chama cha Wanasheria Tanganyika na Chama cha Wanasheria Zanzibar, na Kamati hiyo itafanya uchunguzi wa suala hilo na kisha kutoa

‐ 73 ‐​

mapendekezo kwa Rais.

(5) Endapo, baada ya uchunguzi,Kamati itapendekeza kuwa mjumbe huyo asiondolewe, suala la kumuondoa mjumbe huyo litasita.
(6) Kamati itaweka utaratibu wa kufanya uchunguzi.

ukomo wa madaraka uliowekwa hapa ni sahihi na ulipaswa ufuatwe na nyadhifa zote za utumishi wa umma. Badala ya kubaguana kama majaji eti hadi wadunde sabini na kuna CAG kipindi kimoja cha miaka 7. Kuna uhaja wa wote kuwekewa mazingira sawa ya ukomo wa utumishi wa umma kuondoa ubaguzi ambao utajenga hisia za ukubwa na utwana, n.k.

 

[Rutashubanyuma]

Wajibu wa Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi

184.-(1) Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi itakuwa na wajibu wa:
(a) kusimamia na kuendesha shughuli zote za uchaguzi wa Wabunge na Rais katika Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania; (b) kusimamia na kuendesha kura ya maoni;
(c) kusimamia na kuratibu uandikishaji wa wapiga kura katika

Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania;​

(d) kusimamia na kuratibu uandikishaji na shughuli za vyama vya siasa kwa mujibu wa masharti ya Katiba hii na sheria za nchi; (e) kutayarisha na kuchapisha ripoti za kila mwaka kuhusu ripoti za ukaguzi wa fedha wa kila chama cha kisiasa; na (f) kusimamia fedha za ruzuku za Vyama vya Kisiasa.
(2) Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi ya Jamhuri ya Muungano itakuwa pia na wajibu wa kutoa elimu kwa wapiga kura katika uchaguzi au kura ya maoni na kuratibu na kusimamia wananchi, asasi za kiraia, taasisi, jumuiya au makundi ya watu yatakaotoa elimu hiyo. (3) Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi pia ina wajibu wa kuhakikisha kuwepo kwa: (a) uhuru wa wananchi katika kutumia haki ya uchaguzi na kuchaguliwa kupitia vyama vya siasa au mgombea huru; (b) uwakilishi unaozingatia jinsia;
(c) uwakilishi wa watu wenye ulemavu au mahitaji maalumu katika jamii; (d) uzingatiaji wa misingi ya upigaji kura wa mtu mmoja kura moja kwa kuzingatia uwakilishi wenye usawa; na (e) uhuru wa uchaguzi wa haki.
(4) Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi inaweza kutekeleza shughuli zake bila kujali kwamba kuna nafasi ya madaraka ya mjumbe iliyo wazi miongoni mwa wajumbe au kwamba Mjumbe mmojawapo hayupo, lakini kila uamuzi wa Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi ni lazima uungwe mkono na wajumbe walio wengi kati ya Wajumbe wote wa Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi. (5) Katika kutekeleza madaraka yake kwa mujibu wa masharti ya Katiba hii, Tume ya Uchaguzi haitalazimika kufuata amri au maagizo ya mtu yeyote au idara yoyote ya Serikali, au maoni ya chama chochote cha siasa.

(6) Katika utekelezaji wa madaraka yake kwa mujibu wa Katiba hii, Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi itashauriana mara kwa mara na Tume ya Uchaguzi ya Tanzania Bara na Tume ya Uchaguzi ya Zanzibar. (7) Itakuwa ni marufuku kwa watu wanaohusika na uchaguzi kujiunga na chama chochote cha siasa, isipokuwa tu kwamba kila mmoja wao atakuwa na haki ya kupiga kura kuchagua wajumbe katika vyombo

‐ 74 ‐​

vya uwakilishi.
(8) Kwa madhumuni ya Ibara ndogo ya (8), watu wanaohusika na uchaguzi ni-
(a) Mwenyekiti wa Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi;
(b) Makamu Mwenyekiti wa Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi; (c) Wajumbe wote wa Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi;
(d) Mkurugenzi wa Uchaguzi pamoja na watumishi wote wa
Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi;
(e) Msajili wa Vyama vya Siasa; na
(f) Wasimamizi wote wa Uchaguzi.

Tume ionekana mbele ya jamii kuwa ni huru siyo jina pekee bali Katiba kutamka bayana ya kuwa watumishi wa umma kwenye serikali kuu au za mitaa kamwe hawaruhisiwi kushiriki katika shughuli za Tume. Tume itaajiri watumishi wake ambao watafanya kazi zake.

Suala la usajili wa wapigakura linatakiwa kuwa la kudumu na endelevu badala ya kushtukiza na lenya muda kiduchu kwa minajili ya kuwazuia wapigakura vijana kuchagua viongozi wawatakao.

Tatu, tume ya uchaguzi kama vile Bunge, Mahakama iwe na kasma yake na mgawo wake uwe na asilimia inayofahamika ya mapato yote.

Haya ni baadhi tu ya msharti ya kuhakikisha tume kweli ni huru siyo ubabaishaji wa kuzuga wapigakura kwa kulemba jina huku ndani hakuna la maana ambalo limebadilika.

 

[Rutashubanyuma]

(c) Mkurugenzi wa Uchaguzi na Msajili wa Vyama vya Siasa



Utekelezaji wa majukumu ya Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi

187.-(1) Kwa madhumuni ya utekekelezaji wa majukumu yake, Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi itagawanywa katika sehemu kuu mbili, sehemu ya uchaguzi na sehemu ya usajili wa vyama vya siasa.

(2) Kwa madhumuni ya Ibara ndogo ya (1), kutakuwa na:
(a) Mkurugenzi wa Uchaguzi ambaye atakuwa ndiye msimamizi na mtekelezaji mkuu wa majukumu ya kila siku ya Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi kuhusiana na masuala ya uchaguzi, uandikishaji wa wapiga kura na uendeshaji wa kura ya maoni; na (b) Msajili wa Vyama vya Siasa ambaye atakuwa ndiye msimamizi na mtekelezaji mkuu wa majukumu ya Tume kuhusiana na usajili na usimamizi wa shughuli za vyama vya siasa. (3) Mkurugenzi wa Uchaguzi na Msajili wa Vyama vya Siasa watatekeleza majukumu yao kwa kufuata utaratibu ulioainishwa na sheria za nchi kuhusu masuala ya uchaguzi na vyama vya siasa. (4) Mkurugenzi wa Uchaguzi na Msajili wa Vyama vya Siasa watatekeleza majukumu yao kwa kusaidiwa na watendaji ambao ni watumishi wa umma kwa kadri ya idadi inayohitajika. (5) Uteuzi wa Mkurugenzi wa Uchaguzi na Msajili wa Vyama vya Siasa utafanywa na Rais baada ya kuthibitishwa na Bunge.
(6) Katika kutekeleza majukumu yao, Mkurugenzi wa Uchaguzi na Msajili wa Vyama vya Siasa watawajibika kwa Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi.

Uteuzi wa Raisi wa maafisa tajwa ufanyike baada ya Tume ya uteuzi kumsaili na kumpendekeza kutokana na utaratibu ambao ni wazi, huru, shirikishi, na shindani.

 

[Rutashubanyuma]

Two conflicting decisions of the courts lent different perspectives over the jurisdiction of the Courts to resolve presidential election disputes. Paradoxically the decision of the lower Court- that is the High Court- was the one given a higher precedence mainly because it involved the political bigwigs in the opposition - Mrema Augustine among others- while the Court of Appeal decision on Walid Kabourou was not given the respect it truly deserved.

Read for yourself the relevant aspects of those two decision and decide for yourself:-

[zRPz]AUGUSTINE LYATONGA MREMA AND OTHERS v ATTORNEY-GENERAL AND OTHERS 1996 TLR 273 (HC)

Court	High Court of Tanzania - Dar es Salaam
Judge	Maina J, Kyando J, Mackanja J

G


MISC CIVIL CAUSE NO 59 OF 1995
13 November H
[zFNz]Flynote
Elections - Election petition - Supporting affidavit - Facts asserted not in personal knowledge of deponent - Affidavit not conforming to provisions of Order XIX rule 3(1) of Civil Procedure Code
Elections - Election petition - Jurisdiction of High Court to enquire into election of President - I Jurisdiction ousted by article 41(7) of Constitution.....................................


.....................................................



[zFNz]Flynote
Elections - Election petition - Supporting affidavit - Facts asserted not in personal knowledge of deponent - Affidavit not conforming to provisions of Order XIX rule 3(1) of Civil Procedure Code
Elections - Election petition - Jurisdiction of High Court to enquire into election of President - I Jurisdiction ousted by article 41(7) of Constitution
1996 TLR p274

[zHNz]Headnote
The petitioners sought declaratory orders in the High Court that the whole electoral A process nationwide be nullified; that the electoral Commission be reconstituted after some condition was fulfilled; that fresh general elections be held nationwide; that the third and fourth respondents be barred from participating in any elections for five years; and for ancillary relief. The petitioners contended that the misconduct complained of had B been made throughout the country and in almost every constituency; that the Presidential election was involved in the petition; and that once a Presidential candidate was declared elected, the jurisdiction of the Court was ousted.
The respondents raised preliminary objections that the application was incompetent C because the supporting affidavit did not conform with the provisions of order XIX rule 3(1) of the Civil Procedure Code; that the application should be dismissed because on a balance of convenience the second respondent would suffer greater injury than his adversaries; and that the petitioners had not shown that they were likely to succeed in D their petition. It was contended that the founding affidavit contained assertions of fact which were not in the deponent's personal knowledge.
Held:
(i) What was contained in the the founding affidavit was knowledge obtained by the deponent from other people who allegedly witnessed the misconduct. In those circumstances the affidavit did not comply with rule 3(1) which required E the affidavit to be confined to facts of which the deponent had personal knowledge. Where an affidavit was based on the deponent's beliefs, grounds for such beliefs had to be disclosed. Failure to disclose the source of information rendered the affidavit defective. The petition had to fail on this ground alone.
F (ii) Article 41(7) of the Constitution, in unambiguous language, ousted the jurisdiction of the High Court to inquire into the election of the President once the National Electoral Commission had declared the election results. If it was necessary to vest in the court powers it was asked to exercise, then Parliament should have made it clear in the Constitution in relation to this very important matter. G
[zCIz]Case Information
Petition dismissed with costs.
Cases referred to:
1. Ibrahim Mancharle Marwa v The Attorney General and the Director of Elections Civil Case No 3 of 1995 (unreported) H
2. Salima Vuai Foum v Registrar of Co-operative Societies and three others Civil Appeal no 36 of 1996 (unreported)
3. Lakshminarasmhiah and others v Yorakki Gowder [1965] AIR 310
Dr Lamwai and Mvungi for the Petitioners. I
Mr Salula, Mr Mwidunda and Mrs Katinda for the First and Second Respondents.
1996 TLR p275

MACKANJA, J
Mr Kapinga for Third Respondent. A
Mr Muccadam for Fourth Respondent.

 

[Rutashubanyuma]

[zRPz]ATTORNEY-GENERAL AND TWO OTHERS v AMAN WALID KABOUROU 1996 TLR 156 (CA)

Court	Court of Appeal of Tanzania - Dar es Salaam
Judge	Nyalali CJ, Kisanga JJA and Mfalila JJA

F


CIVIL APPEALS NOS 32 AND 42 OF 1994
28 December, 1994, and 31 January, 1995 G
[zFNz]Flynote
Constitutional Law - Elections - Official proclamation (tamko rasmi) by Electoral Commission - Whether the courts can inquire into the validity thereof - Article 74(12) of the Constitution.
Administrative Law - Elections - Electoral Commission's power to issue regulations - extent of H such power - Article 74(6)(b) of the Constitution and Section 124(1) of the Elections Act, 1985.
Electoral Law - Nullification of elections - Grounds for - What constitutes such grounds - Section 108 of the Elections Act, 1985.
Electoral Law - Elections - Complaints pursuant thereto - whether a `corrupt practice' or `corrupt I motive' constitutes a tenable com-
1996 TLR p157

plaint - What amounts to a `corrupt practice' or `corrupt motive' - Elections Act, 1985, and A Prevention of Corruption Act, 1972, compared.
Electoral Law - Counting of ballots - Dissatisfaction with the count - course of action of dissatisfied party - Section 78 of the Elections Act. B
Civil Practice and Procedure - Locus standi in judicio - Whether Radio Tanzania Dar es Salaam is a legal person capable of being sued - Whether it was validly joined as a party.
Defamation - Election campaigns - What constitutes defamation in an electoral context - C Whether an election campaign can constitute an excuse for defamation.
Nationality - Citizenship - How established - Citizenship Act, 1961, Cap. 512 read with the British Nationality Act, 1948.
[zHNz]Headnote
The High Court at Tabora allowed a petition by the Respondent filed under Section 108 D of the Elections Act, 1985, as amended, and duly declared the results of a certain parliamentary by-election null and void. The Third Appellant, Azim Suleman Premji, had as a result of the by-election been declared the new M.P. for Kigoma Urban Constituency. E
The present appeal is a consolidation of two separate appeals begun, on the one hand, by the aggrieved Third Appellant, and on the other hand, by the First and Second Appellants jointly. The First Appellant was joined as a respondent in the High Court petition as a necessary party, pursuant to rule 4(1) of the Elections (Election Petitions) Rules, 1971. The Second Appellant, Radio Tanzania Dar es Salaam, was sued in the F petition because the Respondent alleged that its broadcasts had affected the results of the by-election.
On 28 December 1994, this Court dismissed the appeal with costs, including those incurred in the Court below. The Court's reasons were supplied on 31 January, 1995. G
The facts appear from the reasons for judgment.
Held:
(i) The High Court of this country has a supervisory jurisdiction to inquire into the legality of anything done or made by a public authority, and this jurisdiction includes the power to inquire into the legality of an official proclamation by the H Electoral Commission (tamko rasmi).
(ii) The Electoral Commission is empowered in terms of the Elections Act to make only such regulations as are in furtherance of specific provisions of the Act or in furtherance of the purpose of the whole Act. This power of the Commission is, I however, to be exercised subject to the underlying constitutional principle which requires democratic

1996 TLR p158

A elections to be free and fair, and this principle should be read into the Elections Act.
(iii) Although, in casu, the tamko rasmi was issued in the furtherance of free and fair elections, it is invalid due to the Vice-Chairman of the Electoral Commission having signed it instead of the Chairman, as is required by Section 3 of the Act. B
(iv) There are grounds other than those stated in Section 108 of the Elections Act for the nullification of election results. Such other grounds include `anything which renders the elections unfree (sic) or unfair', as well as any law which seeks to protect `unfree (sic)' or unfair elections, since such would be unconstitutional.

My point is CDM were legally wrong not to pursue their presidential election dispute of 2010 in our courts based on the current constitutional setup based on the findings of the Appeals Court in the Walid Kabourou case where the Court established beyond reasonable doubt that if the electoral Commission conducts an election without following the due process of the electoral law that conduct will be unconstitutional and the High Court has judicial power and jurisdiction to intervene when called to do so.

 

[Rutashubanyuma]

WARIOBA COMMISSION SCHEMES FOR ‘BUSINESS AS USUAL".


The legislative mischief behind the on-going constitutional amending process is unconstitutional because an ordinary act of the House cannot upset the prevailing constitutional order which has its own strict provisions for amendments.


At the moment the status quo; irrespective of pretentious ideological differences, is in total tandem that political expediency should topple legal harness! Despite the genuine quest for refurbishing our constitutional order but our Augusta House has set in motion a dangerous precedent which one day will leave us squirming for restoration of constitutional supremacy in a manner that will unleash chaos and pain to all of us.


After the House has tossed out of the window the constitutional imperatives behind a binding constitutional amending process then everything thereafter was unconstitutional leaving us in both moral and legal limbo of whether should the political ends; however desirable they might be to our leaders, triumph over the legal means already in place?


Whether it was the rulers of the day or those pretenders determined to replace them a promise of a morsel of bread and a piece of silver were sufficient to cajole them into political union of convenience at our collective peril!


Spilling out of this unconstitutional mess, few legal and political experts contemplate the status quo has sufficient moral and legal leverage to drive this process in a manner that "the led" and "their leaders" will arrive at a social contract that accommodates both of them.


Even though the Warioba draft constitution skimpily acknowledges historical fact of the existence of Tanganyika but they speedily succumb to past political denials whereby being a Tanganyika is sinful! Any nation which denies of her historical reality never prospers and one has a genuine justification querying the Warioba commission whether at heart they wish this nation well! The notion of "Mainland Tanzania" which they are tamping upon us lacks literal or legal counsel. Unless there is Tanzanian Isles there can never be Mainland Tanzania and knowing the latter is a political taboo then equal treatment before the law demands even the former semantics be the taboo too.


Again how do we christen ourselves mainlanders while we brandish a long maiden beach in our enviable list of dearest possessions? If Zanzibar is not a mainland because it is marooned by the sea then Tanganyika cannot also be called mainland because it owns large swathes of sea beaches. It is ridiculous; for instance, for anyone to name Kenya a mainland knowing it has a sea of its own just like Zanzibar does.


Proposals of discriminating men and women, for the purposes and intents of appeasing our colonial masters, that Tanzanian women are "politically liberated" smacks of hypocrisy and self-indulgence. The proposal romancing us to a fifty-fifty gender quota system is based on law enforcement and not voters' preferences! In every way, it is a feint acknowledgement that women in Tanzania will never compete with men in equal footing something which is counterproductive and takes away most gains our women have secured for themselves in our post-independence history of struggling for respect and inclusion.

The easiest way out of this constitutional maze was a constitutional imposition upon political parties to ensure a third of their nominees to any public position in aggregate form accommodate either of the gender, and that legal effort would have gone a long way to secure some decency of gender parity while permitting voters to determine the composition of their leaders at the ballot box and not from disenfranchisement of voters through electoral infringements laced in the law which may excel in catalyzing voter apathy, a pestilence now threatening to derail our democratic aspirations.


Another parameter not considered by the Warioba commission is the gerrymandering they are proposing to accommodate the presumed "women empowerment" which comes at a huge cost to accentuating marginalization of local communities with inadequate tribal math. The larger the constituents tend to be the more political leverage larger ethnicities will wield and smaller tribes will be left to fend for crumbs. Again this is another factor which fortifies voter apathy when marginalized communities feel even more marginalized following this new constitutional order being approved.

The successful candidates will hail from larger communities defrauding the smaller communities and in the process offering every excuse to the victims of marginalization not to turn up at the ballot box because of the perceived disempowerment. What we need is expansion of democratic orbit via having 70 constituents being subjected to one constituent touting one MP rather than a half of those constituents to accommodate gender delusions.


Appointments of MPs with disabilities ought to be left upon political parties and a formula for selection be based on total national vote ratio garnered and the president, surely, has no business meddling on the independence of the House.


While there was flimsy appearance of public service values being embedded in the draft, however, the real stimuli behind official graft, tribalism, nepotism, cronyism, and, religious and gender acrimony were left to cater for themselves! Unless public service values proffer equal treatments to all positions of the same status, imposes transparency, competition, inclusion and public participation in vetting process to all public dockets this draft is not worthy of the ink it was written upon. Issues of performance benchmarks were not considered, at all! All public servants must be subjected to a thorough short term contractual obligations that are renewable after the public has also has its say on performance.
It is unthinkable to allow judges to retire at 70 while the rest of public service is left at 60 and those judges are not subjected to a rigorous public participatory competition anchored in a parliamentary vetting process and not even those judges being hemmed under short term contracts of not exceeding five years.

The daunting question remains where is the performance benchmark for judges if backlog cases have to be vitiated? In the same breath, the judicial commission that hires judges ought to be obtained from a democratic process within the stakeholders which are judges depending on the Bench level from the High Court to the Supreme one, lawyers and the civil society as representatives of non-governmental interests. The inclusion of two professors there is illegal representation. Whose interests do the dons cater if not appeasing Prof. Kabudi who is a bellwether of this Warioba commission on legal matters?

The draft was supposed to find ways to include in the judicial service commission members of the public who suffer most at venal judicial services and non-governmental bodies could have easily and justifiably handed over that locus standi. Please limit the number of two members to each of the representation of the said stakeholders and accommodate gender parity, as well there.


Similarly, public funds geared for educational and medical treatments abroad ought to be outlawed if we ever aspire to improve our pathetic educational and health services. Why should policy makers be sheltered from the mistakes and insensitivities they show to our public service and not be accountable through compelling them to use them just like any other citizens? Then there is an issue of proliferation of widening of emoluments gaps. We need a constitutional office that will adjust emoluments to all public servants from the president to the cleaner to ensure the extant pay injustices are eroded and we bring back sanity, public loyalty and hard-work to the public service culture. We cannot allow ordinary acts of parliament to discriminate national leaders from other public servants in pension plans.

The Warioba commission thinks by sheltering the office of president through the consolidated fund will justify paying our presidential retirees through the nose because not even the House has been given powers to rein on this coffer! The basis of equity in emoluments is based upon team work values and that no one can pull off the betterment of public services on his own and mystifying the office of the president is part of the problem and not the solution. Public service retirees should not earn any pension if they secure permanent public service employment. At the moment we have an ex-Premier and an ex- House Speaker who dabble in the House pocketing a salary and a pension at the same time! This daylight robbery of public funds should end with this constitutional order.

On the impeachment process, the draft has failed to take a critical look at the principles of natural justice. First and foremost, the judicial encroachment on parliamentary impeachment process offends the independence of the House. Hence, that judicial fracas should be vitiated. The Chief Justice has no business interfering with impeachment process once it has been invoked. The role of the Supreme Court comes handy if the prosecuted president feels his constitutional rights to a fair hearing have been infringed and takes his legal anguish to the Supreme Court. A lower House of either Tanganyika or Zanzibar ought to prosecute the president and if more than fifty percent of votes in that House are secured the president stays impeached and must vacate temporarily the office pending the vote of the whole Union House where a simple majority should be sufficient to end his employment services.

The Warioba commission has raised the bar of impeachment from two-third to three quarters! The message there is amply laud and clear that the institution of presidency has lost all pretense to legitimacy now it needs the constitution to lend to it that right to rule! For a president who can come to office on simple majority he should also vacate the office on the same simple majority, and that will rebuild our pillars of accountability which are lacking in our constitutional order.


On similar countenance, one House cannot and should not play the roles of a prosecutor, investigator, a witness and a judge all rolled into one sleeve. There is a need to apportion impeachment powers to lower Houses; namely, of Tanganyika or Zanzibar. Either of the lower House can initiate impeachment proceedings and play the role of an investigation and prosecuting committee, and if that House approves the impeachment proceedings in a simple majority vote then the Union House may vote either to uphold or to rescind the impeachment intent from that lower House by the same simple majority vote. Before voting, relevant Houses must be given an opportunity to debate thoroughly on issues leveled against the president, and (s)he too be given an opportunity to address the Houses before the voting takes place.


On the electoral body, it defies both logic and commonsense that the will of the people is vested to an appointment committee that is not directly accountable to voters! That is preposterous, to say the least. Only the Union House has been vested with the vanguard and guardianship obligations to the will of Tanzanian voters. Hence, a relevant committee ought to advertise all positions of the electoral commissioners, shortlist them and interview them while encouraging public participation in a form of affidavits and where relevant physical appearance of the accused upon establishment of serious adverse allegations. After the committee has approved the names of the nominees then the report is sent to House speaker where full debate is carried out and secret voting takes place for ratification.

Those nominees who garner more than fifty percent their names are taken to the president for official appointment. Chief Justices have no legal mandate to encroach on parliamentary powers and the electoral body will be seen and perceived truly independent if no central or local government official hibernates in it during elections as transient electoral officers. Conflict of interests between the electoral body and the civil servants compels us to debar the civil servants from having a final say to our elections or the renaming of the electoral body will not serve the purposes of muffling our voices of suspected rigged elections.

 

[Rutashubanyuma]

mageuzi ya polisi ambayo yamo kwenye rasimu ya katiba yanasisitiza kulinda mfumo uliopo na dhana nzima ya polisi jamii wala haikujumuishwa kama ambavyo yatakikana. Uwajibikaji wa polisi kwenye jamii ndiyo maana sahihi ya polisi jamii na wala sivyo kama ambavyo kwenye Rasimu ilivyowekwa ambapo polisi wataendelea kuwasikiliza watawala kwa kuwa ndiyo teuzi zao zategemea badala ya raia ambao wametengwa kwenye teuzi zao. Hivyo kwa vile uwajibikaji siyo kwa wananchi bali kwa watawala tusitegemee mabadiliko yoyote yale kwenye utendaji wa jeshi la polisi hadi pale teuzi hizo zitakapohusisha raia na kukamilisha kabisa dhana nzima ya polisi jamii ambayo ndiyo itatuondolea kero nyingi hususani za kubambikiziwa kesi, mauaji ya kudhamiria yanayofanywa na jeshi la polisi na dhuluma nyinginezo kama ushiriki wa jshi la polisi kwenye biashara haramu za madawa ya kulevya, magendo na wizi wa kutumia silaha ambapo polisi wamekuwa wakishukiwa...........mara kwa mara kuwa ndiyo vinara wa hizo dhuluma dhidi ya raia.

 

[Rutashubanyuma]

mkutano wa jana wa vyama vya upinzani ulikuwa ni usanii mtupu. Yawaje waliafiki kuingizwa mjini na kushiriki kwenye tume ya warioba huku wakijua ni batili walipokula wakasaza sasa wadai sheria nzima ya mchakato wa marekebisho ya katiba siyo shirikishi?

Kwanza waombe msamaha kwa kuturubuni na mengineyo yatafuatia baada ya hapo.........