Uonavyo: Kati ya KWAME NKRUMAH na J K NYERERE. Yupi anastahili heshima ya kisiasa ki mataifa?

[mharakati]

Nkrumah aliifilisi ghana miaka mich[JFMP3]ache tu baada ya uhuru wakati ghana ilipata uhuru huku ikiwa na hazina ya kutosha tofauti na tanzania

 

[Kigogo]

Nyani,
Ngoja nijidai kidogo hapa. Mwaka 1972 nikiwa chuoni rafiki yangu kutoka Trinidad and Tobago alinichukua nyumbani kwa CLR James hapa Washington. Alipojua natoka Tanzania hakutaka niondoke. Needless to say, nyumbani kwake kuligeuka kuwa mahali pa kutembelea baada ya masomo. I just came to realize a few years later how much historic this man was.

kheee Jasusi kumbe wewe ni wa zamani hivi....mweeee 1972 ulishaendaga amerika...? shakamoo bana

 

[Jumakidogo]

hivi wewe unamzungumzia kwame nkrumah yupi?au kuna kwame nkrumah mabwepande...?Kwame nayemjua mimi kumfananisha na JK ni sasa na kufananisha sukari na mavi ya kuku...

Walewale! Kama hujui kitu si ukae kimya tu. Hakuna ulazima wa kujianika umbumbumbu wako hapa. Acha watu wachambue mada, kuna mambo zaidi usioyajua leo utayajua hapa.

 

[Jasusi]

Nkrumah aliifilisi ghana miaka mich[JFMP3]ache tu baada ya uhuru wakati ghana ilipata uhuru huku ikiwa na hazina ya kutosha tofauti na tanzania

Nkrumah aliwekeza kwenye miundombinu ya Ghana kukiwa pamoja na bwawa la Akasombo ambalo lingefanya nchi ijitegemee katika uchumi. Wamarekani wali sabotage mipango ya maendeleo ya Ghana na miradi mingi aliyoanzisha Nkrumah ikageuka kuwa white elephant.

 

[MTAZAMO]

Ni kweli Nkrumah alipata muamko mkubwa wa kuunganisha watu weusi wote duniani, na pia kuunganisha nchi za Kiafrika, alipokuwa mwanafunzi Amerika. Yeye mwenywe alisema kwamba kiongozi aliyesaidia kumuamsha kiasi hicho kuliko mtu yeyote alikuwa ni Marcus Garvey na kitabu chake, Philisophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey. Garvey alikuwa ni proponent wa Back-to-Africa movement.

Marcus Garvey alikuwa ni M-Jamaica aliyehamia Amerika.

Garvey alijiuliza maswali haya: ""Where is the black man's government? Where is his King and his kingdom? Where is his President, his ambassador, his country, his men of big affairs? I could not find them and then I declared, 'I will help to make them.'"

Nkrumah hakusahau hayo.

Hata jina la bendera ya Ghana, Black Star, ambayo ina nyota nyeusi, linatokana na jina la Black Star Line, kampuni ya meli iliyoanzishwa na Marcus Garvey kuwasaidia watu weusi duniani kufanya biashara na hatimaye kuwasafirisha descendants of African slaves kutoka Amerika na Caribbean kurudi Afrika. Ni Nkrumah aliyeipa bendera ya Ghana jina hilo la Black Star. Mpaka leo, hata timu ya mpira, ambayo ni timu ya taifa, Ghana, inaitwa Black Stars.

Marcus Garvey's slogan was "Africa for Africans, those at home and those abroad." Nkrumah used the same slogan and embraced people of African descendent in the diaspora as fellow Africans.

Uamuzi huo wa Nkrumah wa kuchagua jina la Black Star na kuipa bendera ya taifa jina hilo unanikumbusha wimbo wetu wa taifa, Mungu Ibariki Afrika, ambao umejadiliwa sana hapa Jamii Forums. Kutokana na kauli ya ndugu yetu mmoja mpigania uhuru Afrika Kusini, Jabulani....(nimesahau jina lake la mwisho), Nyerere alimwambia kwenye party, East London, 1960, kwamba ameuchagua wimbo, Nkosi Sikelel' iAfrika, kuwa wimbo wa taifa la Tanganyika nchi yetu itakapopata uhuru.

Nkosi Sikelel' iAfrika inamaanisha God Bless Africa. Wimbo wetu wa taifa ni Mungu Ibariki Afrika (God Bless Africa). Hakuna tofauti.

Kuna Wanajamii hapa waliowahi kuuliza, nani alichagua wimbo wetu wa taifa? Tukiamini kauli hiyo ya Jabulani, ni Nyerere.

Jabulani alizaliwa 1918, mwaka aliozaliwa Madiba, na alifariki 2009 au 2010.

Kulikuwa na article ndefu kuhusu maisha yake, allafrica.com, alipofariki na kuhusu wakati alipokutana na Nyerere, London, 1960.

When they first met at the party in East London in 1960, Jabulani said she was very impressed by Nyerere because of his humility. She said he was a very simple man but brilliant. People noticed how intelligent and wise he was when he started speaking. Kabla ya hapo, you couldn't notice anything about him. Hakujionyesha hata kidogo alikuwa ni kiongozi wa nchi au mtu maarufu and was was just like anybody esle at the party. Hata baada ya miaka mingi, Jabulani said she never forgot the first day she met Nyerere at that party in East London.

Tukirudi kwa Nkrumah, nia yake ya kuziungaisha nchi za Kiafrika mara moja ilikuwa ni ndoto tu. Hapo ndipo alipotofautiana na Nyerere. Ndiyo maana Nyerere alimwambia Nkrumah: "We are not going to have an African Napoleon."

Nyerere alisema alijadili na Nkrumah suala hilo la kuziunganisha nchi zetu walipokutana 1963 na hakuna kiongozi yeyote aliyejadili naye suala hilo kwa undani, kabla na baada ya hapo, kama alivyo lijadili na Nkrumah. Nyerere pia alisema aliandikiana na Nkrumah mara nyingi sana kujadili suala hilo la kuziungaisha nchi zetu. Akaendelea kusema wanahistoria miaka ijayo watapata nafasi ya kulijadili suala hilo watakapo pata fursa ya kuzisoma barua hizo. As Nyerere himself stated:

"Kwame Nkrumah and I were committed to the idea of unity. African leaders and heads of state did not take Kwame seriously. However, I did. I did not believe in these small little nations. Still today I do not believe in them. I tell our people to look at the European Union, at these people who ruled us who are now uniting.

Kwame and I met in 1963 and discussed African Unity. We differed on how to achieve a United States of Africa. But we both agreed on a United States of Africa as necessary. Kwame went to Lincoln University, a black college in the US. He perceived things from the perspective of US history, where the 13 colonies that revolted against the British formed a union. That is what he thought the OAU should do.

I tried to get East Africa to unite before independence. When we failed in this I was wary about Kwame's continental approach. We corresponded profusely on this. Kwame said my idea of `regionalization' was only balkanization on a larger scale. Later African historians will have to study our correspondence on this issue of uniting Africa.

Africans who studied in the US like Nkrumah and [Nigerian independence leader] Azikiwe were more aware of the Diaspora and the global African community than those of us who studied in Britain. They were therefore aware of a wider Pan-Africanism. Theirs was the aggressive Pan-Africanism of WEB Dubois and Marcus Garvey. The colonialists were against this and frightened of it." ( Nyerere, in interview with Ikaweba Bunting, "The Heart of Africa: Interview with Julius Nyerere on Anti-Colonialism," New Internationalist, Issue 309, January - February 1999).

Viongozi wengi walikubaliana na Nyerere kwamba huwezi kuziunganisha nchi zote za Afrika mara moja. Wafrika wengine wanaojadili sana masuala ya Afrika, kwa mfano Ali Mazrui, pia walikubaliana na Nyerere kwamba hatuwezi kuziungaisha nchi zetu mara moja kama vile Nkrumah alivyotaka. Mazrui amesema wazi: "Nyerere was right. Nkrumah was wrong."

Kuna watu waliomfahamu Nkrumah alipokuwa mwanafunzi USA. Mmoja wao alikuwa ni C.L. R. James, a prominent Pan-Africanist, kutoka Trinidad. Alisema alimfahamu sana Nkrumah alipokuwa mwanafunzi na alisema " Nkrumah was impatient."

Bado alikuwa impatient aliporudi Afrika na ndiyo maana alipohutubia mtutano wa kwanza wa OAU, Addis Ababa, May 1963, when the OAU was founded, alisema nchi zetu ziungane mara moja. Pia hata kitabu chake, Africa Must Unite, kilichapishwa wakati huo huo kuhakikisha kimetoka kabla ya mkutano wa kwanza wa OAU ili viongozi wengine wakisome na kujua umuhimu wa nchi zetu kuungana mara moja. Pia alipokuwa anapigania uhuru wa nchi yake ya Gold Coast, slogan ya chama chake, Convention People's Party (CPP), ilikuwa "Independence Now."

C.L.R. James alisema Nkrumah alikuwa na moyo wa kutaka kulikomboa bara zima la Afrika kutoka kwa wakoloni hata alipokuwa mwanafunzi. C.L. R. James alikuwa ni Marxist na alisema alijadili masuala ya Marxism na Nkrumah lakini Nkrumah hakujua mambo mengi kuhusu Marxism. Alisema kuhusu Nkrumah: "He talked a lot of nonsense in those days." Lakini baadaye alisema Nkrumah alijifunza mengi kuhusu Marxsim na hotuba yake kwenye mkutano wa Fifth Pan-African Congress, Manchester, UK, 1945, "was an absolute masterpiece."

Na ni C.L. R. James aliyemu introduce Nkrumah kwa George Padmore. Padmore alikuwa anaishi London wakati ule. C.L. R. James alimuandikia barua, ambayo alimpa Nkrumah ili akampe Padmore, ambamo alimwambia Padmore: "Help this young man. He is not very bright but he is determined to kick the white man out of Africa."

C.L. R. James pia aliwalinganisha viongozi hawa, Nkrumah na Nyerere, na alisema Nyerere was far brighter than Nkrumah; an opinion shared by Ali Mazrui who also defended this assessment in an article he wrote in Transition in the late sixties by dissecting Nkrumah's writings and philosophy which he contended were copied from Soviet Marxist literature. In the same article Mazrui also stated that terms such as "The Circle" which Nkrumah's ruling party, the CPP, used, were of Soviet origin; so was "The Spark," the publication of the CPP. The Soviet communist party also had "The Spark," in the Russian language of course. He was emphasising his point that there was nothing original in Nkrumah's thought, unlike Nyerere's.

Pia Mazrui amesema hivi karibuni kwamba hakuna kiongozi yoyote dunia nzima ambaye anamheshimu intellectually kama Nyerere. Amesisitiza pia kwamba Nyerere as an intellectual and as a man of high ethical standards "was in a class by himself."

In his book, On Heroes and Uhuru-Worship: Essays on Independent Africa, Mazrui states that Nyerere is the most original thinker among all the leaders in Anglophone Africa; with Nkrumah being nowhere close to being an original thinker. Also, unlike Nkrumah, Mazrui says Nyerere "was a true philosopher."

Aliporudi Gold Coast (Ghana) 1947 kutoka Uingereza, Nkrumah was boiling. Aliiongoza nchi yake kupigania uhuru na ikawa nchi ya kwanza miongoni mwa nchi za Afrika kusini ya jangawa la Sahara kupata uhuru March 1957; ikafwatwa na Guinea, October 1958, chini ya uongozi wa rafiki yake Ahmed Sekou Toure ambaye pia alikuwa rafiki mkubwa wa Nyerere.

Hata baada ya Ghana kupata uhuru, Nkrumah hakuridhika. Katika hotuba yake mara tu baada ya kupata uhuru, alisema: "The independende of Ghana is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of Africa."

But it was Nyerere who spearheaded the liberation struggle of the countries of southern Africa which were still under white minority rule. Ndiyo maana mhaini, Ian Smith, alisema Nyerere "is the evil genius on the Rhodesian scene" who is also behind all the liberation wars in southern Africa.

Hata Makaburu walimuogopa Nyerere pamoja na nchi yetu chini ya uongozi wake. "The South African Deputy-Minister of Police, Mr. S.L. Muller, said Tanzania posed 'the greatest potential threat to the Republic.' He claimed there were '40 camps in Tanzania for the training of terrorists and all the offices of subversive organisations.' In Zambia, he said, there were '19 training and transit camps.' A new external service of Radio Tanzania was inaugurated in 1968 to assist in 'propagating the ideological principles of the liberation movements.'" (Colin Legum and John Drysdale, eds., Africa Contemporary Record: Annual Survey and Documents 1968 - 1969, Africa Research Limited, London, 1969, p. 220).

Museveni pia amesema hakuna kiongozi yeyote aliye wakomboa watu weusi kama Nyerere. Amesema Nyerere aliwakomboa zaidi ya 100 million black people. Amesema pia: "Nyerere was the greatest black man who has ever lived."

Machozi yamenilengalenga mkuu wangu!

 

[Sabayi]

Ni kweli Nkrumah alipata muamko mkubwa wa kuunganisha watu weusi wote duniani, na pia kuunganisha nchi za Kiafrika, alipokuwa mwanafunzi Amerika. Yeye mwenywe alisema kwamba kiongozi aliyesaidia kumuamsha kiasi hicho kuliko mtu yeyote alikuwa ni Marcus Garvey na kitabu chake, Philisophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey. Garvey alikuwa ni proponent wa Back-to-Africa movement.

Marcus Garvey alikuwa ni M-Jamaica aliyehamia Amerika.

Garvey alijiuliza maswali haya: ""Where is the black man's government? Where is his King and his kingdom? Where is his President, his ambassador, his country, his men of big affairs? I could not find them and then I declared, 'I will help to make them.'"

Nkrumah hakusahau hayo.

Hata jina la bendera ya Ghana, Black Star, ambayo ina nyota nyeusi, linatokana na jina la Black Star Line, kampuni ya meli iliyoanzishwa na Marcus Garvey kuwasaidia watu weusi duniani kufanya biashara na hatimaye kuwasafirisha descendants of African slaves kutoka Amerika na Caribbean kurudi Afrika. Ni Nkrumah aliyeipa bendera ya Ghana jina hilo la Black Star. Mpaka leo, hata timu ya mpira, ambayo ni timu ya taifa, Ghana, inaitwa Black Stars.

Marcus Garvey's slogan was "Africa for Africans, those at home and those abroad." Nkrumah used the same slogan and embraced people of African descendent in the diaspora as fellow Africans.

Uamuzi huo wa Nkrumah wa kuchagua jina la Black Star na kuipa bendera ya taifa jina hilo unanikumbusha wimbo wetu wa taifa, Mungu Ibariki Afrika, ambao umejadiliwa sana hapa Jamii Forums. Kutokana na kauli ya ndugu yetu mmoja mpigania uhuru Afrika Kusini, Jabulani....(nimesahau jina lake la mwisho), Nyerere alimwambia kwenye party, East London, 1960, kwamba ameuchagua wimbo, Nkosi Sikelel' iAfrika, kuwa wimbo wa taifa la Tanganyika nchi yetu itakapopata uhuru.

Nkosi Sikelel' iAfrika inamaanisha God Bless Africa. Wimbo wetu wa taifa ni Mungu Ibariki Afrika (God Bless Africa). Hakuna tofauti.

Kuna Wanajamii hapa waliowahi kuuliza, nani alichagua wimbo wetu wa taifa? Tukiamini kauli hiyo ya Jabulani, ni Nyerere.

Jabulani alizaliwa 1918, mwaka aliozaliwa Madiba, na alifariki 2009 au 2010.

Kulikuwa na article ndefu kuhusu maisha yake, allafrica.com, alipofariki na kuhusu wakati alipokutana na Nyerere, London, 1960.

When they first met at the party in East London in 1960, Jabulani said she was very impressed by Nyerere because of his humility. She said he was a very simple man but brilliant. People noticed how intelligent and wise he was when he started speaking. Kabla ya hapo, you couldn't notice anything about him. Hakujionyesha hata kidogo alikuwa ni kiongozi wa nchi au mtu maarufu and was was just like anybody esle at the party. Hata baada ya miaka mingi, Jabulani said she never forgot the first day she met Nyerere at that party in East London.

Tukirudi kwa Nkrumah, nia yake ya kuziungaisha nchi za Kiafrika mara moja ilikuwa ni ndoto tu. Hapo ndipo alipotofautiana na Nyerere. Ndiyo maana Nyerere alimwambia Nkrumah: "We are not going to have an African Napoleon."

Nyerere alisema alijadili na Nkrumah suala hilo la kuziunganisha nchi zetu walipokutana 1963 na hakuna kiongozi yeyote aliyejadili naye suala hilo kwa undani, kabla na baada ya hapo, kama alivyo lijadili na Nkrumah. Nyerere pia alisema aliandikiana na Nkrumah mara nyingi sana kujadili suala hilo la kuziungaisha nchi zetu. Akaendelea kusema wanahistoria miaka ijayo watapata nafasi ya kulijadili suala hilo watakapo pata fursa ya kuzisoma barua hizo. As Nyerere himself stated:

"Kwame Nkrumah and I were committed to the idea of unity. African leaders and heads of state did not take Kwame seriously. However, I did. I did not believe in these small little nations. Still today I do not believe in them. I tell our people to look at the European Union, at these people who ruled us who are now uniting.

Kwame and I met in 1963 and discussed African Unity. We differed on how to achieve a United States of Africa. But we both agreed on a United States of Africa as necessary. Kwame went to Lincoln University, a black college in the US. He perceived things from the perspective of US history, where the 13 colonies that revolted against the British formed a union. That is what he thought the OAU should do.

I tried to get East Africa to unite before independence. When we failed in this I was wary about Kwame's continental approach. We corresponded profusely on this. Kwame said my idea of `regionalization' was only balkanization on a larger scale. Later African historians will have to study our correspondence on this issue of uniting Africa.

Africans who studied in the US like Nkrumah and [Nigerian independence leader] Azikiwe were more aware of the Diaspora and the global African community than those of us who studied in Britain. They were therefore aware of a wider Pan-Africanism. Theirs was the aggressive Pan-Africanism of WEB Dubois and Marcus Garvey. The colonialists were against this and frightened of it." ( Nyerere, in interview with Ikaweba Bunting, "The Heart of Africa: Interview with Julius Nyerere on Anti-Colonialism," New Internationalist, Issue 309, January - February 1999).

Viongozi wengi walikubaliana na Nyerere kwamba huwezi kuziunganisha nchi zote za Afrika mara moja. Wafrika wengine wanaojadili sana masuala ya Afrika, kwa mfano Ali Mazrui, pia walikubaliana na Nyerere kwamba hatuwezi kuziungaisha nchi zetu mara moja kama vile Nkrumah alivyotaka. Mazrui amesema wazi: "Nyerere was right. Nkrumah was wrong."

Kuna watu waliomfahamu Nkrumah alipokuwa mwanafunzi USA. Mmoja wao alikuwa ni C.L. R. James, a prominent Pan-Africanist, kutoka Trinidad. Alisema alimfahamu sana Nkrumah alipokuwa mwanafunzi na alisema " Nkrumah was impatient."

Bado alikuwa impatient aliporudi Afrika na ndiyo maana alipohutubia mtutano wa kwanza wa OAU, Addis Ababa, May 1963, when the OAU was founded, alisema nchi zetu ziungane mara moja. Pia hata kitabu chake, Africa Must Unite, kilichapishwa wakati huo huo kuhakikisha kimetoka kabla ya mkutano wa kwanza wa OAU ili viongozi wengine wakisome na kujua umuhimu wa nchi zetu kuungana mara moja. Pia alipokuwa anapigania uhuru wa nchi yake ya Gold Coast, slogan ya chama chake, Convention People's Party (CPP), ilikuwa "Independence Now."

C.L.R. James alisema Nkrumah alikuwa na moyo wa kutaka kulikomboa bara zima la Afrika kutoka kwa wakoloni hata alipokuwa mwanafunzi. C.L. R. James alikuwa ni Marxist na alisema alijadili masuala ya Marxism na Nkrumah lakini Nkrumah hakujua mambo mengi kuhusu Marxism. Alisema kuhusu Nkrumah: "He talked a lot of nonsense in those days." Lakini baadaye alisema Nkrumah alijifunza mengi kuhusu Marxsim na hotuba yake kwenye mkutano wa Fifth Pan-African Congress, Manchester, UK, 1945, "was an absolute masterpiece."

Na ni C.L. R. James aliyemu introduce Nkrumah kwa George Padmore. Padmore alikuwa anaishi London wakati ule. C.L. R. James alimuandikia barua, ambayo alimpa Nkrumah ili akampe Padmore, ambamo alimwambia Padmore: "Help this young man. He is not very bright but he is determined to kick the white man out of Africa."

C.L. R. James pia aliwalinganisha viongozi hawa, Nkrumah na Nyerere, na alisema Nyerere was far brighter than Nkrumah; an opinion shared by Ali Mazrui who also defended this assessment in an article he wrote in Transition in the late sixties by dissecting Nkrumah's writings and philosophy which he contended were copied from Soviet Marxist literature. In the same article Mazrui also stated that terms such as "The Circle" which Nkrumah's ruling party, the CPP, used, were of Soviet origin; so was "The Spark," the publication of the CPP. The Soviet communist party also had "The Spark," in the Russian language of course. He was emphasising his point that there was nothing original in Nkrumah's thought, unlike Nyerere's.

Pia Mazrui amesema hivi karibuni kwamba hakuna kiongozi yoyote dunia nzima ambaye anamheshimu intellectually kama Nyerere. Amesisitiza pia kwamba Nyerere as an intellectual and as a man of high ethical standards "was in a class by himself."

In his book, On Heroes and Uhuru-Worship: Essays on Independent Africa, Mazrui states that Nyerere is the most original thinker among all the leaders in Anglophone Africa; with Nkrumah being nowhere close to being an original thinker. Also, unlike Nkrumah, Mazrui says Nyerere "was a true philosopher."

Aliporudi Gold Coast (Ghana) 1947 kutoka Uingereza, Nkrumah was boiling. Aliiongoza nchi yake kupigania uhuru na ikawa nchi ya kwanza miongoni mwa nchi za Afrika kusini ya jangawa la Sahara kupata uhuru March 1957; ikafwatwa na Guinea, October 1958, chini ya uongozi wa rafiki yake Ahmed Sekou Toure ambaye pia alikuwa rafiki mkubwa wa Nyerere.

Hata baada ya Ghana kupata uhuru, Nkrumah hakuridhika. Katika hotuba yake mara tu baada ya kupata uhuru, alisema: "The independende of Ghana is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of Africa."

But it was Nyerere who spearheaded the liberation struggle of the countries of southern Africa which were still under white minority rule. Ndiyo maana mhaini, Ian Smith, alisema Nyerere "is the evil genius on the Rhodesian scene" who is also behind all the liberation wars in southern Africa.

Hata Makaburu walimuogopa Nyerere pamoja na nchi yetu chini ya uongozi wake. "The South African Deputy-Minister of Police, Mr. S.L. Muller, said Tanzania posed 'the greatest potential threat to the Republic.' He claimed there were '40 camps in Tanzania for the training of terrorists and all the offices of subversive organisations.' In Zambia, he said, there were '19 training and transit camps.' A new external service of Radio Tanzania was inaugurated in 1968 to assist in 'propagating the ideological principles of the liberation movements.'" (Colin Legum and John Drysdale, eds., Africa Contemporary Record: Annual Survey and Documents 1968 - 1969, Africa Research Limited, London, 1969, p. 220).

Museveni pia amesema hakuna kiongozi yeyote aliye wakomboa watu weusi kama Nyerere. Amesema Nyerere aliwakomboa zaidi ya 100 million black people. Amesema pia: "Nyerere was the greatest black man who has ever lived."

This is what makes JF meaningful boss.Nondo za uhakika kama hizi zinatusaidia sana wavivu wa kusoma

 

[Sabayi]

"In the late 1960s, Nyerere criminalized 'decadent' forms of culture such as soul music, unapproved films and magazines, miniskirts, and tight trousers." - Wikipedia.

Nyani,

Hatukuwa na sheria hiyo. Lakini kulikuwa na jitihada ya kubadili fikra na kulinda utamaduni wetu. Hakuna wasichana walio kamatwa na kupelekwa mahakamani kwa sababu walikuwa wamevaa mini-skirts au kwa sababu walikuwa wanatumia bleaching cream kubadili rangi ya ngozi. Pia hakuna vijana wa kiume waliowahi kukamatwa na kupelekwa kortini kwa kuvunja sheria kwa sababu walikuwa wamevaa tight trousers.

Tangu 1968, chini ya uongozi wa Lawi Nangwanda Sijaona ambaye pia alikuwa ni waziri wa kwanza wa utamaduni wa taifa, vijana wa TANU Youth League (TYL)walihimizwa kupambana na wananchi ambao walikuwa wanadhoofisha na kuchafua utamaduni wa Kiafrika; kwa mfano, kwa kuvaa mini-skirts, kutumia bleaching cream (nakumbuka wasichana wengi walikuwa wanatumia Ambi), na kuiga utamaduni kutoka nje ambao ulikuwa unatuharibia utamaduni wetu na kuchafua fikra zetu.

Wazee wa TANU pia, kwa mfano Rajabu Diwani, walikuwa miongoni mwa wale waliopinga sana tendency among the youth to embrace foreign cultures. Nakumbuka Mzee Rajabu Diwani alipokuwa anakuja kutuhutubia Tambaza High School na pia kutaka tujiunge na TANU Youth League (TYL).

Soul music was one of the foreign influences targeted by some over-zealous members of the TYL. Lakini vijana hawakuzuiwa kusikiliza soul music au kwenda kucheza dansi kwenye disco where soul music was played. Hata wanafunzi kutoka Tambaza walikuwa wanakwenda kwenye disco. Pia soul music was played at H.H. The Aga Khan Hostel in Upanga where we lived although there were TYL members among us including some who were radical. Lakini hata wao danced to soul music at our hostel and elsewhere in town walipokwenda kwenye disco.

Lakini nakumbuka watu waliposema James Brown alinyimwa ruksa ya ku perform nchini Tanzania kwa sababu wazee wa TANU walisema ana bad influence on our youth na muziki wake. Ilikuwa ni 1969 au 1970 nilipokuwa Tambaza. Inasemekana alitokea Zambia na akaendelea na safari yake kwenda Kenya bila hata kutua Dar es Salaam.

Pia kulikuwa na very active TYL members at the University of Dar es Salaam some of whom warned female students of dire consequences if they wore mini-skirts or used Ambi and other bleaching agents to bleach their skin instead of being proud of their African heritage and identity as black people.

But, more often than not, the threats were not carried out.

Lakini kulikuwa na nyakati wasichana walipoburuzwa mitaani na vijana wa TYL na wengine kwa sababu walikuwa wamevaa mini-skirts na ngozi yao ilionyesha wametumia Ambi kubadili rangi ya ngozi. Kuna hata ambao mini-skirts zao zilichanwa. Nakumbuka msichana mmoja kwenye kituo cha basi Mwananyamala alipolia baada ya kusukumwa sukumwa na vijana kabla ya kupanda basi kwa sababu alikuwa amevaa mini-skirt. Walimzomea sana. That was in 1969.

Lakini mara nyingi, wasichana hao were simply heckled at bus stops and on buses na mitaani na kuambiwa wawe na aibu kwa kuchafua utamaduni wetu na utu wetu wa Kiafrika kwa kuwaiga wazungu na watu wengine wa nje.

Kusema tulikuwa na sheria iliyo criminalise such conduct is an overstatement or deliberate distortion of the truth with regard to Tanzania. We had no such law.

Kulikuwa na nchi zingine za Kiafrika ambazo zilikuwa na "cultural revolution" ya aina hiyo. The most prominent ones, together with Tanzania, were Guinea under Ahmed Sekou Toure, and Congo-Brazzaville under Marien Ngouabi, a leader who had so much potential but who was assasssinated in his prime.

Duuuu kumbe JF ina wazee pia mi nilijua tumejazana kizazi cha 75+ tu humu,safi sana hivi unaonaje tofauti ya serikali ya mwl na baba mwanaasha? wewe umezi experience zote

 

[Stuxnet]

It is an unquestionable fact that we rightly deserve to venerate Mwalimu Nyerere, the father of the Tanzanian nation whose inestimable contributions in varied fields has left his country and the entire mankind incalculable legacy. Mwalimu as a person and a leader has outshined in almost all that he was able to do. He proved to be a serious politician, meticulous leader, a profound Christian,* *a writer and a Pan-Africanist who tirelessly strived to address people’s pressing problems. Internationally, he industriously attested to be an international figure, challenging and championing some of the most intricate issues.
*

 

[naivasha]

Kuunganisha kanda maana yake nini? EAC iliundwa ikavujwa na imerejewa tena. sema tu akina JKN waliogopa kupoteza uheshimiwa. Wenye ugonjwa wa Uheshimiwa wanaogopa kutokupigiwa makofi. Huu ni ugonjwa hatari

 

[Jasusi]

Kuunganisha kanda maana yake nini? EAC iliundwa ikavujwa na imerejewa tena. sema tu akina JKN waliogopa kupoteza uheshimiwa. Wenye ugonjwa wa Uheshimiwa wanaogopa kutokupigiwa makofi. Huu ni ugonjwa hatari

Hakuna mtu aliyeamini na kutetea umoja wa EAC kama JKN. Sasa sijui hii ya kuogopa kutokupigiwa makofi umeitoa wapi.

 

[Askari Kanzu]

Na kama kuna mtu anataka kujua ni jinsi gani serikali ya Kwame Nkrumah ilijitafuna yenyewe ndani kwa ndani kupitia rushwa na upendeleo wa kindugu (corruption and nepotism) basi asome riwaya ya Ayi Kwei Armah "The Beautyful Ones Are Not Yet Born". Ayi Kwei Armah alikuja kuishi kama mkimbizi (exile) Dar tangia mwanzo wa miaka ya 70 akiwa kama mwalimu pale Chang'ombe TTC. Sababu kubwa ya Armah kukimbilia Tanzania ni imani yake kubwa ya itikadi za Nyerere na pia ukichukulia kwamba Dar ilikuwa ni Mecca ya wapigania uhuru miaka ya sabini. Katika kitabu chake Armah anaelezea jinsi ndoto ya uhuru ilivyoteketea kwa kasi Ghana chini ya utawala wa Kwame Nkrumah.

 

[Shwari]

Duuuu kumbe JF ina wazee pia mi nilijua tumejazana kizazi cha 75+ tu humu,safi sana hivi unaonaje tofauti ya serikali ya mwl na baba mwanaasha? wewe umezi experience zote

Wote waliokuja baada ya Mwalimu wameuza nchi. Hatuna chochote. Ni watumwa katika nchi yetu. Sahau madini. Tumebakiwa na mashimo tu.

Pia nchi yetu haiheshimiwi kama ilivyokuwa inaheshimiwa enzi ya Nyerere na Kawawa. Miaka ile ni wakati nchi yetu ilipokuwa na viongozi.

Viongozi tulio nao sasa na wengine baada ya Mwalimu hawaheshimiwi. Kwa mfano, nani angethubutu kumshika na kumpapasa begani Nyerere au Kawawa, na kucheka cheka, kama Bush alivyomfanyia Kikwete?

 

[Jumakidogo]

This is what makes JF meaningful boss.Nondo za uhakika kama hizi zinatusaidia sana wavivu wa kusoma

Umeona e! Hawa madingi wa JF ni moto wa kuotea mbali. Hapa unaweza ukacopy na kupaste nondo kama kawaida.

 

[Shwari]

Na kama kuna mtu anataka kujua ni jinsi gani serikali ya Kwame Nkrumah ilijitafuna yenyewe ndani kwa ndani kupitia rushwa na upendeleo wa kindugu (corruption and nepotism) basi asome riwaya ya Ayi Kwei Armah "The Beautyful Ones Are Not Yet Born". Ayi Kwei Armah alikuja kuishi kama mkimbizi (exile) Dar tangia mwanzo wa miaka ya 70 akiwa kama mwalimu pale Chang'ombe TTC. Sababu kubwa ya Armah kukimbilia Tanzania ni imani yake kubwa ya itikadi za Nyerere na pia ukichukulia kwamba Dar ilikuwa ni Mecca ya wapigania uhuru miaka ya sabini. Katika kitabu chake Armah anaelezea jinsi ndoto ya uhuru ilivyoteketea kwa kasi Ghana chini ya utawala wa Kwame Nkrumah.

Umenikumbusha mengi.

Namkumbuka sana Ayi Kwei Armah. Alikuwa jirani yangu Ilala Flats mwaka 1972. Mara nyingi tulikuwa tunapanda basi pamoja kwenye kituo cha basi karibu sana na Ilala Flats. Alikuwa anafundisha Chang'ombe Teachers' College wakati ule kama ulivyosema.

He was a great admirer of Nyerere.

Pia ni mmoja wa waandishi wa Kiafrika wanaojulikana aliyesema Kiswahili iwe ni lugha ya bara letu la Afrika. Mwingine ni Wole Soyinka.

Pia ni mwaka huo, 1972, Marien Ngouabi, raisi wa Congo-Brazzaville, alipokuja Dar es Salaam. Nilipata nafasi ya kumwona karibu sana na alikuwa na uhusiano mziru sana na nchi yetu. Pia alimlinda Pierre Mulele, Lumumba's heir apparent, mpaka Mobutu alipomdanganya na kusema Mulele anakaribishwa kurudi nyumbani, Congo-Kinshasa, ili asaidie kujenga taifa.

Mobutu alimtuma waziri wake wa mambo ya nchi za nje, Justin Bomboko, na yatch kwenda Brazzaville kumchukua Mulele. Ngouabi alimuuliza Bomboko tena, na tena, ikiwa ni kweli Mulele akirudi Kinshasa atakuwa salama. Bomboko alimuahidi hivyo. Aliongopa.

Mulele aliporudi Kinshasa pamoja na Justin Bomboko kwenye yatch, inasemekana aliuawa kesho yake. Aliteswa sana na kukatwa vibaya sana. Mwili wake ulitupwa mtoni, Congo River, kuliwa na mamba.

That was in October 1968.

Relations between the two countries deteriorated rapidly and they almost went to war; they weren't good even before then.

Our government also was deeply saddened by Mulele's execution. And like Tanzania, Congo-Brazzaville under Marien Ngouabi strongly supported Lumumba's followers.

It was this kind of Pan-African solidarity and commitment - besides socialism and self-reliance - which attracted Ayi Kwei Armah, Dr. Walter Rodney and others to Tanzania when our country was under the leadership of Nyerere.

We were a beacon of hope in the Pan-African world because of Nyerere; so was Nkrumah and a few other leaders such as Ahmed Sekou Toure who also inspired millions across the continent and in the diaspora.

Unfortunately, those days are gone. We don't have such leaders anymore. Our countries have become virtual colonies. That is the kind of neo-colonialism Nkrumah, Nyerere and Sekou Toure talked about.

 

[Nyani Ngabu]

Shwari, I bow down to your historical knowledge! You are da man!!!

 

[Companero]

Shwari na Jasusi, naomba barua pepe zenu kupitia PM niwatumie mada (ndefu kiasi) niliyoandika kuhusu uchambuzi aliofanya CLR James kuwalinganisha Kwame Nkrumah na Julius Nyerere

 

[Zakumi]

Mnalinganisha wachemshaji.

 

[Jasusi]

Mnalinganisha wachemshaji.

Na wewe nawe! You never quit! Who is a winner in your estimation?

 

[MTAZAMO]

Shwari na Jasusi, naomba barua pepe zenu kupitia PM niwatumie mada (ndefu kiasi) niliyoandika kuhusu uchambuzi aliofanya CLR James kuwalinganisha Kwame Nkrumah na Julius Nyerere

Mkuu itupie hapa kama mchango wako japo kwa ku summarize interesting areas tuweke historia sawa!

 

[Kituko]

Kuunganisha kanda maana yake nini? EAC iliundwa ikavujwa na imerejewa tena. sema tu akina JKN waliogopa kupoteza uheshimiwa. Wenye ugonjwa wa Uheshimiwa wanaogopa kutokupigiwa makofi. Huu ni ugonjwa hatari

Mkuu Naivasha

nadhani huu uzi upo hapa kuelimisha na kutoa vitu visivyokuwa na uongo!

Hapo unaposema JKN alikuwa anaogopa kupoteza uheshimiwa, hiyo jumuiya ya Africa Mashariki ilipoanza Kiongozi alikuwa ni nani?

Nyerere alikuwa na hoja ya Msingi na alikuwa anawaelewa wa Africa walivyo labda kuliko hata Kwame, kwa wakati ule ama mpaka sasa ni vigumu mno kuiunganisha Africa na kuwa moja, kutoka kipindi hicho cha kina Nkuruma/Nyerere mpaka sasa ni nchi ngapi mpya zimezaliwa kutoka kwa zile zilizokuwepo? (Eritrea, Sudan na sasa Benghazi?)

Africa tunamamtatizo makubwa ya Makabila/Utamaduni na pia kuna lile la ulitawaliwa na nani? sasa ukitaka kuunganisha nchi ni kwanza lazima uvunjevunje hizo elements za umimi (Ukabila nk) na hilo aliwezi kufanyika kwa nchi zote kwa pamoja labda kwa vita lakini sio kwa Hiari