MWINYI Was A Visionary Leader

[nngu007]

AMANI NA UMOJA NDIO BORA KULIKO MAPESA, UBINAFSI NDIO MWANZO WA UFISADI
Naona ni bora kujibu swali la mtu aliyepinga JKT; Kwangu Mimi na nadhani ya ilani ya kuleta usawa kwa kutobaguana, kutodhalilishana na kuishi kimatabak... wazazi wangu walisoma waliishi nji za nje, nilifanikiwa nilipomaliza kidato cha sita ningekwepa lanini Marehemu mama yangu aliniambia ni bora kwenda nitakuwa mkakamavu, nitakutana na watu mbalimbali walioenda shule wakiwa na maisha tofauti na mimi kiujamii hivyo kujenga umoja na kuishi kiujamaa... na ni kweli ninamarafiki wengi na sioni tofauti kati yangu na wao hata kuwa kwa wakati huo tulikuwa ni wa tabaka tofauti na wenzangu lakini JKT iliondoa hiyo fikra. Ni Umoja na Amani ndio kitu kikubwa kuliko kuwa na TV utajiri wa magari ndio kusema Uchumi bora, NYERERE ALITUPA KITU AMBACHO HAKIKUHITAJI PESA alitupa AMANI UPENDO na USHIRIKIANO, MWINYI AMETUPA URAHA NA UBINAFSI NA UFISADI.

 

[Haki]

I think you are misguided. Tanzania is a very dynamic nation. I left the country in mid 90s, when I returned back 10 years later I was a misfit. Therefore, I suggest, you should cast your vote for people who represent your best interests or the best interests of the country at this moment.

I know many Tanzania are longing for the past because the current administration has failed to deliver. However, there is nothing new to be copied from previous administrations. For example, Mwinyi championed the free market which has not stoped since he left the office. Also Mwinyi guided the country during the transformation to multi-party system. To today multi-party system is in Tanzania; however, the system itself is imperfect and Mwinyi is not going to fix it.

Do you think we should go back to one party system? I'm worried that we may have new president who will have same ideology as Nyerere (Socialism plus Communism).
Ndugu zangu Watanzania, chagua Rais mwenye fikra kama za Mzee Ally Hassan Mwinyi.
Mwinyi aliweza kumpa HAKI Mtanzania bila ya ubaguzi wowote. Mwinyi aliweza kuwaruhusu Watanzania kwenda nje ya nchi bila ya vikwazo vyovyote.
Mtanzania wa leo ana HAKI na UHURU; yote ni kwa sababu ya Mzee wetu Mr. Pres. Alhaji Ally Hassan Mwinyi.
Vote for Any Candidate who Embraces and Follow Mwinyi's Principles.
God Bless Tanzania.

 

[Hukumuzuku]

Do you think we should go back to one party system? I'm worried that we may have new president who will have same ideology as Nyerere (Socialism plus Communism).
Ndugu zangu Watanzania, chagua Rais mwenye fikra kama za Mzee Ally Hassan Mwinyi.
Mwinyi aliweza kumpa HAKI Mtanzania bila ya ubaguzi wowote. Mwinyi aliweza kuwaruhusu Watanzania kwenda nje ya nchi bila ya vikwazo vyovyote.
Mtanzania wa leo ana HAKI na UHURU; yote ni kwa sababu ya Mzee wetu Mr. Pres. Alhaji Ally Hassan Mwinyi.
Vote for Any Candidate who Embraces and Follow Mwinyi's Principles.
God Bless Tanzania.

Tanzania nzima, haswa Unguja na Pemba, lazima imkubali Yesu Kristu, Mwana pekee wa Mungu. 2010 and beyond, ni Slaa na Canon Law tu hadi kieleweke.

 

[Haki]

AMANI NA UMOJA NDIO BORA KULIKO MAPESA, UBINAFSI NDIO MWANZO WA UFISADI
Naona ni bora kujibu swali la mtu aliyepinga JKT; Kwangu Mimi na nadhani ya ilani ya kuleta usawa kwa kutobaguana, kutodhalilishana na kuishi kimatabak... wazazi wangu walisoma waliishi nji za nje, nilifanikiwa nilipomaliza kidato cha sita ningekwepa lanini Marehemu mama yangu aliniambia ni bora kwenda nitakuwa mkakamavu, nitakutana na watu mbalimbali walioenda shule wakiwa na maisha tofauti na mimi kiujamii hivyo kujenga umoja na kuishi kiujamaa... na ni kweli ninamarafiki wengi na sioni tofauti kati yangu na wao hata kuwa kwa wakati huo tulikuwa ni wa tabaka tofauti na wenzangu lakini JKT iliondoa hiyo fikra. Ni Umoja na Amani ndio kitu kikubwa kuliko kuwa na TV utajiri wa magari ndio kusema Uchumi bora, NYERERE ALITUPA KITU AMBACHO HAKIKUHITAJI PESA alitupa AMANI UPENDO na USHIRIKIANO, MWINYI AMETUPA URAHA NA UBINAFSI NA UFISADI.

Hiyo si kweli. Wakati wa Nyerere ulikuwa si wakati wa upendo na amani. Wakati wa Nyerere Tanzania ilikwenda vitani na Uganda bila ya sababu. Watu wengi pamoja na Wafanyabiashara walipokonywa mali zao, hiyo yote ilitokea wakati wa Nyerere. Watu walikuwa wanakamatwa na kufungwa jela bila ya sababu za msingi, hayo yote yalitokea wakati wa Nyerere. Tulikuwa tunapiga kura only kumchagua Nyerere. Haki haikuwepo. Mwinyi alipochukua nchi aliwaondoa Watanzania kutoka kwenye Darkness, na akatupa light ya Maisha. Mwinyi ndiye kiongozi anaefaa kuigwa Duniani kote.

 

[Hukumuzuku]

Hiyo si kweli. Wakati wa Nyerere ulikuwa si wakati wa upendo na amani. Wakati wa Nyerere Tanzania ilikwenda vitani na Uganda bila ya sababu. Watu wengi pamoja na Wafanyabiashara walipokonywa mali zao, hiyo yote ilitokea wakati wa Nyerere. Watu walikuwa wanakamatwa na kufungwa jela bila ya sababu za msingi, hayo yote yalitokea wakati wa Nyerere. Tulikuwa tunapiga kura only kumchagua Nyerere. Haki haikuwepo. Mwinyi alipochukua nchi aliwaondoa Watanzania kutoka kwenye Darkness, na akatupa light ya Maisha. Mwinyi ndiye kiongozi anaefaa kuigwa Duniani kote.

Wewe subiri tu Slaa aingie Ikulu. Huyo mzee, mwarabu feki na Fisadi OG aliyewauzia Waarabu wenzie ardhi ya Wamasai kule Loliondo, atakuja kupoteza perks zake zote alizopewa tokea astaafu ikiwamo traffic escort kwa wake zake wawili kila mara waendapo saloon, na cheo na mali alivyojilimbikizia Jr kutokana tu na influence ya babake. Vilevile hatujasahau kuwa mke wake ndiyo aliyekuwa wa kwanza kati ya wake wa Marais Tanzania kuchukua advantage ya wadhifa wa mumewe kufanya biashara ndani ya ikulu (kama deals za ku-import bia na Wahindi)

 

[nngu007]

NAONA NIFAFANUE ZAIDI KUHUSU HILI JAMBO KWA MWANA JAMII -- HAIKUWA IDEA YA MWINYI -- AMETURUDISHA NYUMA
Multi-Partism haikuwa sababu ya Rais Mwinyi ilikuwa ni sharti la Nchi Za Magharibi wakati Ule baada ya Communism kushindwa sharti la kupata Msaada toka IMF ilikuwa ni kuwa na Uhuru wa Kura za Uchaguzi wa Vyama Vingi - Western Democracy, wakati huo tulihitaji FEDHA toka IMF to follow world wide economic recovery ERP; kwahiyo haikuwa Mwinyi... Kuhusu Kuchukua FEDHA na Mali za Matapeli hii inatokea hata nchi za Magharibi USA kuna rushwa za Sigara mtu yoyote akishikwa na huo ulanguzi wanawataifishia mali zao zote. It happens even in Western World
Wahindi walikuwa wanaiba bila haki -- nadhani kama wewe ni mtanzania au mtanganyika una uchungu wa mali za nchi yako you would support that alternative.

Kupiga Kura wakati huo tulikuwa tunafuata Socialism -- Ujamaa Huria hivyo ndio tulikuwa tunafuata kupigia kura mtu mmoja -- ubora wa ni kuwa Ulituimarisha hata Wageni wa nje ya nchi wakija kutembelea nchi yetu... nadhani ni nchi pekee tuliokuwa na furaha, tunaitana ndugu hakuna fitina, hata wakitembelea hivyo vijiji vyetu vya ujamaa wanakuta mtu ana nyumba ya udongo lakini anakukaribisha chakula ana kuku wake wa kufuga unga wa ugali amelima natwanga na kupika... hivyo wakati ule ilikuwa vigumu kutabiri GDP ya Tanzania -- Money was not a souce of weath... tulikuwa bado kwenye Commodity Ecomony ambayo sasa hivi nchi za magharibi wanataka kurudia kuliko kutegemea $$ Dollars in the Market... Wall Street CRUSH

 

[Mkandara]

Hakika miaka inavyokwenda watu tunasahau tumetoka wapi!... moja ya Mapungufu ya Mtanzania ni kumbukumbu...Ebu someni haya makala kisha nambieni mwandishi amekosea kipi.....

Nyerere is the one who created Mwinyi

By Obanda, 21 March 1995

I read Nyerere's press statement and I was wondering whether Mwalimu Nyerere had died and has just resurrected and found that Mwinyi was his successor and is corrupt.
Nyerere will go down in history as a man who worked so hard to build a nation and then voluntarily handed it over to a bunch of self-seeking, ideologically bankrupt nincompoops. He then watched quietly for 15 years as these people demolished every work he had done.
Why Nyerere chose Mwinyi out of all the capable people that were available is only clear to him. But it is obvious that the hardliners and revolutionary wing of the Chama Cha Mapindusi were systematically removed either through assassination or exclusion. A natural successor to Nyerere was Dr. Salim Salim, [who was] ideologically closer to Nyerere than any other contender. It still beats reason that Tanzania could afford to "waste" the talents of such a leader (OAU is of course a mere barking dog which never does anything for anyone).
When retiring, Nyerere personally went around Tanzania campaigning for Mwinyi, introducing him to bewildered peasants as "Raisi wangu". Since they trusted him, they went along with it. But soon afterwards the peasantry organized themselves against what they considered the abdication of the ideals of the "Mapinduzi" (against "walanguzi" and other exploiters). The Sungu Sungu and other expressions of peasant disenchantments [were] crushed. Dr. Horace Campbell, then at the University of Dar es Salaam (following the footsteps the late Dr. Walter Rodney), researched these uprisings and tried to publish them. This resulted in his deportation from Tanzania.
Mwinyi and the bunch who took over immediately started to unravel Nyerere's work. Nairobi was their London. They envied their counterpart political thieves in Nairobi. Mansions I have not seen in any Western city (maybe in California etc) shot up in the beach area of Daresalaam. Corruption was the order of the day. Government workers stopped working as each became a little entrepreneur. To get service in Daressalaam, you HAD TO BRIBE (AND THERE WAS/IS NO EXCEPTION TO THIS!) The railway stalled (even water was/is being sold at railway stations). The university of DAR, once, the centre of most progressive academic debate became the centre for academic opportunism. Donor countries took it over, different departments "auctioned" [to?] different countries.
All these happened while Nyerere was there. All this time he kept a studied silence while he pertook to international issues as if the North-South dialogue was enough to uplift Africa from its predicament.
It is therefore hypocritical for Mwalimu to pretend that he really cared what type of govt. succeeded him. In his silence, he betrayed the peasants and workers of Tanzania who trusted and respected him so much. His overly and unnecessary concern for keeping Mainland and Zanzibar together maybe blinded his vision. If Zanzibar wants self-determination, he could let them go. All forms of political and economic unions can be formed. The major factor though is that the standard of living of people is raised.
It is also disturbing that Mwalimu should urge people to vote for another political party. The CCM may have been hijacked by opportunists, but the ideals remain. Nyerere is still powerful enough to organize his own candidates in the party. For the October elections, he could now be telling Tanzanians to vote for a better CCM team.
To end, I must add that my respect for Mwalimu will never wane mainly because of his convictions and actions. He never used office for selfish reasons and he tried what was humanly possible to liberate and empower the masses. He is thus a source of inspiration. Above all, he proved that is possible to forge a nation whereby the vissicitudes of ethnic affiliation are banished from social and public life. He created and promoted a powerful African lingua-franca, Swahil which united and educated people. His contributions to the decolonization of Africa is immense.
- Obanda

 

[Mzuvendi]

NAONA NIFAFANUE ZAIDI KUHUSU HILI JAMBO KWA MWANA JAMII -- HAIKUWA IDEA YA MWINYI -- AMETURUDISHA NYUMA
Multi-Partism haikuwa sababu ya Rais Mwinyi ilikuwa ni sharti la Nchi Za Magharibi wakati Ule baada ya Communism kushindwa sharti la kupata Msaada toka IMF ilikuwa ni kuwa na Uhuru wa Kura za Uchaguzi wa Vyama Vingi - Western Democracy, wakati huo tulihitaji FEDHA toka IMF to follow world wide economic recovery ERP; kwahiyo haikuwa Mwinyi... Kuhusu Kuchukua FEDHA na Mali za Matapeli hii inatokea hata nchi za Magharibi USA kuna rushwa za Sigara mtu yoyote akishikwa na huo ulanguzi wanawataifishia mali zao zote. It happens even in Western World
Wahindi walikuwa wanaiba bila haki -- nadhani kama wewe ni mtanzania au mtanganyika una uchungu wa mali za nchi yako you would support that alternative.

Kupiga Kura wakati huo tulikuwa tunafuata Socialism -- Ujamaa Huria hivyo ndio tulikuwa tunafuata kupigia kura mtu mmoja -- ubora wa ni kuwa Ulituimarisha hata Wageni wa nje ya nchi wakija kutembelea nchi yetu... nadhani ni nchi pekee tuliokuwa na furaha, tunaitana ndugu hakuna fitina, hata wakitembelea hivyo vijiji vyetu vya ujamaa wanakuta mtu ana nyumba ya udongo lakini anakukaribisha chakula ana kuku wake wa kufuga unga wa ugali amelima natwanga na kupika... hivyo wakati ule ilikuwa vigumu kutabiri GDP ya Tanzania -- Money was not a souce of weath... tulikuwa bado kwenye Commodity Ecomony ambayo sasa hivi nchi za magharibi wanataka kurudia kuliko kutegemea $$ Dollars in the Market... Wall Street CRUSH

NNGU007:

Get you facts right. Mwinyi might not be a visionary leader; however, some of the things he did were absolutely right. For example, it is not true that Tanzania was forced by international community to follow Multiparty-system. In fact in early 90s, majority of Tanzanians were still in favor of a single party system. However, as a president he did not side with majority. He stood with Jaji Nyarari's recommendation.

Secondly, the way you correlate IMF and Multipartism is incorrect. Tanzania re-established its relationship with IMF and World in mid 80 whereas Multipartism started in early 90. Therefore, economic reforms were already underway five years before the limited introduction of multipartism.

 

[Mzuvendi]

Hakika miaka inavyokwenda watu tunasahau tumetoka wapi!... moja ya Mapungufu ya Mtanzania ni kumbukumbu...Ebu someni haya makala kisha nambieni mwandishi amekosea kipi.....

Nyerere is the one who created Mwinyi

By Obanda, 21 March 1995

I read Nyerere's press statement and I was wondering whether Mwalimu Nyerere had died and has just resurrected and found that Mwinyi was his successor and is corrupt.
Nyerere will go down in history as a man who worked so hard to build a nation and then voluntarily handed it over to a bunch of self-seeking, ideologically bankrupt nincompoops. He then watched quietly for 15 years as these people demolished every work he had done.
Why Nyerere chose Mwinyi out of all the capable people that were available is only clear to him. But it is obvious that the hardliners and revolutionary wing of the Chama Cha Mapindusi were systematically removed either through assassination or exclusion. A natural successor to Nyerere was Dr. Salim Salim, [who was] ideologically closer to Nyerere than any other contender. It still beats reason that Tanzania could afford to "waste" the talents of such a leader (OAU is of course a mere barking dog which never does anything for anyone).
When retiring, Nyerere personally went around Tanzania campaigning for Mwinyi, introducing him to bewildered peasants as "Raisi wangu". Since they trusted him, they went along with it. But soon afterwards the peasantry organized themselves against what they considered the abdication of the ideals of the "Mapinduzi" (against "walanguzi" and other exploiters). The Sungu Sungu and other expressions of peasant disenchantments [were] crushed. Dr. Horace Campbell, then at the University of Dar es Salaam (following the footsteps the late Dr. Walter Rodney), researched these uprisings and tried to publish them. This resulted in his deportation from Tanzania.
Mwinyi and the bunch who took over immediately started to unravel Nyerere's work. Nairobi was their London. They envied their counterpart political thieves in Nairobi. Mansions I have not seen in any Western city (maybe in California etc) shot up in the beach area of Daresalaam. Corruption was the order of the day. Government workers stopped working as each became a little entrepreneur. To get service in Daressalaam, you HAD TO BRIBE (AND THERE WAS/IS NO EXCEPTION TO THIS!) The railway stalled (even water was/is being sold at railway stations). The university of DAR, once, the centre of most progressive academic debate became the centre for academic opportunism. Donor countries took it over, different departments "auctioned" [to?] different countries.
All these happened while Nyerere was there. All this time he kept a studied silence while he pertook to international issues as if the North-South dialogue was enough to uplift Africa from its predicament.
It is therefore hypocritical for Mwalimu to pretend that he really cared what type of govt. succeeded him. In his silence, he betrayed the peasants and workers of Tanzania who trusted and respected him so much. His overly and unnecessary concern for keeping Mainland and Zanzibar together maybe blinded his vision. If Zanzibar wants self-determination, he could let them go. All forms of political and economic unions can be formed. The major factor though is that the standard of living of people is raised.
It is also disturbing that Mwalimu should urge people to vote for another political party. The CCM may have been hijacked by opportunists, but the ideals remain. Nyerere is still powerful enough to organize his own candidates in the party. For the October elections, he could now be telling Tanzanians to vote for a better CCM team.
To end, I must add that my respect for Mwalimu will never wane mainly because of his convictions and actions. He never used office for selfish reasons and he tried what was humanly possible to liberate and empower the masses. He is thus a source of inspiration. Above all, he proved that is possible to forge a nation whereby the vissicitudes of ethnic affiliation are banished from social and public life. He created and promoted a powerful African lingua-franca, Swahil which united and educated people. His contributions to the decolonization of Africa is immense.
- Obanda

Mkandara:

This Obinga is an old communist dude. It seems to me he is inventing some stuff in order to make the point. He says "hardliners and revolutionary wing of the Chama Cha Mapindusi were systematically removed either through assassination or exclusion". This is a lie. Please tell me one person who was killed because he was a party hardliner. Who needed to kill a CCM hardliner when the party ideology was already irrelevant?

 

[Haki]

Hakika miaka inavyokwenda watu tunasahau tumetoka wapi!... moja ya Mapungufu ya Mtanzania ni kumbukumbu...Ebu someni haya makala kisha nambieni mwandishi amekosea kipi.....

Nyerere is the one who created Mwinyi

By Obanda, 21 March 1995

I read Nyerere's press statement and I was wondering whether Mwalimu Nyerere had died and has just resurrected and found that Mwinyi was his successor and is corrupt.
Nyerere will go down in history as a man who worked so hard to build a nation and then voluntarily handed it over to a bunch of self-seeking, ideologically bankrupt nincompoops. He then watched quietly for 15 years as these people demolished every work he had done.
Why Nyerere chose Mwinyi out of all the capable people that were available is only clear to him. But it is obvious that the hardliners and revolutionary wing of the Chama Cha Mapindusi were systematically removed either through assassination or exclusion. A natural successor to Nyerere was Dr. Salim Salim, [who was] ideologically closer to Nyerere than any other contender. It still beats reason that Tanzania could afford to "waste" the talents of such a leader (OAU is of course a mere barking dog which never does anything for anyone).
When retiring, Nyerere personally went around Tanzania campaigning for Mwinyi, introducing him to bewildered peasants as "Raisi wangu". Since they trusted him, they went along with it. But soon afterwards the peasantry organized themselves against what they considered the abdication of the ideals of the "Mapinduzi" (against "walanguzi" and other exploiters). The Sungu Sungu and other expressions of peasant disenchantments [were] crushed. Dr. Horace Campbell, then at the University of Dar es Salaam (following the footsteps the late Dr. Walter Rodney), researched these uprisings and tried to publish them. This resulted in his deportation from Tanzania.
Mwinyi and the bunch who took over immediately started to unravel Nyerere's work. Nairobi was their London. They envied their counterpart political thieves in Nairobi. Mansions I have not seen in any Western city (maybe in California etc) shot up in the beach area of Daresalaam. Corruption was the order of the day. Government workers stopped working as each became a little entrepreneur. To get service in Daressalaam, you HAD TO BRIBE (AND THERE WAS/IS NO EXCEPTION TO THIS!) The railway stalled (even water was/is being sold at railway stations). The university of DAR, once, the centre of most progressive academic debate became the centre for academic opportunism. Donor countries took it over, different departments "auctioned" [to?] different countries.
All these happened while Nyerere was there. All this time he kept a studied silence while he pertook to international issues as if the North-South dialogue was enough to uplift Africa from its predicament.
It is therefore hypocritical for Mwalimu to pretend that he really cared what type of govt. succeeded him. In his silence, he betrayed the peasants and workers of Tanzania who trusted and respected him so much. His overly and unnecessary concern for keeping Mainland and Zanzibar together maybe blinded his vision. If Zanzibar wants self-determination, he could let them go. All forms of political and economic unions can be formed. The major factor though is that the standard of living of people is raised.
It is also disturbing that Mwalimu should urge people to vote for another political party. The CCM may have been hijacked by opportunists, but the ideals remain. Nyerere is still powerful enough to organize his own candidates in the party. For the October elections, he could now be telling Tanzanians to vote for a better CCM team.
To end, I must add that my respect for Mwalimu will never wane mainly because of his convictions and actions. He never used office for selfish reasons and he tried what was humanly possible to liberate and empower the masses. He is thus a source of inspiration. Above all, he proved that is possible to forge a nation whereby the vissicitudes of ethnic affiliation are banished from social and public life. He created and promoted a powerful African lingua-franca, Swahil which united and educated people. His contributions to the decolonization of Africa is immense.
- Obanda

Nyerere was a TWO face Dictactor.

 

[Mzito Kabwela]

Pole sana, inaoneka nawe ni muathilika wa arabufobia (ugonjwa wa kuogopa waarabu). Wee umeona tausi tu ndio wanaolambwa!!!!! Vipi zile dhahabu kule geita ambazo zimekuwa zikilambwa na kiongozi aliyekuwa akiongoza nchi akiwa amesimama ambaye alikuja baada ya mwinyi; ua ni kwa vile zinalambwa na wasiokuwa waarabu?????

Nahisi harufu ya UDINI kwa mbaaaaaaaaali!! Tanzania ya Nyerere, Mwinyi, Mkapa, JK na Slaa inaelekea kubaya sasa

 

[Mkandara]

Mkandara:

This Obinga is an old communist dude. It seems to me he is inventing some stuff in order to make the point. He says "hardliners and revolutionary wing of the Chama Cha Mapindusi were systematically removed either through assassination or exclusion". This is a lie. Please tell me one person who was killed because he was a party hardliner. Who needed to kill a CCM hardliner when the party ideology was already irrelevant?

Sheikh Kassim Bin Jumaa...though it's not the case here..

 

[TUKUTUKU]

Huna jipya wewe!una ajenda yako ya siri!peleka hukohuko watakuelewa zaidi!

 

[Mtanganyika]

Nitachambua base on policy na few statistical. Punde baada ya uhuru Rais: Nyerere alidhamiria kuwekeza kwenye uchumi na maendeleo ya jamii. Uchumi wa Tanzania ulianza kukuwa kwa takribani asilimia 5.6 kwa mwaka na mlipuko wa bei ukiwa chini kabisa 2.8%. Haya yote yalisababishwa na serikali ya mwalimu kuwekeza zaidi kwenye kilimo na ujenzi mbalimbali.

Kuanza miaka ya 1970 matumaini ya maendeleo ya Tanzania yalianza kufifia siku hadi siku. Cha kwanza kabisa kuchangia kudidimia kwa uchumi wa Tanzania ni kudhohofisha sector binafsi. Hili lilisababisha kupunguza upanuzi wa sekta binafsi. Vile vile kupanda kwa bei ya mafuta kwa miaka 1970s, hili lilitafuta gain yote ya miaka ya 1960. Kisha vita ya Uganda mwisho mwa miaka ya 70.

Umasikini ukaanza kuongezeka and prosperity became a nightmare. Mwalimu akageukia kwa wahisani, IMF and WB. Nao wakawa na new structure ambayo ni SAP. Mwalimu akagoma kuchukua mkopo wa masharti. 1980s hali ikiwa mbaya zaidi mwalimu alitangaza kujitoa, na mzee Mwinyi kuchukua nchi.

Alichofanya Mwinyi ni Kukubali masharti ya IMF and WB bila kupinga. Madhara yake ndio haya mpaka leo... wapuuzi wanasema mzee Mwinyi katuletea TV wanasahau kwamba mzee Mwinyi pia alikubali serikali isifund afya, na UKIMWI ukakua kwa kasi ya ajabu.

MKapa and JK is the continuation of the same non sense.... Atleast Mkapa aliongoza tofauti, atleast Mkapa tena.. Lakini hili boga letu JK ndio bozo kabisa.

 

[Mtanganyika]

NNGU007:

Get you facts right. Mwinyi might not be a visionary leader; however, some of the things he did were absolutely right. For example, it is not true that Tanzania was forced by international community to follow Multiparty-system. In fact in early 90s, majority of Tanzanians were still in favor of a single party system. However, as a president he did not side with majority. He stood with Jaji Nyarari's recommendation.

Secondly, the way you correlate IMF and Multipartism is incorrect. Tanzania re-established its relationship with IMF and World in mid 80 whereas Multipartism started in early 90. Therefore, economic reforms were already underway five years before the limited introduction of multipartism.

Wewe ndio unatakiwa uwe na fact, moja ya condition za SAP au ERP ni kuondoa chama kimoja . Soma Washington Consensus ndio utajuaa kwamba hakuna mlichopanga pale, bali ilikuwa Quid pro Quo. Did we have another choices should be the debate.

 

[Mtanganyika]

Speech ya Mwalim Mwaka Mpya 1980, Hali hapa ilikuwa ngumu na Mwalimu anaonyesha kabisa ataka kukimbia office.

Your excellencies: Tanzania needs peace-in Africa and elsewhere. But the major economic problems which have preoccupied us in recent months, and which darken the coming year, were not caused by the war against Amin's Uganda, nor the African struggle for freedom. These make things worse; they added to the strain on our resources and deflected our attention at an important time. But we were experiencing inflation before October 1978; our balance of payments was in serious deficit before that war; oil price increases have nothing to do with events in East or southern Africa.
These externally caused problems are obvious, and so is our need for an injection of balance of payments support. What recently became equally obvious to me but nevertheless strange and repugnant was the attempt by the International Monetary Fund to exploit those difficulties in order to interfere with the
management of our economy.

The IMF always lays down conditions for using any of its facilities. We therefore expected that there would be certain conditions imposed should we desire to use the IMF Extended Fund Facility. But we expected these conditions to be non-ideological, and related to ensuring that money lent to us is not wasted, pocketed by political leaders or bureaucrats used to build private villas at home or abroad, or deposited in private Swiss Bank accounts.
We also accepted that we could justly be asked how we were planning to deal with the problem in the medium or longer term. We could then have accepted or rejected such conditions, but we would not have felt it necessary to make a strong and public protest.
Tanzania is not prepared to devalue its currency just because this is a traditional free market solution to everything and regardless of the merits of our position. It is not prepared to surrender its right to restrict imports by measures designed to ensure that we import quinine rather than cosmetics, or buses
rather than cars for the elite.

My Government is not prepared to give up our national endeavour to provide primary education for every child, basic medicines and some clean water for all our people. Cuts may have to be made in our national expenditure, but we will decide whether they fall on public services or private expenditure. Nor are we prepared to deal with inflation and shortages by relying only on monetary policy regardless of its relative effect on the poorest and less poor.
Our price control machinery may not be the most effective in the world, but we will not abandon price control; we will only strive to make it more efficient. And above all, we shall continue with our endeavours to build a socialist society.
When an international institution refuses us access to the international credit at its disposal except on condition that we surrender to it our policy determination, then we make no application for that credit. The choice is theirs-and ours.

But such conditions do reinforce our conviction about the importance of the Third World demand for changes in the management structure of the IMF. It needs to be made really international, and really an instrument of all its members, rather than a device by which powerful economic forces in some rich countries increase their power over the poor nations of the world.
There was a time when a number of people were urging that all aid to the Third World countries should be channeled through international institutions. They honestly believed that such institutions would be politically and ideologically neutral. I do not know whether there are now people who honestly believe
that the IMF is politically or ideologically neutral. It has an ideology of economic and social development which it is trying to impose on poor countries irrespective of their own clearly stated policies. And when we reject IMF conditions we hear the threatening whisper.
'Without accepting our conditions you will not get our money, and you will get no other money'. Indeed we have already heard hints from some quarters that money or credit will not be made available to us until we have reached an understanding with the IMF.
When did the IMF become an International Ministry of Finance? When did nations agree to surrender to it their power of decision making?

Your Excellencies: It is this growing power of the IMF and the irresponsible and arrogant way in which it is being wielded against the Poor that has forced me to use my opportunity to make these unusual remarks in a New Year Speech to you. The problems of my country and other Third World countries are grave enough without the political interference of IMF officials. If they cannot help at the very least they should stop meddling.
I have made it repeatedly clear to my own countrymen, however, that whatever decisions are made by us, and by our friends, 1980 is going to be a very difficult year for Tanzania. I believe that when they understand the problem our people will respond to this economic challenge as they have responded to other challenges in the past.
I believe they will bear the further sacrifices, and further burdens, which present conditions impose upon us just as long as they are assured that we are doing our best to share the burdens equitably, and continuing to pursue our own policies."

 

[Mzuvendi]

Wewe ndio unatakiwa uwe na fact, moja ya condition za SAP au ERP ni kuondoa chama kimoja . Soma Washington Consensus ndio utajuaa kwamba hakuna mlichopanga pale, bali ilikuwa Quid pro Quo. Did we have another choices should be the debate.

Mdanganyika:

Yes, our leaders made mistakes in the past. However, in some areas they deserve credits and it is not entire true that every time they waited for somebody from the WB or IFM to tell them what they should do.

For examples, when Mwinyi became the president of Zanzibar; he allowed private entities to work in tandem with public sectors. Likewise, when Sokoine became the prime minister, the first milestone he did was to normalize the relationship between Tanzania and Kenya and opened the borders. These two actions alone, tremendously increased the availability of goods in the country, and they were not in WB or IFM prescriptions.

 

[Mzuvendi]

Nitachambua base on policy na few statistical. Punde baada ya uhuru Rais: Nyerere alidhamiria kuwekeza kwenye uchumi na maendeleo ya jamii. Uchumi wa Tanzania ulianza kukuwa kwa takribani asilimia 5.6 kwa mwaka na mlipuko wa bei ukiwa chini kabisa 2.8%. Haya yote yalisababishwa na serikali ya mwalimu kuwekeza zaidi kwenye kilimo na ujenzi mbalimbali.

Kuanza miaka ya 1970 matumaini ya maendeleo ya Tanzania yalianza kufifia siku hadi siku. Cha kwanza kabisa kuchangia kudidimia kwa uchumi wa Tanzania ni kudhohofisha sector binafsi. Hili lilisababisha kupunguza upanuzi wa sekta binafsi. Vile vile kupanda kwa bei ya mafuta kwa miaka 1970s, hili lilitafuta gain yote ya miaka ya 1960. Kisha vita ya Uganda mwisho mwa miaka ya 70.

Umasikini ukaanza kuongezeka and prosperity became a nightmare. Mwalimu akageukia kwa wahisani, IMF and WB. Nao wakawa na new structure ambayo ni SAP. Mwalimu akagoma kuchukua mkopo wa masharti. 1980s hali ikiwa mbaya zaidi mwalimu alitangaza kujitoa, na mzee Mwinyi kuchukua nchi.

Alichofanya Mwinyi ni Kukubali masharti ya IMF and WB bila kupinga. Madhara yake ndio haya mpaka leo... wapuuzi wanasema mzee Mwinyi katuletea TV wanasahau kwamba mzee Mwinyi pia alikubali serikali isifund afya, na UKIMWI ukakua kwa kasi ya ajabu.

MKapa and JK is the continuation of the same non sense.... Atleast Mkapa aliongoza tofauti, atleast Mkapa tena.. Lakini hili boga letu JK ndio bozo kabisa.

Mtanganyika:

It is very easy to critize the person. Tell me one thing what Mwinyi could have done at the end of 1985 when everything was at standstill and the national coffer was almost empty.

You take the spread of HIV as an example. But wait a minute. Botswana and South African are better off economically than Tanzania; however, the rate of HIV infections in both countries is higher than in Tanzania.

If you want to find the problem why Tanzania is poor despite glut of natural resources, may be the answer is at your fingertips. We are a bunch of primitive people.

 

[Mzuvendi]

Speech ya Mwalim Mwaka Mpya 1980, Hali hapa ilikuwa ngumu na Mwalimu anaonyesha kabisa ataka kukimbia office.

Your excellencies: Tanzania needs peace-in Africa and elsewhere. But the major economic problems which have preoccupied us in recent months, and which darken the coming year, were not caused by the war against Amin's Uganda, nor the African struggle for freedom. These make things worse; they added to the strain on our resources and deflected our attention at an important time. But we were experiencing inflation before October 1978; our balance of payments was in serious deficit before that war; oil price increases have nothing to do with events in East or southern Africa.
These externally caused problems are obvious, and so is our need for an injection of balance of payments support. What recently became equally obvious to me but nevertheless strange and repugnant was the attempt by the International Monetary Fund to exploit those difficulties in order to interfere with the
management of our economy.

The IMF always lays down conditions for using any of its facilities. We therefore expected that there would be certain conditions imposed should we desire to use the IMF Extended Fund Facility. But we expected these conditions to be non-ideological, and related to ensuring that money lent to us is not wasted, pocketed by political leaders or bureaucrats used to build private villas at home or abroad, or deposited in private Swiss Bank accounts.
We also accepted that we could justly be asked how we were planning to deal with the problem in the medium or longer term. We could then have accepted or rejected such conditions, but we would not have felt it necessary to make a strong and public protest.
Tanzania is not prepared to devalue its currency just because this is a traditional free market solution to everything and regardless of the merits of our position. It is not prepared to surrender its right to restrict imports by measures designed to ensure that we import quinine rather than cosmetics, or buses
rather than cars for the elite.

My Government is not prepared to give up our national endeavour to provide primary education for every child, basic medicines and some clean water for all our people. Cuts may have to be made in our national expenditure, but we will decide whether they fall on public services or private expenditure. Nor are we prepared to deal with inflation and shortages by relying only on monetary policy regardless of its relative effect on the poorest and less poor.
Our price control machinery may not be the most effective in the world, but we will not abandon price control; we will only strive to make it more efficient. And above all, we shall continue with our endeavours to build a socialist society.
When an international institution refuses us access to the international credit at its disposal except on condition that we surrender to it our policy determination, then we make no application for that credit. The choice is theirs-and ours.

But such conditions do reinforce our conviction about the importance of the Third World demand for changes in the management structure of the IMF. It needs to be made really international, and really an instrument of all its members, rather than a device by which powerful economic forces in some rich countries increase their power over the poor nations of the world.
There was a time when a number of people were urging that all aid to the Third World countries should be channeled through international institutions. They honestly believed that such institutions would be politically and ideologically neutral. I do not know whether there are now people who honestly believe
that the IMF is politically or ideologically neutral. It has an ideology of economic and social development which it is trying to impose on poor countries irrespective of their own clearly stated policies. And when we reject IMF conditions we hear the threatening whisper.
'Without accepting our conditions you will not get our money, and you will get no other money'. Indeed we have already heard hints from some quarters that money or credit will not be made available to us until we have reached an understanding with the IMF.
When did the IMF become an International Ministry of Finance? When did nations agree to surrender to it their power of decision making?

Your Excellencies: It is this growing power of the IMF and the irresponsible and arrogant way in which it is being wielded against the Poor that has forced me to use my opportunity to make these unusual remarks in a New Year Speech to you. The problems of my country and other Third World countries are grave enough without the political interference of IMF officials. If they cannot help at the very least they should stop meddling.
I have made it repeatedly clear to my own countrymen, however, that whatever decisions are made by us, and by our friends, 1980 is going to be a very difficult year for Tanzania. I believe that when they understand the problem our people will respond to this economic challenge as they have responded to other challenges in the past.
I believe they will bear the further sacrifices, and further burdens, which present conditions impose upon us just as long as they are assured that we are doing our best to share the burdens equitably, and continuing to pursue our own policies."

Apparently after this speech the whole country went bananas. People demonstrated for the whole week. How could a nationa increase its productivities for just listening speeches? I guess this is the reason why Tanzanians speak too much, but can not produce a thing. If you blame JK for talking empty promises, the above speech is a master piece.

 

[Mkandara]

Mtanganyika,
Mkuu wangu kwa nini tuandikie mate wakati wino tunao...tazama figures za IMF kulingana na madai yako miaka ya Nyerere na Mwinyi.
Bofya HAPA