Mkapa above the law?: Allegations

[kkiwango]

Ndoo yenye maji safi ya kunywa ukidondoshea tone moja la sumu kali, yataendelea kuitwa maji safi ya kunywa au yataitwa machafu na yenye sumu yasiofaa kunywewa? maana yake ni ya kumwagwa tena mbali na makazi ya binadamu.
Back to our point, sioni sababu ya Mkapa kuitwa mtu safi, sijaona usafi wowote, hayo aliyofanya na kuonekana safi yalishakuwepo tayari kwenye pipe line, hivyo chini ya uongozi wa yeyote yangetimia tu. Ila hayo ya mikataba hewa, rada etc sidhani kama kila mtu anawezafanya hayo, kwa maana nyingine hayo ndio matunda rasmi ya Mkapa...sasa usafi uko wapi?

 

[jmushi1]

Mi nakwambia hii issue iki unguruma huko Bungeni na mahakamani naona hawa kina bongotz sijuwi watajiita nini tena.

 

[Kichuguu]

Haya..Mkuu Kichuguu..Umezungumzia kuhusu GDP...Vipi kuhusu BALANCE OF TRADE?
We dont have trade surplus...We just have trade deficts...Sasa ni kivipi uchumi ulihesabika kuwa umekuwa?
Ni vigezo gani?
Hicho cha matumizi ya serikali?

Da!

Mushi samahani sana kwa kuingiza topiki za uchumi sana kwenye thread hii.


Kwenye kukokota GDP, nilisema kuwa formula rahisi inayotumika ni:

GDP = Matumizi ya ndani + Uwekezaji ndani ya nchi + matumizi ya Serikali + (mauzo ya Nje − manunuzi kutoka nje)

Sasa Balance of Trade ni hiyo tofauti kati ya mauzo ya nje na manunuzi kutoka nje kama niliyoonyesha kwenye brackets hapo juu, yaani

Balance of Trade=(mauzo ya Nje − manunuzi kutoka nje)

Kwa kawaida unataka mauzo yako ya nje yawe makubwa kuliko manunuzi kutoka nje ili kukuza GDP yako. Kama mauzo yakiwa kidogo kulinganisha na manunuzi, basi unakuwa na trade deficit ambayo hupunguza GDP yako. Nina imani kuwa Tanzania huwa tuna trade deficit ila GDP yetu inategemea sana matumizi ya serikali kuliko balance of trade.

 

[MkamaP]

Mkamap,

Umenithibitishia kitu kimoja. Ama huijui Tanzania au kwa makusudi unakataa kukubali hali halisi. On average mwananchi kijijini Bunda uwezo wake kupata mahitaji yake ulipungua kwa kiasi cha kutisha katika kipindi hicho - labda iwe kwa vigezo vyako vya kutumia indicators za kupikwa, system ambayo imetokea kuwa fashion kwa watawala wetu. Huwezi kupima uchumi kwa mwananch moja kula na kusaza huku wananchi kumi wanalala njaa. Ninahisi uko miongoni mwa hao walafi mkiongozwa na Mkapa huku mkiwaita wengine wavivu, wabovu nk..

Kawaida yenu ili hoja zenu zionekane hoja lazima uzicrash kwa namna hiyo yani kwa kumuunganisha mpinzani wako kihoja na FIsadi tumezoea hayo.

Kazi ya serikali ni kukutengenezea huduma safi yani barabara,maji,umeme,shule na mambo kama hayo.

Nani alikuambia asiyefanya kazi na apate mlo,sasa unataka kusema hapa kua hiyo Mutex ama mwatex ingeachwa nyumba ya nguchiro huyo mwananchi wa bunda angefaidika vipi kupata mlo??

Kawambie hao wananchi wa bunda watumie vizuri miundo mbinu ya uhakika waliyowekewa kujipatia mlo wao.Wakisubiri waletewe chakula cha msaada kama wakati ule wa njaa watahadharishe watakufa kwa njaa maana serikali inafanya hivyo kwa mda muafaka tu.

 

[jmushi1]

Da!

Mushi samahani sana kwa kuingiza topiki za uchumi sana kwenye thread hii.


Kwenye kukokota GDP, nilisema kuwa formula rahisi inayotumika ni:

GDP = Matumizi ya ndani + Uwekezaji ndani ya nchi + matumizi ya Serikali + (mauzo ya Nje − manunuzi kutoka nje)

Sasa Balance of Trade ni hiyo tofauti kati ya mauzo ya nje na manunuzi kutoka nje kama niliyoonyesha kwenye brackets hapo juu, yaani

Balance of Trade=(mauzo ya Nje − manunuzi kutoka nje)

Kwa kawaida unataka mauzo yako ya nje yawe makubwa kuliko manunuzi kutoka nje ili kukuza GDP yako. Kama mauzo yakiwa kidogo kulinganisha na manunuzi, basi unakuwa na trade deficit ambayo hupunguza GDP yako. Nina imani kuwa Tanzania huwa tuna trade deficit ila GDP yetu inategemea sana matumizi ya serikali kuliko balance of trade.

Ndio hapo sasa naona tumekubaliana kuwa vigezo walivyovitumia ni BUTU!
Kwasababu matumizi yenyewe ya serikali ni TEGEMEZI!
AMA HUJUWI BAJETI INACHANGIWA NA WAFADHILI KILA MWAKA?

 

[jmushi1]

Itakuwa vipi matumizi ya serikali ya reflect GDP GROWTH NA WAKATI HUO HUO SERIKALI INAWATEGEMEA WAFADHILI KWA KARIBIA MATUMIZI YAKE YOTE?

NB:GDP = Matumizi ya ndani + Uwekezaji ndani ya nchi + matumizi ya Serikali + (mauzo ya Nje − manunuzi kutoka nje)

Kwanini hawakutumia vigezo vya uwekezaji ndani ya nchi,matumizi ya ndani pamoja na Balance of trade(mauzo ya nje-manunuzi kutoka nje) Na badala yake wametumia matumizi ya mafisadi peke yake?
Ama matumizi ya serikali si matumizi ya MAFISADI?
Yamegeuka kuwa kigezo cha GDP growth yetu?
Yamegeuka kuwa matumizi ya wananchi?
LINI?

 

[jmushi1]

Na Mh Kichuguu...Kwa msisitizo wa hoja yangu...Naomba nitowe nukuu hii hapo chini kutoka kwako...

Kwa kawaida unataka mauzo yako ya nje yawe makubwa kuliko manunuzi kutoka nje ili kukuza GDP yako. Kama mauzo yakiwa kidogo kulinganisha na manunuzi, basi unakuwa na trade deficit ambayo hupunguza GDP yako. Nina imani kuwa Tanzania huwa tuna trade deficit ila GDP yetu inategemea sana matumizi ya serikali kuliko balance of trade.

 

[Kichuguu]

Kawaida yenu ili hoja zenu zionekane hoja lazima uzicrash kwa namna hiyo yani kwa kumuunganisha mpinzani wako kihoja na FIsadi tumezoea hayo.

Kazi ya serikali ni kukutengenezea huduma safi yani barabara,maji,umeme,shule na mambo kama hayo.

Nani alikuambia asiyefanya kazi na apate mlo,sasa unataka kusema hapa kua hiyo Mutex ama mwatex ingeachwa nyumba ya nguchiro huyo mwananchi wa bunda angefaidika vipi kupata mlo??

Nakubaliana nawe kwa hayo; sasa rudi nyuma kidogo uangalie hali halisi je ni kweli serikali ya Mkapa ilijenga barabara, maji umeme, shule na mambo kama hayo?

(a) Nilipotaka kwenda Bukoba kwa gari kutoka Dar ilibidi nipitie Kenya na Uganda ndipo nikaingia Bukoba! In fact mojawapo sa sababu za Mkapa kunua ndege ile ilikuwa ni kwa sababu ya nchi kutokuwa na barabara za kuaminika!! Nadhani uliisoma ripoti ile ya mama Short. Vile vile utaratibu wa mwaziri na wabunge kunuliwa mashangingi yanayogharimu mamilioni ya fedha ni kutokana na nchi kuwa na barabara mbovu.

(c) Swala la umeme hadi leo tunalijua na ndilo lililozua Richmond; kwa hiyo siyo kweli kuwa Serikali ya Mkapa ilijenga huduma ya umeme. Umeme wote unaotumika tanzania ulijengwa wakati wa Nyerere (Kidatu, Mtera na Pangani). Badala yake Mkapa alileta ITPL kwa ajili ya manufaa yake binafsi na mkataba huo unaendelea kutula hadi kesho.

(d) Kama kweli shule zenyewe alizojenga Mkapa ndizo hizi.

Basi nadhani tunapima maendeleo yetu kwa vigezo tofauti.

 

[Kichuguu]

Itakuwa vipi matumizi ya serikali ya reflect GDP GROWTH NA WAKATI HUO HUO SERIKALI INAWATEGEMEA WAFADHILI KWA KARIBIA MATUMIZI YAKE YOTE?
NB:GDP = Matumizi ya ndani + Uwekezaji ndani ya nchi + matumizi ya Serikali + (mauzo ya Nje − manunuzi kutoka nje)

Kwanini hawakutumia vigezo vya uwekezaji ndani ya nchi,matumizi ya ndani pamoja na Balance of trade(mauzo ya nje-manunuzi kutoka nje) Na badala yake wametumia matumizi ya mafisadi peke yake?
Ama matumizi ya serikali si matumizi ya MAFISADI?
Yamegeuka kuwa kigezo cha GDP growth yetu?
Yamegeuka kuwa matumizi ya wananchi?
LINI?

Hiyo ndiyo point kubwa

 

[jmushi1]

Kichuguu inasikitisha...Sasa na wewe ni profesa wetu tunaomba musimamie hiyo issue ili haki ipatikane na UHURU WETU.
Hivi kweli hawa watu hawana huruma kiasi hiki?

 

[MkamaP]

Kichuguu
Tatizo unashindwa kuelewa tatizo ni la watanzania maana yake nini??

Miradi mingi hasa ya barabara za lami na shule zimeanzishwa na mkapa ila kwa sababu sisi ni watanzania zimeshindwa kukamilika ama kufikiwa malengo.

Malengo ya Mkapa ya kubinafisisha naamini yalikua mazuri ila wachache wakatumia utanzania wetu kupenyeza mirija yao ya kujiendeleza na kuharibu zoezi zima.

Mkapa si Mungu atakeye kua kila shemu kuangalia mipango na mikakati inaenda barbara.

Huo umeme mimi naongelewa kufikishwa huko sijasema kutengenezwa.

Hili la IPTL sina uhakika nalo ila na kumbuka huu mradi uliinzishwa wakati JK akiwa waziri wa fedha kama ndiyo basi huu mradi umekuwepo kabla ya Mkapa kua Rais kama nimekosea nisahahishe.

Siku ukiwa unapita huko Kenya wewe waulize hivi ninyi wakenya hua mnawachukulia je watanzania??
watakwambia watanzania ni makondoo .

Mimi mwenyewe shule ya msingi nimesoma kabla ya utawala wa Mkapa lakini nakuhakikishia nimesomea chini ya mti .kwanza heli hao hata wamekaa ktk sakafu mimi nimekalia jiwe lilokua linachana kaptula yangu ya kaki na kuacha matako yangu nje.Na miguu yangu kupeuka kama goti la mbuzi.
Mbona tunasahau mapema namna hiyo

 

[BAK]

Itakuwa vipi matumizi ya serikali ya reflect GDP GROWTH NA WAKATI HUO HUO SERIKALI INAWATEGEMEA WAFADHILI KWA KARIBIA MATUMIZI YAKE YOTE?

NB:GDP = Matumizi ya ndani + Uwekezaji ndani ya nchi + matumizi ya Serikali + (mauzo ya Nje − manunuzi kutoka nje)

Kwanini hawakutumia vigezo vya uwekezaji ndani ya nchi,matumizi ya ndani pamoja na Balance of trade(mauzo ya nje-manunuzi kutoka nje) Na badala yake wametumia matumizi ya mafisadi peke yake?
Ama matumizi ya serikali si matumizi ya MAFISADI?
Yamegeuka kuwa kigezo cha GDP growth yetu?
Yamegeuka kuwa matumizi ya wananchi?
LINI?

Jmushi, Umetulia hapa na kuandika points nzito sana. Kwa kuongezea tu sasa hivi mataifa makubwa kama USA, UK, Germany na mengineyo uchumi wao unayumba vibaya sana kutokana na kupanda sana kwa bei ya mafuta, vyakula n.k. Na katika baadhi ya nchi athari ya hilo limeshaanza kujionyesha kwa mfano US sasa hivi ni mwezi wa sita mfululizo ambapo idadi ya watu waliopoteza kazi imekuwa ni kubwa mno ukilinganisha na wale walioajiriwa au kwa kifupi negative growth in employment, lakini cha kustaajabisha tunaambiwa bado uchumi wa Tanzania unakuwa tu!!!! na utaendelea kukuwa tu.

Kwa hiyo hapa kuna mawili au Viongozi wa juu ni waongo kama kawaida yao ya kuwadanganya Watanzania kila kukicha au takwinu zinazokusanywa ili kupima ukuaji wa uchumi zina kasoro kubwa sana, maana haiwezekani mataifa makubwa yatetereke kiuchumi kwa athari mbali mbali ambazo pia zinaikumba Tanzania lakini bado uchumi wetu uendelee kukua tu. Hivyo hii ya GDP wakati wa Mkapa kukua ni alinacha tu ambayo haina ukweli wowote.

Nitampa sifa moja kwamba aliweza kuinua sana makusanyo ya kodi ya mapato ambayo kama angekuwa makini basi yangesaidia sana kunyanyua viwango vya Watanzania walio wengi, lakini hakufanya hivyo. Kwa hiyo namfananisha na baba mtaani ambaye haishi kuiambia familia yake pale mtaani kwamba yeye ndiye mwenye mshahara mkubwa kuliko mwingine yeyote pale mtaani lakini wakati huo huo familia yake haioni manufaa yoyote ya mshahara huo mkubwa maana unaishia kwenye kilevi, nyumba ndogo na anasa nyingine na kuiacha familia yake ikiwa na utapia mlo.

 

[Rev. Kishoka]

Yalisemwa haya na Nicholls Boas enzi zile..

Mkapa's Failed Presidency in Tanzania
By
Dr. Nicholls K. Boas
Morgan State University, Baltimore, Maryland

It has been a long tradition that when a Tanzanian president visits a foreign country, one of his official duties is to meet with Tanzanians in order to provide them with the accurate affairs of the state. In doing so, the president genuinely opens meaningful discussions about the issues of concerns to Tanzanians. These discussions may yield useful information capable of tackling some serious problems affecting the development of Tanzanian society.
Sadly, the long tradition that was established to offer a genuine dialogue between the president and Tanzanians has been turned by Mkapa and some of his ministers into confrontation and deliberate distortion
about the public affairs of Tanzania.. Instead of providing absolute facts based on evidence, Mkapa and his officials engage in trash and uncivilized talk that is geared toward avoiding legitimate answers to
hard questions about the economy and political issues asked by Tanzanians. These Tanzanians are curious to learn about the truth of the affairs of their country. What is unfortunate in this situation is
that, when Tanzanians are seriously questioning about the implementation of significant changes geared to improve political and economic prosperity, Mkapa and his cronies become defensive by disparaging the questions; and in fact, they become personal in their responses.
Surely, when you have a leader such as Mkapa, who lacks political savvy and a sound vision that can carry Tanzania to economic prosperity, it is quite obvious that Tanzania will continue to sink in poverty, while
Mkapa and his CCM (Chama Cha Mapinduzi) political party, which follows the ideology of socialism, play mockery to the development progress of Tanzania.
Mkapa, who has been associated with CCM, which has been in power for about 38 years, and became president four years ago, has failed completely to advance socio-economic development in Tanzania in which the majority Tanzanians have continually been left by his government to endure economic hardship. To hear Mkapa and his political party talk of
development progress is not only nonsense but also ludicrous. Mkapa has been a failure in many fronts of development in Tanzania; in fact, CCM policies that Mkapa follows religiously have always been destructive
towards development. CCM policies have moved Tanzania to misery and hopelessness; and have created fears that have dispelled hopes among the lives of Tanzanians. The legitimate question to be asked is: how long should the voters continue to let CCM and Mkapa wreck the economy of Tanzania which is in chaos now.
Mkapa's administration under CCM is not only a burden to his own political party CCM but also to the well-being of Tanzanians at large. As president, Mkapa has failed to steer the country from economic disorder to economic prosperity. Following are some of his greatest failures in rejuvenating the economy and also enhancing the
democratization process in Tanzania:
1. Mkapa brags that his administration collected more taxes than any other previous government since Independence. This is nonsense simply because the taxes being collected do not match with the progress of
advancing development in Tanzania. The majority Tanzanians wonder where does the tax money go? In bragging that he collects more taxes than any other president, Mkapa needs to explain clearly what he does with that
money because Tanzanians have not seen the evidence. With this huge tax collection, Tanzanians expect significant change towards using the money to advance their social well-being. Unfortunately, this has not been
done. His tax policies are restrictive of individual's economic development simply because individuals are left with nothing substantial to pursue their own development. It is ridiculous to hear Mkapa praising the success of his government in collecting taxes while he has not created a sound taxable society in Tanzania.. It is surprising to
many to envision what kind of a government is this that thinks development is based on collecting more taxes. What Tanzanians want to see is job creation in public and private sectors which would significantly better their lives.
2. Just as Nyerere, the former president, Mkapa as well has repeatedly disrespected the Rule of Law which is central to the survival of the democratic rule in Tanzania. When he assumed the presidency in 1995, Mkapa categorically stated that he will not be sympathetic to those who are corrupted in his administration. To prove that he was serious about his statement, Mkapa, operating on hear say, fired a large number of employees from the Income Tax Department without proof of any solid evidence. This, indeed, was a gross violation of human rights and simply abuse of power that doesn't respect the Rule of Law. Instead of firing employees out of their job based on hear say, the alleged
employees who were suspected to be corrupted should have been accorded a due process in which the court of law would determine whether or not they were criminals. To the contrary, when the media alleged that Mr.
Mbilinyi, a former Minister of Finance, was linked to corruption, Mkapa vehemently defended his friend, Mbilinyi, and arrogantly declared that he was not going to fire him. As one can notice, Mkapa applied a double
standard to the issue of alleged corruption. His actions to the employees of the Income Tax Department were very brutal, while his
actions on his dear friend were sympathetic in which he turned to be an advocate for Mbilinyi. To begin with, Mkapa has no business in taking action on alleged corrupted officials. If the government is suspicious of government corrupted officials, then it must let the police and the courts handle the matter. Surely, his actions on the issue of corruption were undemocratic and unfair. He needs to stop tampering with the rights of individuals and allow a due process to take its course of
action. If Mkapa is serious about corruption, then he needs to turnover the Warioba's investigative corruption report to the police who will investigate the allegation and determine the course of action. Why hasn't Mkapa done this? What is so significant in this report that Mkapa is holding it back? It is this that appears to suggest Mkapa does not understand the significance of adhering to the Rule of Law in maintaining a healthy democracy in Tanzania. 3. Central to the democratic rule in Tanzania is the adherence to the Constitution of the country in which individuals have the right to a free speech; the right to petition and assemble peacefully; and the right to have a free press. Unfortunately, the Constitution has amendments that infringe on the values of democracy. As Tanzanians know, the Constitution has undergone changes which instituted various amendments during the so-called Nyerere's one-party rule. These
undemocratic amendments enabled Nyerere to tamper on those democratic
values such as the freedom of the press without being legally
challenged. Tragically, these amendments in the Constitution are still applicable today in this era of democratic rule in Tanzania..
Currently, newspapers are still controlled by the Newspaper Act of 1976, which under the multiparty democracy, the Act is undemocratic and anti-freedom of the press. These kinds of amendments which have not been repealed give Mkapa enormous power to infringe and restrict individuals' rights to exercise their freedom under the democratic rule. Mkapa, who appears undemocratic, continues to preserve the status quo in which he greatly enjoys exercising absolute power at his own
will. It is a fact that absolute power corrupts; and unfortunately, after being the president for the last four years, Mkapa seems to have solidified corrupted power. Because of being corrupted with power, it is not surprising to see that, to date, Mkapa appears not to have initiated any significant reforms to repeal the undemocratic amendments
in the Constitution. As a result, Mkapa, under the democratic rule, justifies his unfair actions by hiding behind the Constitution. Indeed, he has failed to spearhead meaningful democratic reforms, which would guarantee equal rights for every Tanzanian. Tanzanians have the right
to demand NOW that Mkapa create a conducive climate in which a constitutional reform take place to correct the Constitution that will
reflect the democratic rule in Tanzania

 

[Rev. Kishoka]

Mengine haya mwaka 2002 kutoka
http://www.afrol.com/News2002/tan006_dawasa_private.htm

Dubious Tanzania water privatisation increases debtRelated items News articles
» 07.01.2003 - Growing incomes and expenses for Tanzanians in 2003
» 04.11.2002 - 10 million water cuts after South Africa's water privatisation
» 08.10.2002 - Mixed results in Tanzania's fight against poverty
» 02.07.2002 - Power privatisation of Côte d'Ivoire reviewed
» 01.07.2002 - Ghana's energy privatisation "driven only by financial concerns"
» 01.06.2002 - Dubious Tanzania water privatisation increases debt
» 02.05.2002 - Ghana: Dispute over water privatisation upcoming
» 21.03.2002 - Privatisation of Mauritanian power supplier underway
» 28.11.2001 - Tanzania gets US$ 3 billion in debt relief
» 23.05.2001 - Nigerian privatisation venture cooperation fails
» 10.04.2001 - South African unions face globalisation
» 14.02.2001 - Protests over water privatisation in Johannesburg
» 08.02.2001 - IMF forces African countries to privatise water
» 24.01.2001 - Unions concerned about poverty and cholera in Johannesburg
» 16.11.2000 - 'Civil society will resist Ghana's water privatisation'
Pages
Tanzania Archive
Economy & Development News
New, Africa
In Internet
PSRC (Tanz. privatisation agency)
PSRC on DAWASA privatisation
ADB
IMF
Globalization Challenge Initiative



afrol News, 1 June - Privatising the Dar es Salaam Water and Sewerage Authority (DAWASA) was one of the conditions given Tanzania to receive the HIPC debt relief. Now, the government has raised a credit to fund the US$ 145 million upgrade of DAWASA, needed to sell off the company at a lower price. Concerns are the privatisation will produce higher water bills or even become another corruption trap.
The African Development Bank (ADB) yesterday sent out a release saying it had signed an agreement with Tanzanian Deputy Minister for Finance, Alhaj Adbisalaam Issa Khatibu, for a loan of approximately US$ 47 million. The loan was to partially finance the "Dar-es-Salaam water supply and sanitation project." The missing US$ 98 million are being lent from the World Bank, and - more surprisingly - from the European Investment Bank and Agence Française de Développement.
According to ADB, the "project" consists of improving "in terms of accessibility, quality, reliability and affordability [the water] services to the population." Further, the project would "contribute to poverty reduction and improve the economic and social well-being of the people of Tanzania by providing them with a better access to clean water, thereby, reducing the incidence of water borne diseases among the vulnerable groups."
The concept sounds promising, but critics don't agree that "poverty reduction" is the real aim of ADB's Dar es Salaam project. The project's aim, they hold, is merely to make it possible to find a buyer for DAWASA. The company - owned by the Tanzanian Ministry of Water - will significantly increase its value due to the new investment in infrastructure and billing. The most sceptical even fear the project only will enrich the President's family, basing their concerns on a recent privatisation scandal.
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has insisted on privatising DAWASA for around five years, as a condition to include Tanzania in the enhanced Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) initiative. HIPC inclusion provides Tanzania with a significant debt service relief, theoretically worth billions of dollars. The conditional structural reforms, including water supply privatisation, however often are a high price to pay.
This is not an IMF demand unique to its Tanzania policy. The Fund is promoting water supply privatisation all over the continent, often causing protests from civil society and international anti-globalisation groups. Although African state-owned water suppliers mostly are ineffective and run-down, they at least have provided many urban poors with cheap or free water. Protesters claim these international takeovers are excluding the poor from an affordable clean water supply.
The water supply and sanitation of Dar es Salaam indeed doesn't have the best of reputations. According to the DAWASA "owner" Festus Libu, Tanzanian Minister of Water, "infrastructure built in the 1970s is deteriorating rapidly." It is estimated that 50 percent of the water is lost through leakage and illegal links to the system. Libu holds DAWASA is suffering "from poor billing and revenue collection and inadequate water sources both in terms of quality and quantity."
The government agrees to the IMF cure of privatising DAWASA, as it has done with over 300 state-owned enterprises over the last years. The process of selecting a private operator for DAWASA has however been complicated. There has been one failed bidding process and a re-bid is ongoing. In the first round (in January 2000), only two bids were received by two French companies, Saur International and Vivendi. Both bids were finally rejected.
Before initiating the re-bid process, conditions had to become more favourable. According to the Ministry, privatisation of DAWASA will be "done in two stages." The first stage is to have the company leased to a private operator for 10 years. "During this stage, DAWASA will have its infrastructure rehabilitated and improved while at the same time its operations and management improved through engagement of [the] private operator."
Loans totalling US$ 145 million are financing "the infrastructure rehabilitation and improvement" during this first stage. The winning bidder will only have to contribute with about US$ 6.5 million "to cover meters and standpipes," i.e. to secure its future invoicing. No wonder the governmental US Commercial Service has described this one of the most "significant investment opportunities" in Tanzania in its latest country report.
In the ongoing re-bid, Europe has however taken the lead. Eight companies made their submissions and three companies - from France, Germany and the UK - were determined pre-qualified bidders. This last "detail" may explain the co-financing from the European Investment Bank and Agence Française de Développement; institutions not normally engaged in Tanzania. The winning bidder is to be identified by September this year, according to schedule.
After the winning bidder has headed the ten-year process of improving DAWASA "in terms of infrastructure and management" - effectively financed by Tanzanian tax payers - the second stage will begin. According to R. Swere from the Ministry of Water, "the privatisation status of DAWASA will then change from lease to concession." It is not known whether this will require a payment to the Tanzanian state.
While ADB maintains the main objective of its "project" is to improve the quality of the water supply and sanitation system to assure the "accessibility, quality, reliability and affordability services to the population," the Ministry clearly has identified opposite aims. The on-going strategy for DAWASA was "to reduce water leakage and unaccounted water from 50 percent to 25 percent," according to the government advertising that was to attract bidders.
While reducing leakage would improve supply, reducing "unaccounted" tapping could imply cutting off water supply to many of the city's poor "squatters". The emphasis on improved billing - understandably interesting for a private operator - also raises concerns DAWASA may start charging for currently free services. These free services include providing water from the distribution mains at standpipes located around the city, which is used by individuals as well as water vendors.
If Tanzanians didn't have enough reasons to fear the DAWASA privatisation, last months' scandalous privatisation of the Tanzania Electricity Supply Company (Tanesco) shocked the nation. The small South African engineering firm NET Group Solutions on 2 April beat several foreign companies to sign a lucrative contract to run Tanesco.
During April, it turned out that NET Group Solution was "a very small firm" with inadequate capacity to handle Tanzania's national electricity grid. Then it was known that the firm's Tanzanian partner was a company owned by President Benjamin Mkapa's brother-in-law. "Most shocking was the fact that the directorship of the local firm includes primary schoolchildren," wrote the Nairobi-based 'East African' in an editorial. After the scandal was out, the government rejected a parliamentary demand to reveal the details of Tanesco's management contract. The privatisation process now continues secretly.
The dubious Tanesco deal is widely interpreted as a result of President Mkapa's desire to enrich himself and his family while serving his last presidential term. The next big parastatals to go are DAWASA and the Tanzania Railways Corporation; both processes carry a condition of including local investors at a minimum of 20 percent. Tanzanians hope they will not have to pay the maintenance of the Mkapa family for generations to come over their electricity and water bills and railway tickets.

Sources: Based on Tanzanian govt, ADB, World Bank, US govt and afrol archives​

​

 

[Rev. Kishoka]

Leo nimekua JMushi au Bubu ataka Kusema, mtindo mmoja cpy and paste.

Umahiri wa Mkapa ukiwekewa shada la maua...

Sunday, August 16, 1998 Published at 04:53 GMT 05:53 UK

[FONT=Arial, Helvetica]World: Africa[/FONT]

[FONT=Arial, Helvetica]Aftershocks in Tanzania[/FONT]

[FONT=Arial, Helvetica]Tanzania's hospitals struggled to help all the injured[/FONT]

[FONT=Arial, Helvetica]News online's Matthew Grant was in Dar es Salaam when the US embassy was bombed. Here he reports on the aftermath of the explosion.

Translated from Arabic the name means Haven of Peace - until last week Dar es Salaam had lived up to it.
The greater carnage in Nairobi may have overshadowed international coverage of Tanzania's first major paramilitary attack. But in a sleepy country, where no news is generally good news, there came a sudden realisation it could not entirely escape the chaos of the outside world.

[FONT=Arial, Helvetica]The Israeli-built embassy remained standing after the blast[/FONT]The bomb at the US embassy vibrated throughout the East African capital. Everyone in the city stopped what they were doing as the explosion rang out. Few immediately recognised what it was. As the first pictures arrived on the local and international networks the main reaction was disbelief.
For some young Tanzanians, this was coupled with a weird kind of pride. "We're on the news," said one teenager, staring at his television.
One of the slowest to react was Tanzanian President Benjamin Mkapa. He refused to cut short an overseas trip and failed to visit the bombsite until two days after the explosion. When he arrived, he deplored the attack as inhuman. But, in contrast to US President Bill Clinton's bold statement, Mr Mkapa made scant mention of catching the perpetrators. He promised to step up security. "We are more alert now than before," he said.
Ten killed were locals

[FONT=Arial, Helvetica]The explosion was the first of its kind in the East African state[/FONT]Compared to the scenes of total destruction and mayhem in Kenya, the Dar es Salaam embassy escaped lightly. Better security, in particular an exclusion zone between it and the busy street, meant neighbouring buildings were worst hit.
The bomb appeared to have gone off inside a water tank, which had been stopped at the gates of the embassy as it was being delivered. More than 20 other cars parked by the building were simply burnt out shells. Other than damage to one side, the embassy itself remained intact and standing.
The charge d'affaires at the embassy, John Lange, described the scene inside: "Air conditioners, window glasses and computers were scattered all over the office. We were very shocked to see the devastation inside the office. And yet nobody who was in the office died. A few workers sustained injuries."

[FONT=Arial, Helvetica]US marines snubbed the Tanzanian president when he visited the bomb site[/FONT]Despite this, the rumour in Dar es Salaam was that the Americans were furious at lax Tanzanian security checks, which had allowed the bombers to get as close as they did. Some local newspapers reported President Mkapa's claim that the attack was intended to destroy the "good relationship" between the US and Tanzania. None mentioned that the marines in charge of the clear-up operation were apparently so incensed they refused to even look at the president as he made his tour.
No Americans died in the attack. Whether this represents success or failure to those behind it can only be guessed. "What can you do with the terrorists?" asked one East African-Asian man. "If they have a vengeance against the Americans, they will kill 100 Africans just to kill one American."
There is little sympathy for the bombers in Tanzania but many say the United States meddles in African affairs, doing more harm than good. "The terrorists they think the local people working with the Americans make themselves a fair target," said Ijuma Mwila, a shop owner. "Some people here also think that may be the case."
Ill-equipped for disaster
Tanzania's previous brushes with politically-motivated violence had not given it the experience or the expectation to deal with last week's bomb. The only previous incidents of note came in the 1960s - when a postal bomb killed the leader of the Mozambique Liberation Front, Eduardo Mondlane, who was living in Tanzania - and the early 1980s, when a group attempted to blow up Dar es Salaam's only major bridge, which links the city to the rich Oyster Bay suburb.
For years, Dar es Salaam was also home to one of the most active East African offices of the Palestinian Liberation Organisation. This, in part, accounts for the relatively high security of the US embassy: the Israelis originally built it, before former president Julius Nyerere severed relations in 1967 with the Jewish state.

[FONT=Arial, Helvetica]On guard: Americans and Tanzanians are stepping up security after the attack[/FONT]Those who dealt with the aftermath of the embassy blast admit they struggled to cope. A doctor at the Muhimbili Medical Centre, where the injured were taken, admitted it was only because they had heard about the bombing on the radio just after it happened that staff were able to provide adequate care. Similarly, security guards said they lacked both the training and the equipment to prevent future attacks. Although most security firms are run by foreign companies, they have until now principally fulfilled a role only as watchmen. That may have to change. As one guard put it: "Terrorists are professionals. We need to have people who are their match."[/FONT]

 

[BAK]

Leo nimekua JMushi au Bubu ataka Kusema, mtindo mmoja cpy and paste.

Umahiri wa Mkapa ukiwekewa shada la maua...

LOL!....Rev lakini ikibidi kujitosa kwenye hizo copy and paste ili kutoa mawazo yangu sisiti kufanya hivyo....🙂 huwa sikai pembeni na kuwaachia wenye meno watafune mibuyu...🙂

 

[Rev. Kishoka]

LOL!....Rev lakini ikibidi kujitosa kwenye hizo copy and paste ili kutoa mawazo yangu sisiti kufanya hivyo....🙂 huwa sikai pembeni na kuwaachia wenye meno watafune mibuyu...🙂

Unaona Kitufe anavyoumbuka? sasa sijui aliyeleta mada hii ya Utukufu atasema nini. Hiyo barua ya Boas ilikuwa ni 1999!

 

[Rev. Kishoka]

Bandika Bandua....

[SIZE=+1]East Africa's Privatisation Geniuses should turn to State Houses
[/SIZE]
By Finnigan wa Simbeye


[SIZE=+2]The Perspective
[/SIZE]Paris, France
Posted May 8, 2002


​

TWO major developments involving Tanzania President Benjamin William Mkapa and his Ugandan counterpart Yoweri Kaguta Museveni defending privatisation of parastatals on grounds of improving management were highlighted by the media in the two countries capitals last week.


"Tanesco's [Tanzania National Electricity Supply Company] management has failed to deliver and the government cannot continue using tax payers money to sustain it," President Mkapa was quoted as saying while commenting on a controversial move to hire a South African management team, Net Group Solutions, to run the state owned power company.


Tanesco’s new management deal has been a subject of a heated debate in the country following workers demands for payment of terminal benefits and signing of new contracts with the South African managers as many see the latest development as preparing the utility giant for privatisation as has been the case with other parastatals before.


President Mkapa’s government has been facing strong opposition both from within his own ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party and the general public on the way the administration has been handling privatisation of state run enterprises as pre-conditions for aid from Bretton Woods institutions and Western governments.


While President Mkapa argued that Tanesco's management has failed to stop the parastatal making losses the latest of which was over $100m revealed by an external audit report conducted recently, he aknowledged that the government and its various institutions owe the utility giant over $40m in unsettled bills accumulated over the years.


A private motion by a caucus of hardline members of parliament from the ruling party demanding government explanation on key controversial issues, including Tanesco’s privatisation, the purchasing of a $40m radar from BAe Systems of United Kingdom which even donors have questioned its costs, was foiled at the eleventh hour during an ordinary session of the House last month.


President Mkapa summoned the ruling party legislators and attacked them publicly for working against his government while warning them of the risk of fragmenting the party.


In Uganda, where another free market and privatisation genius President Museveni is in power, a revived African Joint Airline Services (AJAS) which was formed owned by South Africa, Tanzania and Ugandan governments jointly, was being launched under the name Africa One with Nigerian, Tanzanian and Ugandan private shareholders.


"Prior to Uganda Airlines closing wings, there was a hot debate whether the government should re-capitalise the loss making airline....., I refused. I don’t entertain loss making entities," Museveni was quoted as having said while commissioning first maiden flights of Africa One to West Africa and London at Entebbe International Airport.


Museveni and Mkapa who are good friends of World Bank, International Monetary Fund (IMF) and Western governments pushing for private ownership of the economies on argument that private shareholders are better managers than governments, are also heading governments which are accused of high level graft.


Presidents Museveni and Mkapa like their Western privatisation and free market economy geniuses based in Washington and London are using the argument of management efficiency as smoke screen to back such developments which are essentially aimed at benefitting foreign investors at the expense of the local populations.

In Tanzania, for example, the new managers and the government have already raised power tariffs by more than 10% while lay offs are being planned behind closed doors as has often been the case. The cost of hiring the new foreign managers which will be settled by a World Bank loan, is state secret known by the elites and donors.


President Mkapa’s government record of combating corruption and embezzlement of public funds by his senior lieutenants and appointees is just as bad as that of his Ugandan counterpart whose maladministration has crossed frontiers into Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).


Tanzania’s Controller and Auditor General (CAG)’s annual reports have been negative and critical of levels of unvouchered, unaccounted and missing funds in the country’s public coffers in recent days with appeals from the opposition demanding that presidential appointees such as ministerial permanent secretaries, be disciplined for failure to account for billions of shillings paid by tax payers.


One such permanent secretaries in Tanzania is that of Transport and Communications whose office is at the centre of the controvrsial purchase of the $40m radar system from the UK with a commercial loan from Barclays Bank with an interest rate of 4% per annum. Tanzania has a foreign debt of over $7bn and the government has been requesting total cancellation from Western creditors.


According to CAG report of 2000, unaccounted public funds in local governments of the country’s 102 mainland districts amounted to over $500m which was a slight improvement from over $300m which went missing the previous year.


Losses of huge sums of money in government ministries and key institutions including State House, are astronomical but the President has resisted calls by the opposition to discipline his close aides and where such people like ministers have been forced to do so under donor pressure, President Mkapa has often brought them back after sometime.

A living example is former Natural Resources and Tourism Minister Dr Juma Ngasongwa who was forced to step down in 1996 with former Finance Minister Professor Simon Mbilinyi after being associated with graft in a fish fillet export scandle involving Indian businessmen.


Things are not better in Uganda’s Museveni where the privatisation programme has been embroiled in corruption and embezzlement involving the president’s key aides, family members and a brother.


Even the president himself had been named in court as being party to a fraudulent privatisation programme of Uganda Commercial Bank, Green Bank and Bank of Uganda to a Malysian businessman and his close allies while the army has constantly been involved in controversial deals of purchasing helicopters which cann’t take off from Russia.


While these African leaders are justifying privatisation of state owned enterprises some of which are very sensitive to people’s lives like Tanesco, their government’s performance may justify the need to privatise even the entire system managing them, if privatisation is synonymous to efficiency and good management.

 

[Rev. Kishoka]

On this, Ballali was completely wrong, especially when you asses what took place at BOT and Mkapa reign!

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-adv/specialsales/spotlight/tanzania/macroscope.html

Under the Macroscope

[SIZE=-2]credit: Paul Joynson-Hicks[/SIZE][SIZE=-1]The Bank of Tanzania's management of the broad economic picture stands up well to close scrutiny.
In Tanzania, they say that there is no great virtue in hurrying (haraka haraka haina baraka in Swahili). So it is with the country's macroeconomic policy: slowly but surely, over the six years of the Mkapa administration, this former socialist country has achieved an enviable monetary stability, reduced inflation to the lowest level in 28 years and racked up a steady annual average growth rate of four percent.
For its faithfulness to economic reforms, Tanzania has endeared itself to international financial institutions and donors and in 2000 qualified for massive debt relief under the World Bank and IMF enhanced Highly Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) initiative.
"We have done more than at any other time since independence," says Bank of Tanzania Governor Daudi Ballali, himself a veteran of the IMF, spending 25 years stationed in Washington. Ballali, a self-deprecatory 58-year-old, was heavily involved in the structural adjustment program for Ghana on the west coast of Africa and is determined that Tanzania will not, as happened to a limited extent there, give up its hard won macroeconomic gains.
It has not been an easy journey. Under the "Ujamaa" (meaning village communal life) socialist policies of former president, the late Julius Nyerere, Tanzania's economy nearly fell flat on its face. Monolithic state-run industries in backbone sectors like agriculture, mining and tourism collapsed, undermined by inefficiency, corruption and falling commodity prices in overseas markets.
Tanzania's invasion of Uganda to oust former dictator Idi Amin in 1977 also took its toll on state coffers. Indeed many Tanzanians will never forget what they described as the most traumatizing period of their lives, characterized by long queues for basic necessities like bread and sugar. Nyerere resigned almost a decade later in 1985, and although credited with creating one of the most harmonious states in Africa through his introduction of Swahili as the national language, was gracious enough to concede that his experiment with socialism, through "Ujamaa", was an economic failure.
His successor, Ali Hassan Mwinyi, launched the country on a capitalist path with the help of the World Bank and the IMF, but the liberalization went awry when Mwinyi failed to rein in corruption, notably in the case of the now infamous "tax exemptions", which prompted Western donors to cut aid.
"The government lost micro-economic control," says Ballali. "The donors walked away and people thought Tanzania would be in limbo for another 5-10 years. But luckily in the election of 1995, we got President Mkapa." It's Mkapa's commitment to good governance and transparency that has made him a darling of the West. His admission that corruption was a cancer and his subsequent probe into graft in government helped establish his credibility.
Western donors and international businesses feel they can do business with a man who has committed himself to macro-economic stability — keeping inflation at single digit levels, cutting back on government spending and developing an investor friendly climate.
The economy is now expected to grow at around 5.3 percent in 2001 (July 2001/June 2002 fiscal year), jumping to six percent in 2002. Inflation, at around five percent, is well on its way down and is expected to fall to 4.5 percent by December 2001. Broadening the tax base and higher revenue collection are also targeted, as the current average of 12 percent of GDP is low compared with its neighbors. In sub-Saharan Africa, revenue collection is between 16-18 percent.
The government is counting on additional funds when it reaches completion point under the HIPC program. Once these funds kick in, Ballali says the government's external debt servicing burden would be halved with HIPC freeing up funds for spending in critical sectors like health, education, rural roads and water.
Although there is a general consensus among Tanzanians that the government has done well in achieving macroeconomic stability, disappointment that few of its benefits have trickled down to the country's mostly peasant farming population poses a danger to the consensus behind reform in the country. Other sectors of the working population have been hard hit by retrenchments following the government's mass privatization program.
"It's people not seeing the benefits coming — we have created high expectations," says Ballali, adding that further liberalization needs to be undertaken in the agricultural sector, as the mainstay of the economy, employing 80 percent of the country's 35 million people.
Despite its enormous natural wealth, Tanzania has the disadvantage of starting from the bottom rung — per capita income is a mere $270. The country is ranked among the world's 10 poorest nations with half of the population living on less than a dollar a day, and 16 percent of those in abject poverty of less than half a dollar.
Future macro-economic and monetary policy will continue to target low inflation, aiming for two to three percent but much of the stimulus for growth will have to come from foreign direct investment. The most promising sectors seen driving the economy forward in the next five years are tourism, mining and manufacturing for export. Ballali reckons Tanzania needs to attain a real GDP growth rate of eight percent before the benefits can trickle down to ordinary people. Other critical changes include reforms to land laws, needed to pave the way for commercial farming and to encourage bank lending. A larger productive formal sector should pump up revenue which in turn will mean the country becomes less donor dependent. Donors currently finance around 40 percent of the country's fiscal budget. But most of all, Tanzania's hope lies in its people, long shackled by socialism which their leaders say created a culture of dependency, and now learning a new way to support themselves and their families and live life independent of the state. [/SIZE]

 

[Phillemon Mikael]

wadau ili kuweza kuchangia kwa haki bila kutawaliwa na unazi...mimi nimepitia machapisho mbali mbali on our economic perfomance indicators ..please take time to read the following links.....

http://www.bot-tz.org/EconomicIndicators/Archive/Economic_Indicators_1995-2002.htm

the above link will enable you to see the economic situation by the time mr mkapa assumed the leadership of this country....

http://www.bot-tz.org/EconomicAndOperationsAnnualReports/June_2005.pdf

.....the above were indicators when he descend...

http://www.bot-tz.org/EconomicAndOperationsAnnualReports/June_2006.pdf

the above where the indicatives soon after mr kikwete ascend....its like saying 180 days perfomance of his gorvernment......

please see for your self and let us go ahead and direct our discussions basing on these realities coupled with other circumstatials.....