Ndugu Bubu;
Ukisema tumwache Mwalimu apumzike, inabidi na wewe upumzike kumtetea, kwa sababu ukianza kumtetea tu na wengine tunaanza kumshitaki, kama Mfisadi na Mtesi wake.
Isitoshe, Nyerere alipo kaburini huko anataka watu wamzungumzie kwa sababu ni mtu wa Kihistoria. Hapana sijaenda makaburini, isipokuwa alisema mwenyewe kabla ya kufa. Aliwahi kuulizwa katika siku zake za mwisho akiwa Marekani - Wabongo wenye kende za kumswalisha Nyerere kama hivi walifungwa - ilikuwaje mawazo yake na Nkurumah kuanzisha Taifa la Afrika yalitoswa na Waafrika. Akajibu hilo jambo wana Historia watajadili, na kwamba yeye alijaribu. Kwa hiyo, hata yeye hataki kufa akasahaulika.
Tukiendelea na mashikata yalioalikwa na utetezi, kama Nyerere alileta vyama vingi ni kwa sababu alikuwa na juto moyoni. Yeye ndiye alivifuta 1965 alipokuja na fikra za Wachina Wekundu. Alikuwa anaogopa yaliyomkuta mwaka 1964 jeshi lilipoona isiwe tabu likaasi. Nyerere alijificha kwenye nyumba ya manyasi Kigamboni, akamtuma Biti Titi akajadiliane na Jeshi na kuongea na Wananchi. (Sikuweka dondoo.) Halafu akaomba msaada wa ulinzi Uingereza. Huku anahubiri kujitegemea.
Soo lilipoisha Bibi Titi akamwambia hizi siasa za Kichina China Mzee hazileti mantiki. Ungedhani atalipa fadhila, basi asivyo kuwa na soni, kamsweka Bibi Titi jela, na nyumba yake kaitaifisha. Ha ha aaaaa! Unasikitika mpaka unacheka.
Mwaka 1982 kidogo yamkute tena. Nyerere akaona isiwe tabu: akaja na Sheria ya Kikangaruu ya 'Preventive Detention Act' inayosema ni hatia kushukiwa!
Unaongelea Vyama Vingi? Nyerere toka lini anajua Demokrasia mjomba?
Kuhani Mkuu
Mbona umeweka hadithi za kwenye vikao vya kahawa hapa ambazo maudhui yake inategemeana nani anahadithia na ni shabiki wa nani maana siku zote hakuna source of info kwenye habari hizo anakwambia kipindi hicho niko middle school .Kama unajua kuhusu jeshi "kuto kutii amri na uasi unastahili adhabu kubwa au hata kifo" wanajeshi walishiliki wakafungwa na wengi wametoka 1994 nchi nyingine wanauwa kimya .Ila hadithi yako inadai bibi Titi ndiye aliye save issue inasimuliwa tofatu sana maana inadaiwa na yeye alikuwa yumu.Na ukweli ni kwamba jiribio hilo lilizimwa na wanajeshi hatiifu kwa rais .Bibi Titi alisave nini mbele mtutu? acha hadithi za Alinacha ww.Basi habari zisizo sibitika ziachwe.
Ila mapinduzi yalikuwa hivi ndugu Nimenukuu kutoka
African Security Review Vol 10 No 1, 2001 -Herman Lupongo.
Tanganyika Rifles mutiny - January 1964
Soldiers of the Tanganyika Rifles mutinied in January 1964. It began in Colito barracks in Dar es Salaam, spread to Kalewa barracks in Tabora with Nachingwea, a new barracks, following suit. The mutiny was over pay, promotions, the removal of British officers and Africanisation. Mwalimu Nyerere conceded that the "soldiers had genuine grievances and the demands presented a perfectly reasonable case." However, he could not tolerate a mutiny. It has been convincingly argued that the mutiny was not a coup attempt. Most contemporaries emphasised that it was an industrial strike that focused on the soldier's grievances. At no time did they challenge the legitimacy of the political leadership, nor did they attempt to take over the government. They wanted to be heard. However, the mutiny raised questions about the place of the military in the newly independent Tanganyika - a military under a foreign command and not integrated into the country's system. It was also an eloquent, though crude commentary on a military leadership who was not in touch with a popular civilian government leadership. In a way, it was a blessing in disguise as the government set out to rectify the situation.
In 1968, Mwalimu Nyerere was heard to remark:
"The mutiny was a strike of the army people, and it went out of control. It shocked the country. But every cloud has a silver lining, as the British say. It enabled us to build an army almost from scratch. Many institutions we have inherited, but the army is something we built ourselves."
After the mutiny, the army was disbanded and fresh recruits were sought with the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) youth wing as a base. Military personnel, as well as other public officials were allowed to join TANU, the ruling party, in a de facto one-party state. Membership of TANU was a prerequisite for enrolment in the army. The first recruits passed out on 1 September 1964 as the Tanzania Peoples' Defence Force (TPDF). Political commissars were introduced into the army. Later, battalion-size units became party branches and every commander was party chairman in his command. The long march had started to integrate the military into Tanzanian society.
Politicisation of the armed forces