Kila kukicha, unajitokeza ushahidi kwamba kiwango cha kufikiri miongoni mwa wa-Tanzania wengi ni duni. Siku hizi, kwa mfano, imeibuka hii dhana ya mfumo Kristo.
Walioibuni dhana hii na ambao wanaieneza wana ajenda ya kujenga hoja kuwa mfumo wa utawala na uchumi Tanzania unaendeshwa kwa misingi ya kiKristu, na kwa lengo la kuwanufaisha wa-Kristu na kuwakandamiza na kuwanyima wa-Islam fursa na haki wanazostahili, katika nyanja mbali mbali, kama vile elimu na uongozi.
Hii ndio dhana ya msingi ya hiki kinachoitwa mfumo Kristo. Wanaojenga hoja hii wanadai kuwa serikali ya Tanzania yenyewe inaendeshwa na maaskofu kama sehemu ya uendelezaji wa huu wanaouita mfumo Kristo.
Kwanza napenda kusema, kama ninavyosema daima, kuwa kila mtu ana uhuru wa kutoa mawazo yake. Uhuru huu ni pamoja na uhuru wa kuyahoji au kuyapinga mawazo ya wengine, kufuatana na mchakato wa kujielimisha na kutafakari masuala. Ni pamoja na uhuru wa kuyapinga mawazo yako mwenyewe.
Nashangaa kwa nini mfumo mbovu uhusishwe na jina la Yesu Kristu. Dini zote mbili, u-Islam na u-Kristu, zinamtambua na kumheshimu Yesu. Yesu anatambuliwa kama Mungu katika u-Kristu. Na katika u-Islam, anatambuliwa kama mtume maarufu. Dini zote zinamheshimu sana Yesu.
Kama mfumo wa Tanzania umeoza kama inavyosemwa, hauwezi kuwa mfumo Kristo. Kuuita mfumo Kristo ni dhihaka isiyo kifani. Huwezi kuuhusisha uchafu wowote na Mungu au mtume. Kama kweli maaskofu wanaendekeza na kuulinda mfumo wa dhuluma, wanakiuka mafundisho na maadili ya Kristo. Huu si mfumo Kristo. Mfumo Kristo ni mfumo wa haki na maadili aliyotufundisha Kristo.
Sidhani kama inahitaji akili ya pekee sana kuitambua hoja hii. Lakini ni wazi kuwa watu wengi Tanzania wana kiwango duni cha kufikiri au kuelewa mambo. Kwa dhana yao ya mfumo Kristo, wanaudhihaki u-Kristo, na pia wanaudhihaki u-Islam. Ila, kutokana na akili zao duni, hawatambui hilo. Kilichopo ni kuwaombea dua njema, waweze kujitambua na kujirekebisha.
Nchi yetu imefikwa na tatizo na dawa ya tatizo hili ni kulizungumza waziwazi ili ipatikane sulhu vinginevyo tutajafikwa na janga ambalo wenzetu limewafika. Naweka hapa chini fikra zangu kutoka mswada wangu kuhusu tatizo la udini nchinin kwetu. Hiki ni kipande kidogo kutoka katika kazi hiyo Christian Hegemony and the Rise of Muslim Militancy in Tanzania. Hii ilikuwa mada ambayo niliitoa Zentrum Moderner Orient (ZMO), Berlin mwaka 2011. Mada hii iligusa hisia za wengi.
Introduction
In order to understand the Tanzanian political environment and to appreciate this study we first need to establish even in a nut shell the source of the problem. Why is the Church in Tanzania and particularly the Catholic Church in control of the government and all that it entails? Why are Muslims, fifty years after independence still backward, uneducated and form the lower strata of society? Is this by default or design? Having seen this we have to analyse and deeply explore the hopes and aspirations of Muslims in free Tanganyika as Tanzania was known then and ask, are Muslims satisfied with this unequal status? We also have to ask again did Muslims spearhead the struggle for independence so that the Church could replace the colonial government. Although for reasons which are to be deduced later, this historical fact is still in contention. No one can ignore the role of Islam and Muslims in resisting foreign domination beginning with German colonialism when in 1905 Muslims rose up in arms against Germans in Maji Maji War to free Tanganyika from bondage; to the period of British rule when Muslims formed the backbone of resistance against British rule.
Subsequently Muslims dominated both labour and nationalist politics. Tanzania Mainland celebrates fifty years of independence this year but the role of Muslims in resisting foreign rule and in liberating Tanganyika from colonialism has not been requited nor have the heroes of independence struggle been honoured.
[1] We again have to pose a question why is this so? Is it that Tanzania is an ungrateful nation and therefore hates its heroes? Answers to all those questions will lead us closer to understanding the problem which Muslims in Tanzania face. Answers to these questions will make us reflect and uncover reasons which caused Muslim independence aspirations not to be realised. This is now the bone of contention between Muslims and the government. Muslims without mincing words are now pointing an accusing finger to the Church particularly the Catholic Church which in connivance with President Nyerere for being anti Islam and for frustrating the hopes and aspirations of Muslims in free Tanganyika, a country they liberated from colonialism in 1961.
[2]
History in Revision
Muslims are now organising nationwide mass rallies which openly and in live broadcasts denounce the church, criticise the government and church agents within the ruling party Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) and the Parliament for oppressing Muslims. Seemingly derogatory words like pandikizi (singular) and mapandikizi (plural) meaning turncoats; or the new coined word Mfumo Kristo roughly meaning Christian dominance are now part of the Muslim and Swahili vocabulary. These analogies are used freely in the Muslim media and among Muslims in every day conversation. But what usually thrills Muslims and utterly significant showing that times have changed is when in the rallies and in normal discussion Muslims refer to Nyerere hitherto known respectfully as Baba wa Taifa as Baba wa Kanisa, meaning Church Elder.
[3] The move by the Catholic Church to make him a saint has not helped matters. More so it proves all the allegations levelled against Nyerere that he never was a nationalist but a Catholic zealot. Respect and love which Muslims once had for Nyerere has been completely wiped out. The new generation of Muslims no longer believe in the official history of TANU and the propaganda that it was Nyerere who single handed defeated the British. Muslims instead are honouring the forgotten heroes of independence movement and in so doing invoking emotions particularly in the new generation to stand up against oppression as their forefathers had done against Germans and the British. Muslim heroes of the Maji Maji War like Suleiman Mamba, Ali Songea Mbano,
[4] and Muslim nationalists like Abdulwahid
[5] and Ally Sykes,
[6] Dossa Aziz, Sheikh Hassan bin Amir,
[7] Sheikh Suleiman Takadir, Sheikh Yusuf Badi, Bibi Titi Mohamed,
[8] Bibi Tatu bint Mzee, Bilali Rehani Waikela,
[9] Ali Migeyo
[10] and others are now part of nationalist history which was suppressed for many years.
[11]
Muslims are demanding the restoration of their history and honour as true liberators of Tanganyika. This is unprecedented. One can only speculate and wonder where this would lead to. Can we identify this phenomenon as corrective and revision of history or is it a lesson of anarchy in recording history?
[12] The result of all this is that the Church has been made to stand naked. That the Church did not play any role during Maji Maji
[13] or during the struggle against the British or that it has worked hand in hand with the government to sabotage Islam and Muslims is now common knowledge.
[1] On 27 th April, 1985, Julius Nyerere, before stepping down from power, in a colourful ceremony at the State House grounds, conferred a total of 3,979 medals to Tanzanians who had contributed to the development of the nation. None of the Muslim patriots who spearheaded the independence struggle was in that list. The names of those honoured make very interesting reading.
[2] Catholics form 76% of all members of Parliament the remaining 24% seats are divided between Christians of other dominations and Muslims. Muslims control a mere 6% of the seats. Most areas which are under developed in Tanzania mainland are areas with Muslim majority like Kigoma, Tabora, Kilwa, Mtwara, Lindi etc. These areas are now re-examining themselves and are gradually turning into local factions of radical Muslim politics reminiscence of the era of nationalist politics of the 1950s. This could be a source of civil unrest in the very near future. Signs of this have begun to show in the recurrent violent conflicts between Muslims and the government. Tanzania has experienced the Buzuruga Muslim-
Sungusungu Conflict (1983), Pork Riots (1993) and Mwembechai Upheaval (1998). For more information See Hamza Mustafa Njozi,
Mwembechai Killings and Political Future of Tanzania, Globalink Communications Ottawa, 2000. (The book is banned by the government). In all these conflicts, Muslim blood has been shed. In between these conflicts Muslims have sent several petitions to the government requesting it to look into these problems but all of them have been ignored. As a result of this Muslims from all regions of Tanzania met in Dar es Salaam at Masjid Tungi in 1990 and issued the Tungi Declaration which among other things stated that Muslim should prepare to defend their rights by all means even if it means by force of arms.
[3] The late Prof. Haroub Othman after reading Sheikh Ali Muhsins book
Conflict and Harmony in Zanzibar and the writers book
The Life and Times of Abdulwahid Sykes 1924 -
1968 The Untold Story of the Muslim Struggle Against British Colonialism in Tanganyika, Minerva Press, London 1998 and having come across hitherto unknown information on Nyerere was devastated because he was a great admirer of Nyerere as a patriot and a nationalist. The two books had painted him differently. Prof. Haroub confronted Nyerere and told him that the allegations in those two works have tarnished his image and he advised him to respond to them. Nyerere never did. Christian lecturers at Dar es Salaam University are discouraging students from making references to those two books. Dr. Harith Ghassanys book
Kwaheri Ukoloni Kwaheri Uhuru, has also come up with more information on Nyerere hitherto unknown in the Zanzibar Revolution and the bloodbath which followed.
[4] In all historical references to Maji Maji War hero and Chief of Wangoni Ali Songea Mbano, his Muslim name Ali would be omitted and he would be referred to as Songea Mbano.
[5] Mohamed Said,
The Life and Times of Abdulwahid Sykes (1924 1968), The Untold Story of the Muslim Struggle Against British Colonialism in Tanganyika Minerva Publishers, London, 1998.
[6] Mohamed Said,
Broken Dreams, The Life of Ally Kleist Sykes, Phoenix Publishers, Nairobi 2011 (Forthcoming).
[7] Issa Ziddy,
Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir (1880-1979). Also See Mohamed Said, Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir - The Moving Spirit of Muslim Emancipation in Tanganyika (1950 1968) (Paper presented at Youth Camp Organised by Zanzibar University, World Assembly of Muslim Youth (WAMY) and Tanzania Muslim Students Association (TAMSA) 27[SUP]th[/SUP] February 4[SUP]th[/SUP] March 2004.
[8] Bibi Titi was recruited into TANU by Schneider Abdillah Plantan and began to mobilize people particularly women to join the party even before he came to know Nyerere.
[9] Bilali Rehani Waikela one of the TANU founder members in Western Province in 1955 and Regional Secretary of the East African Muslim Welfare Society (EAMWS) was detained by Nyerere in 1964 for mixing religion and politics. His personal papers were of great help in understanding the EAMWS crisis of 1968 and the reasons why Nyerere detained prominent sheikhs and banned the society in 1968. A documentary of his political life has been made and although not officially recognized as a patriot Muslims now consider him as one of the heroes of the independence movement. For more information see Mohamed Said, In Praise of Ancestors,
Africa Events (London) March/April 1977.
[10] G. Mutahaba,
Portrait of a Nationalist: The Life of Ali Migeyo, East African Publishing House, 1969.
[11] Maji Maji Museum in Songea has been greatly desecrated removing all signs of Muslim symbols during the Maji Maji War with Germans. The Maji Maji Museum at Peramiho under the Catholic Church has closed its doors to young Muslims for fear of criticism for distorting history. All Muslim symbols in Maji Maji War against Germans have been obliterated in the Maji Maji Museum.
[12] A childrens book authored by the current writer,
Torch on Kilimanjaro, Oxford University Press, Nairobi, 2007 has been blacklisted and cannot be included as a reader in schools because it contravenes the official history.
[13] Yusuf Halimoja,
Historia ya Masasi, East African Literature Bureau, Nairobi, 1977 pp 163 175 gives a narration how Christians fought alongside Gerrmans during Maji Maji. Also see P. Gerold Rupper, OSB,
Pugu Hadi Peramiho: Miaka 100 wa Wamishionari Wabenediktini Katika Tanzania, Benedictine Publications, Ndanda Peramiho, 1980, pp 31- 42.