Je wazanzibari walioko bara ambao ni 10 % ya wazanzibari wote jee hawa watapewa dual citizen ship au vipi au wabebe magorofa yao kurudi nayo visiwani like wale southern sudan fellow.
Je Mwana kijiji utakua na nia njema kweli kuwapa ahueni ya kuwasamehe madeni yoteWazanzibari kwa vile bajeti yao ni sawa na soko la kariakoo ?
Sual i langu la Mwisho vipi chama chako cha CCM kinachoongoza kuiba kura Tanzania kitaendelea kuwa chama tawala kwa mtutu wa Bunduki uko tayari ndugu zako kina Mapuri na Mwakanjuki , Sepetu , Augustino Rmadhan , kisasi and others Zanzibara royal family kuwapa ardhi huko Tegeta wapate pa kufikia kwani visiwani ardhi haitoshi tena visiwa ni vidogo ?
Najua 10 % ya Wazanzibari walioko Bara wakirudi visiwani na rasilimali zao wata create economic boom kwani wako prosperous ila hawa 90 % ya wazanzibari waliko visiwani ndio wa pay price ya hawa 10% kwa tishio watawafukuza hawa kwa hiyo tuulinde muungano huu bandia what is the point ?
If many small Islands can run them self how dare you guys worried about Zanzibar if it seperate ?Mutakosa nini Watanganyika kurudisha nchi yenu ya zamani Tanganyika iliokua na jina zuri tu isio na mdoa machafu kama hii muanyoipenda Tanzania iliojaa makovu ya unynyasaji soma article hii ya MO Ibrahim kweney citizen ya jana utajua why Zanzibari hate the union what is the legality of this union Bunge lipi la Zanzibar lilipitisha huu Muuungano munaoulilia hauna uhalali zanzibar kila mmoja anajua hata mwanakijiji atupe legality ya union ? Wolfgang Dourado the former attorney general of Zanzibar bado yuko hai hakujua wala hakujuylishwa juu ya Muungano huu vipi leo kiinimchao hichi munachokililia kisochokuepo?
soma hii iko siku utafunuka macho muungano huu ni wa wanasiasa wachahche wanaokula na watanganyika majority ya Wazanzibari hawautambui and sad part kuna mawazir iwa CCM zanzibar wanasema wazi wazi tumechoka na hii kitu muungano sikuambii CUF wao wako mrengo mwengine.
Malizeni na jengeni nchi yenu Tanganyika waachieni Wazanzibari waishi kwa peace kama munataka kisiwa chukueni Comoro koloni lenu jipya Kikwete amewe ka pupet wake huko
Sudan is a warning to all of Africa Send to a friend
Tuesday, 11 January 2011 21:50
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One evening, some 40 years ago, a progressive north Sudanese was giving a lecture in Khartoum. He was talking about the problems posed by the chronic underdevelopment of south Sudan, and the need to entrench brotherhood and unity among all Sudanese if we were to develop as a nation.
A southern man stood up and brought the audience back to earth. That is all fine, sir, he said to the speaker. But will you allow me to marry your sister?
The prejudice to which he alluded has remained sadly relevant up to today, when the south of my country is preparing to vote in a referendum on independence.
Late last year, my foundation held its annual forum in Mauritius, a beautiful country which has led our Index of African Governance for the past four years. Some 300 African opinion leaders came together to discuss the economic integration of the continent. The debate was not about whether we need integration: African markets, as well as African voices, are too fragmented to compete globally. Rather, the debate was about why we are moving towards closer political and economic co-operation so slowly.
In the evening, as everyone danced joyfully to the music of Youssou NDour and Angelique Kidjo, there was a cloud hanging over the Sudanese guests among us. A woman was crying as her colleagues tried to calm her. While other Africans were celebrating their coming together, we knew that in a few weeks our country would start to break apart.
Later that night I joined my Sudanese friends from all corners of the country, the north, the south and Darfur. The meeting was reflective, sad and awkward. Looking at my friends, I wondered how each would have responded to that 40-year-old question.
Sudan has been an experiment that resonated across Africa: if we, the largest country on the continent, reaching from the Sahara to the Congo, bridging religions, cultures and a multitude of ethnicities, were able to construct a prosperous and peaceful state from our diverse citizenry, so too could the rest of Africa.
That we have failed should sound a warning to all Africans. Sudan, at one million square miles, is the continents largest country, sharing borders with nine other states. The fault lines that have divided us as a people extend from Eritrea to Nigeria. If Sudan starts to crumble, the shock waves will spread.
Khartoum today projects a sense of normality, modernity and relative affluence. This is in sharp contrast to the rest of the country. Lack of investment, underdevelopment and the exclusion of populations on the periphery from the political process has resulted in alienation. It has strengthened local identities.
We have not nurtured that sense of brotherhood and unity. Rather, since independence the way Sudan has been governed has undermined any potential for a common Sudanese purpose.
President Omar al-Bashirs regime has aggravated the problem by seeking absolute power and repressing dissent. The result has been the civil wars in the south, the east and in Darfur to the west. Our country has torn itself apart.
The separation of the south following the referendum on January 9 is inevitable. The least we can do now is to separate peacefully and amicably.
I do not believe that either the ruling National Congress Party (NCP) in Khartoum or the Sudan Peoples Liberation Movement (SPLM), which governs the south, want to fight. War would almost certainly bring an end to NCP rule in the north and devastate an already impoverished south. Leaders on both sides are smart enough to know that.
The north must now focus on finding a peaceful solution to the separate conflict in Darfur, and the leaders of the three main rebel movements there must come together around a coherent agenda to achieve this.
The government in Khartoum feels isolated and under siege, facing criticism from within its own ranks, the population at large and even its Arab neighbours, who are usually tolerant of each others misdeeds.
It needs to reflect on the outcomes of 21 years of absolute rule and address its legacy, to which partition will now be added. If you are in a hole, stop digging.
But decent governments need decent opposition. The crumbling old opposition parties in Khartoum, led by the same grand old men who were there when I was at school, lack vision or even coherence.
The south faces its own enormous task of nation-building. Civil war and underdevelopment have left the region with little infrastructure and few institutions. Moreover, the south is not as homogenous as often portrayed: there too a national identity must be constructed, representative of the diversity of its people.
At our meeting in Mauritius we all agreed that Africas future is in its own hands. Freedom of movement of people, goods and capital is essential for the development of our sub-scale economies and for maximising the potential of our immense resources. Regional economic communities across Africa, the African Union and the African Development Bank are all focusing on this as a top priority.
Sudan cannot afford to be on the wrong side of history. The north and south will have to work together, but will they? Less than two decades before the independence of India and the creation of Pakistan, Winston Churchill claimed: India is a geographic term. India is no more a country than the equator is a country. It is with great sadness that we Sudanese must recognise that the same rings true for us.
The writer is chairman of the Mo Ibrahim Foundation and founder of the telecoms group Celtel
