Youtube is banned, uingii bila vpn

[Satoh Hirosh]

Pole sana mkuu.

Ulivyoandika mpaka mimi nimesikia maumivu sana.

Mbaya zaidi atapita kibabe kututawala miaka mingine nitano .

Hapo ndiyo Mimi Ninachoka nikifikiria asee! Bora angemaliza na kusepa huu mwezi October.

 

[Bagamoyo]

Maandamano nchi zima bila kikomo kudai No Reforms No Election 2025 yaanze rasmi hadi serikali na bunge lake lisalimu amri na kuleta mabadiliko kabla ya uchaguzi wa 2025

Njia za kuzuia au kukaribisha maandamano yasiyo na kikomo

When Dictators Fall: Preventing Violent Conflict During Transitions from Authoritarian Rule​

Conflict Prevention and Management

OUTLINE

UN Photo/Albert González Farran

UNU-CPR RESEARCHERS: Adam Day, Luise Quaritsch​

EXTERNAL RESEARCHERS: Dirk Druet​

Why does one country peacefully transition out of authoritarian rule while another falls into violent conflict, and what can the UN do to influence pathways away from violence?​

This paper concerns the transitions out of entrenched authoritarian rule, the often volatile moments when new leadership comes into power.​

​

Some transitions take place peacefully, largely within constitutional order, but others may descend into civil unrest or even escalate into all-out civil war. In support the UN’s prevention mandate, this project is driven by the question, why does one country peacefully transition out of authoritarian rule while another falls into violent conflict, and what can the UN do to influence pathways away from violence?​

This project draws on scholarship around authoritarianism and neo-patrimonial States as well as original research by United Nations University Centre for Policy Research into entrenched political systems. It identifies four key factors that may influence whether a transition tends to result in violent conflict​

Entrenched authoritarian systems are those where a leader or group has centralized power and resources in a manner that limits meaningful political and economic inclusion, instrumentalizes key State institutions, reduces democratic space and often allows a specific individual to remain in power well beyond typical constitutional limits.

1. past forms of rule (democratic or authoritarian);
2. the way in which a political system transitions (e.g. through a coup, election, death, transfer of power or popular uprising);
3. the fate of the individual leader, including questions of personal property and accountability for human rights abuses; and
4. economic performance and the degree of inequality within a given society.

It further finds that, while all regime types have experienced both violent and peaceful transitions, those that are highly personalized (vesting power in an individual rather than institutions) tend to experience greater difficulties in moving into inclusive forms of governance, which may influence longer-term prospects for peace.

In exploring a comprehensive set of cases over the past 30 years, this project also makes some broader (and often counter-intuitive) findings about the role of violence in such transitions.

The transitions that occurred with the lowest levels of violence were in systems with some of the poorest governance indicators. In fact, countries at various points on the governance scale witnessed transitions that brought about dramatic and sustained change in the distribution of power with little or no violence, a finding which suggests that the quality of governance may not be directly linked to violence levels in transitions.

In contrast, two factors did appear to correlate with relatively high levels of violence: those involving foreign intervention, and transitions triggered by public uprisings. The significant rise in frequency of popular uprisings as the dominant form of transition in recent decades has meant that transitional moments have become more prone to large-scale violence. These findings raise significant questions about the role of external actors in transitional processes, and how the international community might engage before, during and after changes in leadership.

These trends in transitions present a complex and interrelated set of challenges for the UN, which often must balance its prevention mandate alongside respect for sovereignty and host State consent. The UN is often poorly placed to ramp up its prevention activities in entrenched authoritarian systems, in part because national leadership tends to be strongly resistant to engagement on politically sensitive subjects.

Additionally, these systems tend to have weak and/or highly politicized institutions, raising dilemmas for UN efforts to build institutional capacity as a hedge against violent conflict. UN leverage over the political leadership in-country is frequently constrained, given that authoritarian leaders tend to be isolated and less susceptible to traditional forms of pressure (e.g. sanctions or moral pressure). That said, there is strong evidence from this project’s case studies that the UN has engaged in creative and impactful practices in transitional settings, helping to reduce the risks of violence and building bridges towards longer-term outcomes.

Based on these findings, the paper offers twelve conclusions and recommendations for the UN when confronted with transitional moments from entrenched authoritarian rule. READ THEM
Source : When Dictators Fall: Preventing Violent Conflict During Transitions from Authoritarian Rule - United Nations University Centre for Policy Research
767 Third Avenue, 35th Floor
New York, NY 10017
United States

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Read More :

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At first, the 2010s seemed full of hope for democracy. The picture today is rather more complicated.

After 37 years, a titan fall

 

[Xiao qui shui]

Uongo

 

[Xiao qui shui]

Taarifa ya uongo me kwangu iko poa

 

[Sexless]

Wanaliogopa cheche za jasusi la mbinguni

 

[Wong Fei]

Hii Nchi ina bahati mbaya sana! imepata kiongozi duni mno!

Ila cha kushangaza utaona wao wanapost YouTube.
Muda si mrefu tutaingia JF na VPN

 

[Kyakashombo]

Hawa nao wamezidi wamezuia Twitter(X) basi wazuie mpaka WhatsApp Ila haitasaidia chochote wananchi wakiamua Jambo Lao huwezi wazuia Kwa kufunga Mtandao ya kijamii.

 

[Kalamu]

North Korea ya Afrika ya Mashariki, udikteta wa Eritrea wa chama kimoja Tanzania kutangazwa muda si mrefu ikiwa umma hautajitokeza mabarabarani kupinga utawala kandamizi na hatimaye nguvu ya umma kukiondoa cha hiki kongwe dola na kukizika moja kwa moja.

Korea Kaskazini wako Ukraine wakipambania Urussi.
Korea Kaskazini ina makombola ya 'Hypersonic Hwasong yanayokwenda kwa kasi ya Mach 5 na zaidi yakienda zaidi ya kilometer 1000. Korea Kaskazini anayo mabomu ya nuklia, ambayo hata Trump anayatambua!

Sasa utalinganisha vipi taifa hilo na hili la Samia?
Kama ni maswala ya mrengo wa siasa, jitahidi kuelewa mazingira yao yalivyo. China na yenyewe tulikuwa tukiizungumzia hivi hivi hadi hivi karibuni tu!

Lakini kumbuka, hiki ni ki-nchi kidogo tu ukilinganisha na Tanzania yetu; kweli hatuna hata kitu kimoja cha kujifunza toka kwao?

 

[Kyakashombo]

Sasa mtu alizalishwa akiwa form two.

Kaanza kulambwa na miaka 12 mnategemea awe na akili?

Duh!🙆🙆🙆

 

[concordile 101]

Sio kweli

 

[TIMING]

any way


Siasa zenu we can't enjoy our silent life.

you tube is down leo usiku, na sijui shida nini ila with vpn ipo fresh.

siku njema

Fake news

 

[youngkato]

Wanapata kodi kubwa saba kwa youtube Facebook na insta, wakizifungia ni hasara kwao

 

[Kamundu]

any way


Siasa zenu we can't enjoy our silent life.

you tube is down leo usiku, na sijui shida nini ila with vpn ipo fresh.

siku njema

Hao wasanii views mtategemea diaspora na wakenya tu. Waache uchawa

 

[Teknocrat]

any way


Siasa zenu we can't enjoy our silent life.

you tube is down leo usiku, na sijui shida nini ila with vpn ipo fresh.

siku njema

Kmmbako unaleta Fake news.....
Nimemtuma dogo acheki huko Buzwagi, na ameingia youtube freshi tu....

 

[Cannabis]

Mkuu angalia kama una bando la kutosha

 

[Sipendi Uchawa]

Kama umeandika ukiwa umejiridhisha na hili suala nadhani iko haja ya kujitathmini.

Siungi mkono mambo yanayoendelea hivi sasa kwenye utawala huu lakini tujifunze kusema ukweli wa hoja ili tuzidi kuwaamsha hata wale wanaodhani wako salama.

Tukianza kuwekeza kwenye propaganda tutawafanya hata wale ambao wanafuatilia hizi movements kutupuuza pindi watapogundua kuwa tunadanganya.

Hili la youtube kuwa down nadhani kama ni kweli basi kulikuwa na changamoto ya mtandao eneo ulipo ama kwenye simu yako pekee.

Next time kabla ya kupost jaribu kufanya utafiti kwa simu zaidi ya moja

 

[Nyani Ngabu]

Mbaya zaidi atapita kibabe kututawala miaka mingine nitano .

Hapo ndiyo Mimi Ninachoka nikifikiria asee! Bora angemaliza na kusepa huu mwezi October.

Kwani unadhani akitoka Samia na kuingia Emmanuel Nchimbi, kutabadilika kitu?

Maana wale wale waliofurahia kifo cha Magufuli na kusherehekea kuja kwa Samia, ndo hao hao wanaoongoza kulia leo.

Tatizo kuu si Magufuli wala Samia. Tatizo kuu si mtu mmoja mmoja.

 

[Mshana Jr]

any way


Siasa zenu we can't enjoy our silent life.

you tube is down leo usiku, na sijui shida nini ila with vpn ipo fresh.

siku njema

Something serious is coming

 

[Manjagata]

Au wazime tu Internet kabisa, mimi naona itakuwa poa zaidi.

Ndiko tunakoelekea! Ule mshangazi ukishauriwa na kumbikumbi tu kwa vile hauna akili utaitikia! Haya ndiyo madhara ya kuongozwa na average people!

 

[Manjagata]

Kmmbako unaleta Fake news.....
Nimemtuma dogo acheki huko Buzwagi, na ameingia youtube freshi tu....

Jamaa matako sana hili! Sijui linadanganya kwa faida ya nani?