Tanzania isitishe uhusiano na Rwanda juu ya DRC?

Tanzania isitishe uhusiano na Rwanda juu ya DRC?

Zinedine said:
Swali zuri sana hili, na je ni nani alisaidia kuuawa kwa mzee kabila? Je kulikuwa na urafiki wowote kati ya Kabila na Savimbi? Je kulikuwa na uhusiano wowote kati ya US na Kabila? Au US na Savimbi? Je DRC Congo yote inaongozwa na 'Rais' kabila?
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Jana kwenye tweet ya Mhe ZZK aliulizwa na mmoja wa followers wake hawa wacongo wanataka nini? akajibu "peace, stability and dignity" Mimi nasema hiviiiiii nchi ambazo hazina madini zinaweza kupata hivyo vitu lakini nchi kama drc na nyonginezo zenye neema ya vito hawatapata "peace, stability and dignity"
 
Kwanza kabla kuwalaumu Rwanda.Mimi ningependa kujua hivi vikosi vya UN vilivyoko Congo vinapokea vipi mahitaji yake.Wanapelekewa kwa ndege au makontena yanayopitia bandari zetu.Papo hapo hiyo mizigo yao inakaguliwa kabla kuingia nchi walipo?.
Nauliza hivyo kwa kujua kuwa kila sehemu ambako UN imepeleka askari wake hata 10 basi mapigano huongezeka badala kupungua.
 
Mzee Mwanakijiji said:
Nchi ya Rwanda imekuwa ikidaiwa kuhusika sana na machafuko ya DRC na kuwa vyanzo mbalimbali (hasa vya Umoja wa Mataifa na nchi za Magharibi) vinaonesha kuwa Rwanda ndio inaunga mkono na kusapoti kundi la waasi la M23. Je, Tanzania ina msimamo gani kuhusu Rwanda na kuhusija kwake na mgogoro wa Congo? Je wakati umefika kwa Tanzania kuchukua msimamo mkali ikiwemo kuzuia Rwanda kutumia bandari zetu kupitisha silaha ambazo nyingine zinaishia mikononi mwa waasi?
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Hili liliwezekana enzi hizo za MWALIMU na sio wakati huu wa Ba' Mwanaisha. Bi Joyce Banda wa Malawi mwenyewe Ba" Mwanaisha "ANAMUHARA"
 
Mutakyamirwa said:
Mhnnn...,
Mzee hata anga za kimataifa humo. Find out kama Tanzania haipo kinshansa kumlinda Kabila, find out kama Tanzania haisapoti kijeshi the DRC. all in all before Tanzania gets there, rebels might have genuine reasons. Wasikurupuke kama Membe alivyofanya -Libya case.
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Hapa umechemsha; viongozi wa Rwanda (Kagame) anahusika moja kwa moja na genocide ya 1994 chanzo cha haya yote. Viongozi wa Rwanda wanatuyumbisha kwa sababu wako kwenye uti wa mgongo wa maamuzi na utendeji wa Tanzania. Hili linawezekana tu kwa upuuzi wa viongozi wetu.

Mimi naomba UN ipanue vikwazo na kuilazimisha Tanzania itekeleze vikwazo vya kimataifa dhidi ya Rwanda; maana vionozi wetu mmh. Wamewaingiza Rwanda EA wakijua wanapunua migogoro ndani ya EA hawajali. HIMA EMPIRE!!!

Vita ya 2008 ilizimwa na Angola na Zimbabwe kwa kuwafurusha Wanyarwanda toka DRC; TZ ikiwa imechukua rushwa toka Africa ya Kusini kuwaondoa askari wake. Kwa sababu DRC ni mwananchama wa SADC, watumie njia ya 2008 kuwafurusha Wanyarwanda na kufuta kabisa genge hili la Kagame.

Tanzania haina ubavu wa kuchukua hatua makini dhidi ya Rwanda.
 
Moderator,
Kila mwanajamii ana haki ya kutoa maoni na ni vizuri yakawa na dhumuni la kujadili na kutoa maoni juu ya kipi kifanyike kutatua matatizo yanayojadiliwa.
Tutakapotumia rumors kujadili, itakuwa si busara hata kidogo. Kwa mfano, sidhani kama Tetere alikuwa na Rais Mkapa kipindi hicho anaongea na Rais Kagame! Maneno ya mitaani hayafai.
Hapa tujadili ukweli utakaotusaidia kutoa mawazo ya ufumbuzi wa tatizo.
 
Toka lini mfungwa akachagua gereza? au mwenye njaa kuchagua chakula!

Kama utafuatilia takwimu za TRA kuona manufaa wanayopata Tz kutokana na kupitisha mizigo ya Rwanda usingesema hivyo.

Nakumbuka wimbo mmoja wa Juwata Jazz ambao ulikuwa ukiitwa msondo namba 5 uliokuwa unane'' maradhwi yote ugua lakin kuchacha (umasikini) usiombee.
 
Lakini hili gogoro si liko UN kule. Tuwe makini hapa kwa hawa jirani zetu tusikurupuke kama Majeshi ya UN juzi walivyotuma madege yao ya kivita na kuanza kuwashambulia M23 ambao walikua wanaelekea Bukavu.

Kuna vitu muhimu hapa vinatakiwa M23 watimiziwe ili hawa jamaa waweke silaha chini. Sasa kama sisi ni waalezi wa huyu bwana mdogo Kabila na rafiki mkubwa wa DRC tunachotakiwa ni mijadala kuhusu utatuzi wa migogoro ndani ya DRC na siyo kutaka kutengeneza mgogoro mwingine kati yetu na ndugu zetu wa Rwanda.

Hata hivyo wataalam wa mambo ya kivita wanaelewa jinsi ilivyo vigumu kuzuia silaha ndogondogo.Pia Rwanda wameshapitia biashara hii kitambo hivyo wanajua wauzaji wa silaha na wapi sehemu rahisi za kupitishia. Kwa kifupi jamaa watakua na njia mbadala zaidi hata ya nne.

UN wanajua nani anauza silaha kwa Rwanda sasa tuwaacheni wao washughulike na Kagame bila kumsahau pacha wake Museven,Wakongo wanalia sana na huyu jamaa ni noma.

wapelekwe askari wa kulinda amani wa UN wa kutosha ili wao kama UN wabebe hiyo gharama. UN na NATO ndiyo wanatuangusha katika kupata amani ya kudumu ukanda huu kutokana na maslahi yao binafsi.
 
[h=1]March 23 Movement[/h] From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search

North Kivu Province, DRC


The March 23 Movement (French: Mouvement du 23-Mars), sometimes abbreviated as M23, is a rebel military group based in eastern areas of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), mainly operating in the province of North Kivu. The group is currently involved in an armed conflict with the DRC government which has led to the displacement of large numbers of people. On 20 November 2012, M23 took control of Goma, a provincial capital with a population of one million people.[SUP][1][/SUP]
[TABLE="class: toc"]
[TR]
[TD] [h=2]Contents[/h]

[/TD]
[/TR]
[/TABLE]
[h=2]Background[/h] On 23 March 2009, the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP) signed a peace treaty with the Congolese government,[SUP][2][/SUP] where it became a political party, and the M23 soldiers integrated into the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (FARDC). M23 takes it names from the date of these peace accords (March 23).
The army wing of the group is led by General Makenga Sultani, and the chairman of the group is Bishop Jean-Marie RUNIGA LUGERERO a former CNDP member.
[h=2]Formation[/h] The M23 was formed on 4 April 2012 when nearly 300 soldiers, a majority of them former members of the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP), turned against the DRC government, citing poor conditions in the army and the government's unwillingness to implement the 23 March 2009 peace deal. General Bosco Ntaganda, also known as "The Terminator", was accused of leading the group,[SUP][3][/SUP] and President Kabila called for his arrest on 11 April.[SUP][4][/SUP] The government had threatened to redeploy former CNDP soldiers away from North Kivu before the full implementation of the peace agreement, which prompted many of them to defect from the army and create the M23.[SUP][5][/SUP]
The M23 is made up primarily of Tutsis and opposes the Hutu Power militia Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) as well as area Mai-Mai (community militias).[SUP][6][/SUP]
[h=2]Mutiny[/h] The rebels have been active in the North Kivu province, fighting government forces in the Rutshuru[SUP][7][/SUP] and Masisi territories. On 6 June 2012 a Congolese spokesman reported that 200 M23 soldiers have died in their mutiny and that over 370 soldiers have surrendered to FARDC, including 25 Rwandan citizens.[SUP][8][/SUP] On 8 July 2012, Colonel Sultani Makenga announced that a government offensive to dislodge the group from their hideouts had failed, and that they had in turn captured several towns towards Goma, the provincial capital.[SUP][9][/SUP]
[h=2]Takeover of Goma[/h] By 18 November 2012, March 23 Movement forces had advanced to the outskirts of Goma[SUP][10][/SUP] and warned the UN peacekeepers (MONUSCO) not to support Government troops. Congolese Government spokesman Lambert Mende accused Rwanda of backing the rebels and stated that the DRC has "not yet declared war, but we are ready to face it. This is our country, our duty."[SUP][11][/SUP]
On 20 November 2012, M23 rebels advanced on the city and were welcomed by a crowded of Goma Citizens as liberators, and the Congolese Army retreated with little fighting and were busy looting.[SUP][12][/SUP][SUP][13][/SUP] M23 forces then paraded through the city.[SUP][13][/SUP] Congolese customs officers abandoned their posts, leaving the border to Rwanda open. United Nations peacekeepers watched the occupation without intervening, stating that their mandate was only to protect civilians.[SUP][14][/SUP]
DR Congo president Joseph Kabila urged Goma's citizens to "resist" the M23 takeover.[SUP][15][/SUP] UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon criticized the M23 for alleged human rights violations during the takeover, including destruction of property, "intimidation of journalists", and the abduction of women and children.[SUP][16][/SUP] Noting that the First Congo War had begun with fighting in the same region, the New York Times described Goma's takeover as "raising serious questions about the stability of Congo as a whole."[SUP][14][/SUP]
 
Background on the M23 and Its Leadership
The soldiers who took part in a mutiny from the Congolese army between late March and May and formed the M23 group were previously members of the National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP), a former Rwanda-backed rebel group that integrated into the Congolese army in January 2009.

General Ntaganda led the mutiny following Congolese government attempts to weaken his control and increased calls for his arrest and surrender to the ICC, in accordance with Congo's legal obligations to cooperate with the court. He was joined by an estimated 300 to 600 troops in Masisi territory, North Kivu province. Ntaganda's forces were defeated by the Congolese army, which pushed the rebels out of Masisi in early May. Around the same time, Col. Makenga, a former colleague of Ntaganda in the CNDP, announced he was beginning a separate mutiny in Rutshuru territory. In the days that followed, Ntaganda and his forces joined Makenga.

The new armed group called itself the M23. The soldiers claimed their mutiny was to protest the Congolese government's failure to fully implement the March 23, 2009, peace agreement (hence the name M23), which had integrated them into the Congolese army.

Some of the M23's senior commanders have well-known histories of serious abuses, committed over the past decade in eastern Congo as they moved from one armed group to another, including ethnic massacres, recruitment of children, mass rape, killings, abductions, and torture. Before the mutinies, at least five of the current M23 leaders were on a UN blacklist of people with whom they would not collaborate due to their human rights records.

Ntaganda has been wanted by the ICC since 2006 for recruiting and using child soldiers in Ituri district in northeastern Congo in 2002 and 2003. In July, the court issued a second warrant against him for war crimes and crimes against humanity, namely murder, persecution based on ethnic grounds, rape, sexual slavery, and pillaging, also in connection with his activities in Ituri. On September 4, the ICC renewed its request to the Congolese government to arrest Ntaganda immediately and transfer him to The Hague. Human Rights Watch has documented numerous war crimes and crimes against humanity by troops under Ntaganda's command since he moved from Ituri to North Kivu in 2006.

According to research by UN human rights investigators and Human Rights Watch, Col. Makenga is responsible for recruiting children and for several massacres in eastern Congo; Col. Innocent Zimurinda is responsible for ethnic massacres at Kiwanja, Shalio, and Buramba, as well as rape, torture, and child recruitment; Col. Baudouin Ngaruye is responsible for a massacre at Shalio, child recruitment, rape, and other attacks on civilians; and Col. Innocent Kayna is responsible for ethnic massacres in Ituri and child recruitment.

Ntaganda and Zimurinda are also both on a UN Security Council sanctions list. Under the UN sanctions, all UN member states, including Rwanda, are obligated to "take the necessary measures to prevent the entry into or transit through their territories of all persons" on the sanctions list. Both Ntaganda and Zimurinda have traveled to Rwanda since April, former M23 fighters who accompanied Ntaganda and people present during meetings Zimurinda attended in Rwanda told Human Rights Watch.

Publicly, the M23 maintains that Ntaganda is not part of its movement. However, several dozen former and current M23 fighters and others close to the M23's leadership told Human Rights Watch that Ntaganda has played a key command and leadership role among the M23 rebels, operating from the Runyoni area, and that he participated regularly in meetings with the M23's high command and Rwandan army officers.

The same people also told Human Rights Watch that there were tensions between Ntaganda and Makenga due to past differences over Ntaganda's 2009 putsch against the CNDP's then-leader Laurent Nkunda. But these differences, they said, have been put aside to focus on the rebellion against the Congolese army. As one M23 fighter explained to Human Rights Watch, "Many of us have bad memories of Ntaganda…but we need to prioritize the war against the FARDC [the Congolese army] first. The war against Ntaganda will come later."

Since July, Ntaganda appears to have been keeping a lower profile and, according to M23 defectors interviewed by Human Rights Watch, is closely protected by dozens of bodyguards.
 
Rwandan Support to the M23
In July, several hundred Rwandan army soldiers, possibly more, were deployed to eastern Congo to assist the M23 take the strategic border post town of Bunagana, Rumangabo military base, the towns of Rutshuru, Kiwanja, and Rugari, and surrounding areas. Local residents and M23 defectors reported earlier Rwandan army deployments in which Rwandan soldiers came for short periods to support the M23 in key battles, withdrew, and then returned when needed. A UN peacekeeping officer in North Kivu corroborated regular surges of support for M23. He told Human Rights Watch, "Whenever [the M23] make a big push, they have additional strength."

Local residents and escaped M23 fighters told Human Rights Watch that on July 5 and 6, during an attack on Bunagana, several hundred Rwandan army soldiers from Gen. Emmanuel Ruvusha's division based in Gisenyi (northwestern Rwanda) were deployed to the area to reinforce the M23. Defectors told Human Rights Watch they recognized the division's officers. M23 rebels coordinated their offensive with the Rwandan forces against the Congolese army, who were supported by UN peacekeepers.

UN peacekeepers present during the attack told Human Rights Watch that the forces that attacked Bunagana were well-equipped and spoke English, and that their behavior was markedly different from that of Congolese soldiers, leading them to conclude that the attacking forces included Rwandan soldiers.

Many Rwandan army soldiers deployed to support the M23 passed directly from Rwanda into Congo, using various footpaths, including near Njerima and Kanyanje. Others reportedly passed through Ugandan territory to enter Congo, including via a path on the Ugandan side of Sabyinyo volcano. M23 defectors and local residents told Human Rights Watch that Rwandan soldiers used Ugandan territory and Ugandan vehicles to enter Congo.

Congolese and Rwandans, including local authorities who live near the Rwanda-Congo border, also told Human Rights Watch that they saw significant numbers of Rwandan soldiers crossing from Rwanda into Congo in June, July, and August. They had also seen Rwandan soldiers later returning to Rwanda from Congo.

In early July, just before the M23 rebels attacked Bunagana with support from Rwandan troops, a Congolese farmer from Hehu hill, near Kibumba, was visiting a friend in Kasizi, Rwanda, when he was taken by Rwandan soldiers and forced to carry boxes of ammunition.

He told Human Rights Watch that he had counted seven army trucks filled with Rwandan soldiers, weapons, and ammunition. "The soldiers took me, my friend, and other civilians… and forced us to carry boxes of ammunition to Njerima [near the Congo border]. I was forced to do three trips and then I managed to get away. The soldiers were well-armed and wearing military uniforms… I asked one of the soldiers walking next to me where we were going. He replied that they were going to fight in Congo."

In late July, people in Congo near Kasizi again reported seeing large numbers of Rwandan army soldiers passing into Congo from Rwanda. On August 3, two Rwandans, including a local village chief, told Human Rights Watch that they saw a large group of Rwandan army soldiers crossing from Rwanda into Congo, on a footpath near Karisimbi volcano.

Some people noticed Rwandan soldiers coming out of Congo. A journalist who traveled from Ruhengeri to Kinigi in early August told Human Rights Watch he saw two groups of at least 100 soldiers walking from the direction of the Congolese border toward the main road between Ruhengeri and Kinigi in Rwanda. He described the soldiers as "visibly tired and dirty" and said "some were limping, their boots were muddy, and they were clearly very tired."

Rwandan forces in Congo appear to have coordinated their actions with the M23, often playing commanding roles, local residents and M23 defectors told Human Rights Watch. One former M23 combatant told Human Rights Watch he saw a Rwandan General, Emmanuel Ruvusha, on Tshanzu hill, one of the M23's main bases, during the fighting in Bunagana, apparently commanding and overseeing military operations.

Another defector who commanded a unit of M23 fighters said he received his orders from Rwandan army officers during the attack on Bunagana. Other M23 defectors were also able to identify Rwandan officers by name that had been at M23 positions in Congo. They claimed that these officers had directed, or helped to direct, military operations, provided weapons, or supervised the training of new recruits.

Many of the M23 defectors and escaped recruits from both Congo and Rwanda interviewed by Human Rights Watch said that their training had been conducted by Rwandan army soldiers at training camps in Bukima, Tshanzu, and Rumangabo, in Rutshuru territory, Congo.

A Rwandan M23 defector who used to be an officer in the CNDP told Human Rights Watch he recognized the Rwandan army officers training the new M23 recruits because he himself had been trained by them in Rwanda while he was with the CNDP. "I knew them well because I had taken their courses in Rwanda," he said. "I recognized them."

Human Rights Watch tried to contact the Rwandan military spokesperson for a response to the above allegations without success.

In an interview with Belgian newspaper Le Soir on August 29, the Rwandan defense minister, James Kabarebe, denied that the Rwandan army supported the M23. "Everyone knows that Rwanda does not have a single soldier amongst the M23 and does not give it any support." When asked if uncontrolled Rwandan soldiers could be acting in support of the M23, he said that the Rwandan army was "solid, well-organized, well-commanded, well-disciplined" and that there could not be any "uncontrolled elements" within it.
 
[h=1]Democratic Republic of Congo: Who are the M23 rebels and what do they want with Goma?[/h]
Mike Pflanz | The Christian Science Monitor | Nov 20, 2012
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Rebels calling themselves the March 23 Movement have taken over the city of Goma in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. The country has seen a number of armed factions fighting in the east over the years. Here's what you need to know about this latest conflict.
Who is fighting whom, and why?
The rebel force made up of deserters from the Congolese Army formed in the jungle hinterland of eastern Congo earlier this year, calling itself the March 23 Movement, after the date of a failed peace deal signed in 2009. It is now also known as the Congolese Revolutionary Army. It is made up almost entirely of soldiers from the Tutsi tribe, who were folded into Congo's national Army following an earlier rebellion in 2008, which led to the 2009 agreement. But Tutsi commanders claimed the Congolese government was failing to promote their troops, or to honor peace deal promises of better pay, and they mutinied in April, with between 1,500 and 2,500 troops. Since then, they have been at war with the Army.
What are the rebels' goals?
On the face of it, they have been fighting to win control of territory that they can later agree to give up in return for guarantees that the conditions of the March 2009 peace treaty are honored. Now that they control Goma, the largest city in eastern Congo and a base for many international aid agencies and the United Nations, they have a very strong hand in future negotiations. Beyond this strategy, however, the area the rebels are fighting over has vast troves of valuable mineral resources, and controlling the mines is extremely lucrative.
What is Rwanda's involvement in this?

In 2008, the precursor to the M23 was the CNDP, led by a Tutsi general called Laurent Nkunda, who was said to be close to Rwanda's government and its president, Paul Kagame. Mr. Nkunda was arrested and is under house arrest in Rwanda. But many of the CNDP's commanders and troops now man the M23. This new group initially appeared to be less connected to Rwanda, which has a long history of military and political interference in its giant neighbor. However, a report to the UN Security Council in October claimed that Rwanda and Uganda were arming and financing the rebels, and in Rwanda's case, supplying troops. Rwanda has strongly denied this.
Why would Rwanda want to get involved?
Ostensibly, to protect its border, and because it claims that Congo has failed to crush an armed group in its east made up of Hutu people who allegedly led Rwanda's genocide in 1994. It was for this reason that Rwanda invaded Congo in 1996, installing a pro-Rwandan president, Laurent Kabila, as president in Kinshasa. Kabila and Rwanda later fell out, and central Africa fell into five years of war. Rwanda's involvement may not, however, be limited to politics – eastern Congo is awash with minerals, and Rwanda reportedly supports rebel groups so that it can maintain access to mines producing gold, tin, and coltan, used in almost all consumer electronics, including mobile phones.
Goma has fallen to the M23. What now?
In the short term, the main concern is twofold. First, that the M23 rebels will go on a rampage of looting, rape, and violence. However, it appears that troops are well-disciplined, and in the past civilians have had more to fear from the temperamental Congolese armed forces, FARDC. The other concern is that the FARDC will be ordered back to Goma to fight to regain control, which would lead to high numbers of civilian casualties. Alongside these pressing worries, there are already more than 350,000 people camped in and around Goma who fled further fighting. If Goma remains unstable, aid workers cannot feed, shelter, and medically help those internally displaced people. Longer term, assuming M23 remains well-behaved, aid staff will continue their work until expected peace negotiations between the rebels and Kinshasa conclude.
What can the international community do to help?
The United Nations mission in Congo, called Monusco, is huge – 19,000 uniformed and 4,000 civilian staff. Its mandate is to protect civilians, which is why it had no legal requirement to halt the rebels' advance on Goma if civilians were not caught in the crossfire in large numbers, which so far they have not been. It remains to be seen how Monusco will react to operating under M23 rule. Globally, Britain, the EU, and the US appear to have decided that blanket condemnations of the violence suffices. Perhaps the greatest lever the West has is to threaten further disruption of aid to Rwanda unless it uses its influence on the M23 – which Kigali denies it has – to force them to a quick settlement.
It appears that this is a never-ending cycle of violence. How can it end?
With great difficulty. Lasting peace requires that Rwanda halt its interference, with the Hutu rebels it seeks to be sent back to Rwanda to face justice. Equitable sharing of resources from the mines to benefit local people is necessary, as is greater trust from people living in Congo's east that Kinshasa listens to its concerns. The Congolese Army requires a complete disciplinary, and some would say cultural, overhaul. At least a half dozen previous attempts to tick all of these boxes have failed.
 
[h=1]Who are the rebels in Goma and what do they want?[/h] [h=2]M23 rebels have taken over a key city in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo.
[/h] By Mike Pflanz, Correspondent / November 20, 2012





People walk past as M23 rebel soldier's take positions near the Heal Africa hospital in the center of Goma, Congo, Tuesday. Rebels calling themselves the March 23 Movement have taken over the city of Goma in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo.
Melanie Gouby/AP


Enlarge




Rebels calling themselves the March 23 Movement have taken over the city of Goma in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. The country has seen a number of armed factions fighting in the east over the years. Here's what you need to know about this latest conflict.



Related stories



Subscribe Today to the Monitor
Click Here for your FREE 30 DAYS of
The Christian Science Monitor
Weekly Digital Edition



Who is fighting whom, and why?
The rebel force made up of deserters from the Congolese Army formed in the jungle hinterland of eastern Congo earlier this year, calling itself the March 23 Movement, after the date of a failed peace deal signed in 2009. It is now also known as the Congolese Revolutionary Army. It is made up almost entirely of soldiers from the Tutsi tribe, who were folded into Congo's national Army following an earlier rebellion in 2008, which led to the 2009 agreement. But Tutsi commanders claimed the Congolese government was failing to promote their troops, or to honor peace deal promises of better pay, and they mutinied in April, with between 1,500 and 2,500 troops. Since then, they have been at war with the Army.
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What are the rebels' goals?
On the face of it, they have been fighting to win control of territory that they can later agree to give up in return for guarantees that the conditions of the March 2009 peace treaty are honored. Now that they control Goma, the largest city in eastern Congo and a base for many international aid agencies and the United Nations, they have a very strong hand in future negotiations. Beyond this strategy, however, the area the rebels are fighting over has vast troves of valuable mineral resources, and controlling the mines is extremely lucrative.
What is Rwanda's involvement in this?
In 2008, the precursor to the M23 was the CNDP, led by a Tutsi general called Laurent Nkunda, who was said to be close to Rwanda's government and its president, Paul Kagame. Mr. Nkunda was arrested and is under house arrest in Rwanda. But many of the CNDP's commanders and troops now man the M23. This new group initially appeared to be less connected to Rwanda, which has a long history of military and political interference in its giant neighbor. However, a report to the UN Security Council in October claimed that Rwanda and Uganda were arming and financing the rebels, and in Rwanda's case, supplying troops. Rwanda has strongly denied this.
Why would Rwanda want to get involved?


Ostensibly, to protect its border, and because it claims that Congo has failed to crush an armed group in its east made up of Hutu people who allegedly led Rwanda's genocide in 1994. It was for this reason that Rwanda invaded Congo in 1996, installing a pro-Rwandan president, Laurent Kabila, as president in Kinshasa. Kabila and Rwanda later fell out, and central Africa fell into five years of war. Rwanda's involvement may not, however, be limited to politics – eastern Congo is awash with minerals, and Rwanda reportedly supports rebel groups so that it can maintain access to mines producing gold, tin, and coltan, used in almost all consumer electronics, including mobile phones.



Related stories



Subscribe Today to the Monitor
Click Here for your FREE 30 DAYS of
The Christian Science Monitor
Weekly Digital Edition



Goma has fallen to the M23. What now?
In the short term, the main concern is twofold. First, that the M23 rebels will go on a rampage of looting, rape, and violence. However, it appears that troops are well-disciplined, and in the past civilians have had more to fear from the temperamental Congolese armed forces, FARDC. The other concern is that the FARDC will be ordered back to Goma to fight to regain control, which would lead to high numbers of civilian casualties. Alongside these pressing worries, there are already more than 350,000 people camped in and around Goma who fled further fighting. If Goma remains unstable, aid workers cannot feed, shelter, and medically help those internally displaced people. Longer term, assuming M23 remains well-behaved, aid staff will continue their work until expected peace negotiations between the rebels and Kinshasa conclude.
What can the international community do to help?
The United Nations mission in Congo, called Monusco, is huge – 19,000 uniformed and 4,000 civilian staff. Its mandate is to protect civilians, which is why it had no legal requirement to halt the rebels' advance on Goma if civilians were not caught in the crossfire in large numbers, which so far they have not been. It remains to be seen how Monusco will react to operating under M23 rule. Globally, Britain, the EU, and the US appear to have decided that blanket condemnations of the violence suffices. Perhaps the greatest lever the West has is to threaten further disruption of aid to Rwanda unless it uses its influence on the M23 – which Kigali denies it has – to force them to a quick settlement.
It appears that this is a never-ending cycle of violence. How can it end?
With great difficulty. Lasting peace requires that Rwanda halt its interference, with the Hutu rebels it seeks to be sent back to Rwanda to face justice. Equitable sharing of resources from the mines to benefit local people is necessary, as is greater trust from people living in Congo's east that Kinshasa listens to its concerns. The Congolese Army requires a complete disciplinary, and some would say cultural, overhaul. At least a half dozen previous attempts to tick all of these boxes have failed.
 
Who are the rebels in Goma and what do they want?

M23 rebels have taken over a key city in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo.


By Mike Pflanz, Correspondent / November 20, 2012





People walk past as M23 rebel soldier's take positions near the Heal Africa hospital in the center of Goma, Congo, Tuesday. Rebels calling themselves the March 23 Movement have taken over the city of Goma in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo.
Melanie Gouby/AP


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Rebels calling themselves the March 23 Movement have taken over the city of Goma in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. The country has seen a number of armed factions fighting in the east over the years. Here's what you need to know about this latest conflict.



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Who is fighting whom, and why?
The rebel force made up of deserters from the Congolese Army formed in the jungle hinterland of eastern Congo earlier this year, calling itself the March 23 Movement, after the date of a failed peace deal signed in 2009. It is now also known as the Congolese Revolutionary Army. It is made up almost entirely of soldiers from the Tutsi tribe, who were folded into Congo’s national Army following an earlier rebellion in 2008, which led to the 2009 agreement. But Tutsi commanders claimed the Congolese government was failing to promote their troops, or to honor peace deal promises of better pay, and they mutinied in April, with between 1,500 and 2,500 troops. Since then, they have been at war with the Army.
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What are the rebels’ goals?
On the face of it, they have been fighting to win control of territory that they can later agree to give up in return for guarantees that the conditions of the March 2009 peace treaty are honored. Now that they control Goma, the largest city in eastern Congo and a base for many international aid agencies and the United Nations, they have a very strong hand in future negotiations. Beyond this strategy, however, the area the rebels are fighting over has vast troves of valuable mineral resources, and controlling the mines is extremely lucrative.
What is Rwanda’s involvement in this?
In 2008, the precursor to the M23 was the CNDP, led by a Tutsi general called Laurent Nkunda, who was said to be close to Rwanda’s government and its president, Paul Kagame. Mr. Nkunda was arrested and is under house arrest in Rwanda. But many of the CNDP’s commanders and troops now man the M23. This new group initially appeared to be less connected to Rwanda, which has a long history of military and political interference in its giant neighbor. However, a report to the UN Security Council in October claimed that Rwanda and Uganda were arming and financing the rebels, and in Rwanda’s case, supplying troops. Rwanda has strongly denied this.
Why would Rwanda want to get involved?


Ostensibly, to protect its border, and because it claims that Congo has failed to crush an armed group in its east made up of Hutu people who allegedly led Rwanda’s genocide in 1994. It was for this reason that Rwanda invaded Congo in 1996, installing a pro-Rwandan president, Laurent Kabila, as president in Kinshasa. Kabila and Rwanda later fell out, and central Africa fell into five years of war. Rwanda’s involvement may not, however, be limited to politics – eastern Congo is awash with minerals, and Rwanda reportedly supports rebel groups so that it can maintain access to mines producing gold, tin, and coltan, used in almost all consumer electronics, including mobile phones.



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Goma has fallen to the M23. What now?
In the short term, the main concern is twofold. First, that the M23 rebels will go on a rampage of looting, rape, and violence. However, it appears that troops are well-disciplined, and in the past civilians have had more to fear from the temperamental Congolese armed forces, FARDC. The other concern is that the FARDC will be ordered back to Goma to fight to regain control, which would lead to high numbers of civilian casualties. Alongside these pressing worries, there are already more than 350,000 people camped in and around Goma who fled further fighting. If Goma remains unstable, aid workers cannot feed, shelter, and medically help those internally displaced people. Longer term, assuming M23 remains well-behaved, aid staff will continue their work until expected peace negotiations between the rebels and Kinshasa conclude.
What can the international community do to help?
The United Nations mission in Congo, called Monusco, is huge – 19,000 uniformed and 4,000 civilian staff. Its mandate is to protect civilians, which is why it had no legal requirement to halt the rebels’ advance on Goma if civilians were not caught in the crossfire in large numbers, which so far they have not been. It remains to be seen how Monusco will react to operating under M23 rule. Globally, Britain, the EU, and the US appear to have decided that blanket condemnations of the violence suffices. Perhaps the greatest lever the West has is to threaten further disruption of aid to Rwanda unless it uses its influence on the M23 – which Kigali denies it has – to force them to a quick settlement.
It appears that this is a never-ending cycle of violence. How can it end?
With great difficulty. Lasting peace requires that Rwanda halt its interference, with the Hutu rebels it seeks to be sent back to Rwanda to face justice. Equitable sharing of resources from the mines to benefit local people is necessary, as is greater trust from people living in Congo’s east that Kinshasa listens to its concerns. The Congolese Army requires a complete disciplinary, and some would say cultural, overhaul. At least a half dozen previous attempts to tick all of these boxes have failed.
 
[h=1]Is there a "Kivu conspiracy" to undermine Congo? Hardly[/h] [h=2]Guest blogger Laura Seay, during visit to the Congolese city of Goma, looks into allegations that the ongoing rebellion of Bosco Ntaganda is a conspiracy to undermine Congolese control.
[/h] By Laura Seay, Guest blogger / June 14, 2012





A Congolese government soldier stands guard at a military outpost between Kachiru village and Mbuzi hill, in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, May 25.
Siegfried Modola/REUTERS

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1 and 0

Goma, Democratic Republic of Congo

• A version of this post appeared on the blog "Texas in Africa." The views expressed are the author's own.
[h=3]Recent posts[/h]


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A new rebellion is underway in Congo's North Kivu province, and while most of the actors are familiar, the story is slightly different. Two months ago, groups of soldiers in the Congolese national army, the FARDC, began to defect from the ranks. These soldiers are all former members of a rebel-movement-turned-political-party called the CNDP. The CNDP is notorious for having been led by warlord Laurent Nkunda, who, with backing from Rwanda, almost took over the province a few years ago. Rwanda, however, arrested Nkunda, made an agreement with the Congolese president to stop backing the movement, and CNDP forces were integrated into the FARDC. Nkunda's former second-in-command, Bosco Ntaganda, took over the military leadership of the movement, which maintained parallel chains of command within the FARDC ranks. Ntaganda became a warlord and amassed large quantities of wealth as a result of this arrangement; his ability to operate despite being wanted for war crimes by the International Criminal Court was taken by many as evidence that he was the lynchpin of regional stability, likely because his role in controlling cross-border trade between North Kivu and Rwanda maintained Rwanda's ability to benefit from Congolese mineral resources without maintaining a formal military presence in the province. Ntaganda, like many of his ex-CNDP counterparts, is a Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese Tutsi, and Tutsis and Hutu Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese are at the forefront of the mutiny, which has christened itself M23.
There is no such thing as a unified "Tutsi position" on M23, Bosco Ntaganda's leadership, or the RPF government in Kigali. This is a common misconception that is sometimes glossed over in media reports from the region, but it's an important one. While many non-Rwandaphone Congolese are convinced that there is a "Tutsi project" - that is, a conspiracy to take control of the Kivu provinces under Kigali's rule - there is actually wide variation of opinion in the Rwandan and Congolese Tutsi communities, as well as among Congolese Rwandaphone Hutus
(To read more about what precipitated the M23 mutiny, click here to read a new piece on the M23 rebellion up at Warscapes this week.)
This is not an accurate reflection of current reality. While we know that during the war some Tutsis apparently had the idea of expanding into a "greater Rwanda" (most famously expressed through the publication of a map of said territory in the Rwandair Express inflight magazine during the war), today, there is a high degree of tension in relationships between and among the Anglophone Tutsi leadership in Kigali, other Tutsis in and exiled from Rwanda, and Congolese Tutsis and Hutus. This variety of viewpoint extends through civilian and military life and is present within the ranks of the ex-/CNDP's military and political leaderships. For example, some ex-CNDP soldiers remained loyal to Nkunda over the course of the last three years, while others have more confidence in Ntaganda's leadership.
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Now that the mutiny is in full swing, opinions vary even more widely. Rumors are flying that Nkunda is directing M23's movements by telephone. Some Tutsi civilians in Goma are enthusiastically supporting M23. Others are less excited, but see it as a necessarily evil means of protecting their interests in the region. Some are afraid that if they don't support M23, they will not have anywhere to live anymore; this logic suggests that fighting is the only way to ensure that Rwandaphone Congolese aren't driven away from the land for good. Other Tutsis are furious; they view the M23 as having upset the delicate balance of peace that enabled Goma to prosper and themselves to live in relative peace in recent years. As Jason Stearns notes, there are meetings happening within the Tutsi and Hutu communities in eastern DRC in an attempt to rally more members of the communities behind the M23 cause. But as of now, their views are hardly unanimous.
Then there is Kigali, whose role in this situation is very unclear. In the past, it would have been unthinkable that if a Rwandaphone-dominated movement like M23 were pushed back against the Rwandan border that it would not be receiving direct support from Kigali. Human Rights Watch believes the Rwandan government is in fact aiding M23 by providing troops, weapons, and ammunition, as well as allowing Ntaganda to move freely between Rwanda and DRC. Rwanda's government denies these claims. What's the reality? I have no idea.
Regardless of what is going on in Kigali, it is a very dangerous time to be a Kinyarwanda-speaker in North Kivu. Since the FARDC's attention is on defeating M23, who are holed up in a corner of the province's eastern border with Rwanda, they have fewer troops in Walikale and Masisi. Not surprisingly, as soon as the FARDC presence scaled back in Walikale, the FDLR moved in to take control of several towns. In Masisi, two Mai Mai militias have been engaged in the wholesale slaughter of Rwandaphones.IRIN notes that one local leader has tallied 120 deaths since mid-May.
Another misperception about the crisis is the idea that it was caused by the perception that Kabila's government had decided to arrest Ntanganda, who is wanted for war crimes by the International Criminal Court. This line of thinking reasons that the international community's pressure on Kabila to arrest Ntaganda in exchange for not making more of a fuss about the contested 2011 presidential elections caused Kabila to take the arrest more seriously.
Don't give the international community too much credit. This was probably the immediate precipitating cause as to why the mutiny happened when it did, but the actual reason for the rebellion was much deeper and is based in longstanding resentment within the FARDC ranks and the view of ex-CNDP officers that the status quo was unsustainable.
Think you know Africa? Take our geography quiz
As Stearns notes, there were apparently already plans underway within the ex-CNDP ranks that were sped up without warning when the rebellion broke out.
What's next in the Kivus? Who knows? It's very clear that M23 is weak, and they will not be able to hold out for long under heavy shelling without reinforcements, which at this point can only come from Rwanda. I sincerely doubt that Kigali believes a full-scale backing of the movement is in its interest; both countries have benefited and prospered under the 2009 rapprochement. Kinshasa also has a strong interest in maintaining the peace, which likely explains the Kabila administration's high level of engagement in attempting to resolve the crisis. As always, though, if the status of Rwandaphone Congolese and the question of land rights isn't resolved at the grassroots level, we're not going to see a lasting peace in the region. It's only a matter of time before the next M23 arises.
 
Is there a "Kivu conspiracy" to undermine Congo? Hardly

Guest blogger Laura Seay, during visit to the Congolese city of Goma, looks into allegations that the ongoing rebellion of Bosco Ntaganda is a conspiracy to undermine Congolese control.


By Laura Seay, Guest blogger / June 14, 2012





A Congolese government soldier stands guard at a military outpost between Kachiru village and Mbuzi hill, in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, May 25.
Siegfried Modola/REUTERS

Enlarge

1 and 0

Goma, Democratic Republic of Congo

• A version of this post appeared on the blog "Texas in Africa." The views expressed are the author's own.
Recent posts




Related stories



Subscribe Today to the Monitor
Click Here for your FREE 30 DAYS of
The Christian Science Monitor
Weekly Digital Edition



A new rebellion is underway in Congo's North Kivu province, and while most of the actors are familiar, the story is slightly different. Two months ago, groups of soldiers in the Congolese national army, the FARDC, began to defect from the ranks. These soldiers are all former members of a rebel-movement-turned-political-party called the CNDP. The CNDP is notorious for having been led by warlord Laurent Nkunda, who, with backing from Rwanda, almost took over the province a few years ago. Rwanda, however, arrested Nkunda, made an agreement with the Congolese president to stop backing the movement, and CNDP forces were integrated into the FARDC. Nkunda's former second-in-command, Bosco Ntaganda, took over the military leadership of the movement, which maintained parallel chains of command within the FARDC ranks. Ntaganda became a warlord and amassed large quantities of wealth as a result of this arrangement; his ability to operate despite being wanted for war crimes by the International Criminal Court was taken by many as evidence that he was the lynchpin of regional stability, likely because his role in controlling cross-border trade between North Kivu and Rwanda maintained Rwanda's ability to benefit from Congolese mineral resources without maintaining a formal military presence in the province. Ntaganda, like many of his ex-CNDP counterparts, is a Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese Tutsi, and Tutsis and Hutu Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese are at the forefront of the mutiny, which has christened itself M23.
There is no such thing as a unified "Tutsi position" on M23, Bosco Ntaganda's leadership, or the RPF government in Kigali. This is a common misconception that is sometimes glossed over in media reports from the region, but it's an important one. While many non-Rwandaphone Congolese are convinced that there is a "Tutsi project" - that is, a conspiracy to take control of the Kivu provinces under Kigali's rule - there is actually wide variation of opinion in the Rwandan and Congolese Tutsi communities, as well as among Congolese Rwandaphone Hutus
(To read more about what precipitated the M23 mutiny, click here to read a new piece on the M23 rebellion up at Warscapes this week.)
This is not an accurate reflection of current reality. While we know that during the war some Tutsis apparently had the idea of expanding into a "greater Rwanda" (most famously expressed through the publication of a map of said territory in the Rwandair Express inflight magazine during the war), today, there is a high degree of tension in relationships between and among the Anglophone Tutsi leadership in Kigali, other Tutsis in and exiled from Rwanda, and Congolese Tutsis and Hutus. This variety of viewpoint extends through civilian and military life and is present within the ranks of the ex-/CNDP's military and political leaderships. For example, some ex-CNDP soldiers remained loyal to Nkunda over the course of the last three years, while others have more confidence in Ntaganda's leadership.
Think you know Africa? Take our geography quiz

Now that the mutiny is in full swing, opinions vary even more widely. Rumors are flying that Nkunda is directing M23's movements by telephone. Some Tutsi civilians in Goma are enthusiastically supporting M23. Others are less excited, but see it as a necessarily evil means of protecting their interests in the region. Some are afraid that if they don't support M23, they will not have anywhere to live anymore; this logic suggests that fighting is the only way to ensure that Rwandaphone Congolese aren't driven away from the land for good. Other Tutsis are furious; they view the M23 as having upset the delicate balance of peace that enabled Goma to prosper and themselves to live in relative peace in recent years. As Jason Stearns notes, there are meetings happening within the Tutsi and Hutu communities in eastern DRC in an attempt to rally more members of the communities behind the M23 cause. But as of now, their views are hardly unanimous.
Then there is Kigali, whose role in this situation is very unclear. In the past, it would have been unthinkable that if a Rwandaphone-dominated movement like M23 were pushed back against the Rwandan border that it would not be receiving direct support from Kigali. Human Rights Watch believes the Rwandan government is in fact aiding M23 by providing troops, weapons, and ammunition, as well as allowing Ntaganda to move freely between Rwanda and DRC. Rwanda's government denies these claims. What's the reality? I have no idea.
Regardless of what is going on in Kigali, it is a very dangerous time to be a Kinyarwanda-speaker in North Kivu. Since the FARDC's attention is on defeating M23, who are holed up in a corner of the province's eastern border with Rwanda, they have fewer troops in Walikale and Masisi. Not surprisingly, as soon as the FARDC presence scaled back in Walikale, the FDLR moved in to take control of several towns. In Masisi, two Mai Mai militias have been engaged in the wholesale slaughter of Rwandaphones.IRIN notes that one local leader has tallied 120 deaths since mid-May.
Another misperception about the crisis is the idea that it was caused by the perception that Kabila's government had decided to arrest Ntanganda, who is wanted for war crimes by the International Criminal Court. This line of thinking reasons that the international community's pressure on Kabila to arrest Ntaganda in exchange for not making more of a fuss about the contested 2011 presidential elections caused Kabila to take the arrest more seriously.
Don't give the international community too much credit. This was probably the immediate precipitating cause as to why the mutiny happened when it did, but the actual reason for the rebellion was much deeper and is based in longstanding resentment within the FARDC ranks and the view of ex-CNDP officers that the status quo was unsustainable.
Think you know Africa? Take our geography quiz
As Stearns notes, there were apparently already plans underway within the ex-CNDP ranks that were sped up without warning when the rebellion broke out.
What's next in the Kivus? Who knows? It's very clear that M23 is weak, and they will not be able to hold out for long under heavy shelling without reinforcements, which at this point can only come from Rwanda. I sincerely doubt that Kigali believes a full-scale backing of the movement is in its interest; both countries have benefited and prospered under the 2009 rapprochement. Kinshasa also has a strong interest in maintaining the peace, which likely explains the Kabila administration's high level of engagement in attempting to resolve the crisis. As always, though, if the status of Rwandaphone Congolese and the question of land rights isn't resolved at the grassroots level, we're not going to see a lasting peace in the region. It's only a matter of time before the next M23 arises.
 
Butola said:
Kwani Tanzania imeikatalia serikali ya Kongo kupitisha silaha zao Tanzania? hivi Tanzania kama nchi yenye bandari itazikataliaje nchi jirani kama Rwanda kupitisha silaha zake?

Matatizo ya Kongo ni ya Wakongo wenyewe na serikali yao na ni wao wenyewe wanaoweza kuyatatua,kama Rais Kabila ni dhaifu atolewe tu la akachutame kwa vijana wa M23 warudi kwenye jeshi la serikali..
Click to expand...
Ambacho haelewi aliyekujibu ni kwamba silaha za mataifa mengi ya nchi za maziwa makuu zinapitia tz na huwa zinasimdikizwa na vyombo vyetu vya usalama mpaka mipakani mwa nchi zao. Si mbaya kwa nxhi halali kupitisha bali huwa hairuhusiwi kwa waasi kupitisha.
 
Kibanga,

Tafadhali mkuu jifunze kuandika summary na ukionyesha link basi itakuwa vyema kwa manufaa ya wale wenye kutaka kwenda deep.

 
Hakuna kitu kinachoniuma kama vita ya DRC..nilimsikiliza Raisi Joseph Kabila akiongea na waandishi wa habari wa Tanzania waliokwenda kwa ziara ya kimafunzo kule, alisema neno moja kwa uchungu, namnukuu..." Ni nchi moja tu ya Afrika ambayo hatuna mahusiano mazuri nayo ni RWANDA" Nadhani ni wakati wa waafrika kuona namna ya kumsaidia Comarade Joseph Kabila na wananchi wa DRC..kuna dalili za wazi kabisa zinazoonyesha kuwa RWANDA wanahusika kwa namna moja au nyingine kwenye vita ile. Kibaya zaidi, viongozi wa Afrika wanalifahamu hili, isipokuwa ni udhaifu wao ndio unalifikisha bara hili kwenye hatua kama hii. Hivi huyu Kagame ni nani hasa mpaka atusumbue waafrika? Nani yupo mgongoni mwake mpaka anakuwa na ujasiri wa kufanya hayo? Anatafuta nini DRC mpaka awatese wananchi wa DRC? Cha kushangaza jana nimesikia kuwa waasi wa M23 wameuteka mji maarufu wa Goma, na wamewazidi nguvu askari wa UMOJA WA MATAIFA, hivi kweli inaingia akilini askari wa UMOJA WA MATAIFA kuzidiwa nguvu na waasi, wahuni ambao wengi wao hata mafunzo ya kijeshi ni ya kuungaunga? kama sio kuna ajenda ya siri ni nini?

Tatizo la viongozi wa AFRIKA ni kukosa "UTU" mtu yupo radhi kuua watu wengine kwasababu tu ya maslahi yake na maslahi ya watu weupe. Kuna ushahidi wa wazi kuwa Kagame ni kibaraka mkubwa wa watu weupe(wanyonyaji), na lengo lao ni kutafuta namna ya kuchota utajiri wa DRC na njia yoyote ile, hata kama ikibidi wawafutilie wakongo wote. Hii kama sio ushetani ni nini? Huyu Kagame ni wa kuogopa...Mwl Nyerere aliwai sema " Ukianza kula nyama ya mtu uwezi acha, utaendelea tu" mimi nasema "UKIANZA KUUA WATU KWA MASLAHI YAKO BINAFSI UTAENDELEA TU..HUWEZI ACHA" Huyu kageme leo yupo DRC, kesho atahamia Burundi, Tanzania nk. Ni wakushughulikiwa mapema sana.

MUNGU IBARIKI AFRIKA,MUNGU IBARIKI TANZANIA, MUNGU IBARIKI DRC...
 
Yaani.... i always & remain not to trust Rwanda.... Why they allow such a tiny sturborn country to join our lovely EAC..??

Kagame ni mtu mbaya sana..!!! Alimuua rais Habriamana kwa kuipiga risasi ndege yake....

Alimsupport Laura Nkunda.... Akajidaji kumshika baada ya shinikizo la Mkapa, Moi nk.... Hadi leo Laura Nkunda anakula nchi Rwanda...!! International community wamepiga kelele sana apelekwe The Hague, Kagame kamficha....

Leo M23! Kagame again.... Kisa Almasi na Dhahabu ya Goma....!!!

Why EAC leaders wapo kimya kweli..??

Shame on EAC leaders...!!
 
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