Mwalimu Nyerere hakuwabagua wala ndizi - Wahaya, Wachaga na Wanyakyusa - au watu wa makabila mengine katika uongozi wa nchi yetu. Kuna wala ndizi wengine lakini tunapo zungumzia wala ndizi, tunatumia jina hilo kumaanisha watu wa makabila hayo matatu.
Nyerere angefanya hivyo na kusema raisi na waziri mkuu asitoke makabila hayo, angekuwa anakwenda kinyume cha uongozi wake na imani yake kwamba sisi sote ni sawa.
Nimezungumza na watu mbali mbali kutoka enzi ile pamoja na wapinzani wake kuhusu suala hilo lakini bado sijamsikia hata mmoja na mwenye ushahidi wa kuridhisha kwamba Mwalimu alisema, kwa manufaa ya taifa, Mchaga, Mnyakyusa au Mhaya asiwe nafasi ya kuwa raisi au waziri mkuu wa Tanzania. Sijazungumza na kila mtu anaye sema au anaye amini hivyo, lakini nimezungumza na wengi wa kutosha, pamoja na wale walio kuwa karibu naye sana ambao baadaye wakajiunga na vyama vya upinzani.
Kuna kiongozi mmoja wa taifa aliyekuwa karibu sana na Nyerere niliye zungumza naye Dar mwaka 1974. Nilifahamiana naye sana, na nilikuwa nyumbani kwake siku moja. Tulikuwa tunazungumzia mambo mbali mbali pamoja na ukabila nchini, ikiwa tunao au hatuna, kuweza kuhatarisha umoja wa nchi yetu. Katika mazungumzo hayo, akamtaja Mwalimu Nyerere na Kawawa kuhusu uongozi wao. Alisema Nyerere hana ubaguzi na hana upendeleo. Akaendelea kusema: "Nyerere ni mpole lakini ni mkali sana when you encroach on his authority." Those were his exact words, quoted verbatim. Kuhusu Kawawa, alisema sentensi yote katika Kiingereza: "He is an excellent administrator and very hardworking."
Alisema hayo yote bila mashaka yotote. His statements were categorical, unequivocally so.
Aliendelea kusema kwamba Nyerere aliamini kabisa kwamba Watanzania wote wana haki za uraia na kwamba hata watu ambao si weusi ni Wafrika kama sisi. Alisema Nyerere hatofautishi kati ya Watanzania weusi na wenye asili ya Kiarabu au ya Kihindi au wenye asili nyingine. Wote ni Wafrika na ni Watanzania ikiwa ni raia wa Tanzania. And he practised what he preached. Hakuwabagua serikalini au mahali popote. Enzi ya Nyerere tulikuwa na mawaziri na viongozi wengine wenye asili ya Kihindi na Kiarabu. Tulikuwa na wazungu pia katika baraza la mawaziri na sehemu zingine. Wengi wenu mnamkumbuka Amir H. Jamal na Derek Bryceson. Waziri wa fedha, Sir Ernest Vasey ambaye hakuwa raia, was there only temporarily.
There were two top-notch intellectuals in our first cabinet: Nyerere himself and Jamal. They were later joined by another bona fide intellectual, Abdulrahman Mohamed Babu, baada ya Muungano wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar.
Uafrika wa wenzetu hao, hasa Waarabu wa Afrika Kaskazini, ni suala ambalo niliwahi kumuuliza Walter Bgoya mwaka 1971 alipokuwa head of the North Africa and Middle East Division, Ministry of Foreign of Affairs. Miaka ile, the official name of the ministry did not include "of International Cooperation." Ilikuwa inaitwa Ministry of Foreigin Affairs tu. Nilimuuliza kuhusu Pan-Arabism na ikiwa aliona kuna conflict kati ya Pan-Africanism na Pan-Arabism na ikiwa nchi za Kiarabu Afrika Kaskazini zilikuwa more commited to Pan-Arabism kuliko Pan-Africanism. Alisema hakuna conflict yoyote kati ya -isms hizo mbili and in terms of commitment to Africa by North African countries although they were predominantly Arab. Walter Bgoya was then known as a revolutionary intellectual and a fountain of ideas. closely associated with Walter Riodney then teaching at UDSM.
Nyerere also had gone record kwa kusema wazi kabisa kwamba Algerians, Egyptians and other Arabs in North Africa ni Wafrika kama sisi. Nchini Tanzania, his desire to see Dr. Salim Ahmed Salim become president of Tanzania, a predominantly black country, demonstrated his commitment to non-racialism and equality. Unfortunately, racists, black racists, won, walipo mpinga na kumzuia Salim kuwa raisi wa nchi yetu, one of the best presidents Tanzania never had. We have paid a heavy price kwa sababu ya ubaguzi.
Ni kiongozi huyo, Mwalimu Nyerere, ambaye watu wanasema hakutaka Mchaga, Mhaya au Mnyakyusa aingie Ikulu au awe waziri mkuu wa Tanzania. Ni kiongozi huyo huyo ambaye pia aliwateua Wachaga, Wahaya na Wanyakyusa wengi kuwa viongozi wa taifa letu katika sehemu mbali mbali. Ni watu kutoka makabila hayo matatu walio kuwa wengi katika madaraka ya juu kuliko watu wa makabila mengine. Tunaweza kusema aliwapendelea? Kulikuwa na sababu za kihistoria ambazo zimejadiliwa hapa Jamii Forums na mahali pengine kwa nini mambo yalikuwa vile.
Watu kutoka makabila hayo wamelitumikia taifa letu kama watu wa makabila mengine. Wasingekuwa na uzalendo halisi, Nyerere asingewapa madaraka aliyowapa chini ya uongozi wake. Na ikiwa Nyerere aliogopa kwamba Mhaya, Mchaga au Mnyakyusa atawajaza serikalini watu wa kabila lake akiwa raisi au waziri mkuu na nchi hii itatawaliwa na watu wa kabila moja, asingewateua Wachaga, Wanyakayusa na Wahaya kuwa na madaraka ya juu serikalini, katika mashirika ya umma, na sehemu zingine za uongozi nchini. Ni sehemu hizo, wizarani, katika mashirika na kadhalika ambamo ni rahisi viongozi kuwapendelea watu wa makabila yao. Si lazima wapate uraisi au uwaziri mkuu kuweza kuwapendelea ndugu zao wa kikabila.
Ikiwa Nyerere aliwaamini watu wa makabila hayo matatu kuwa viongozi wa taifa letu sehemu mbali mbali, hakuna sababu yoyote kusema kwamba hakuwaamini kuingia Ikulu kuwa raisi, au kuwa waziri mkuu.
Katika mjadala mwingine, niliwahi kutoa mfano wa Mnyakyusa mmoja, Amon Nsekela, ambaye Mwalimu Nyerere alimwamini sana na madaraka. Alimwamini Nsekela kwa sababu ni Myankyusa? Najua yaliyotokea kuhusu Nsekela na watu wengine lakini natoa mfano mmoja tu wa Nsekela. Kama nilivyo wahi kusema, bila Mwalimu Nyerere kumlinda Nsekela, Nsekela would have been history as far back as the early seventies and even before then in 1970. Kulikuwa na wana Usalama wa Taifa, at the behest of and in collusion with some senior politicians and government officials, who wanted to destroy Amon Nsekela. They tried everything they could to destroy him, to no avail. Some are dead and some are still living. All the reports which were written by some intelligence officiers against Nsekela in order to destroy him were rejected by Nyerere. He refused to sign them. No need to go further.
Pia miaka ile, Nsekela alikuwa ni Mtanzania ambaye aliteuliwa na Mwalimu Nyerere sehemu mbali mbali kuliko wananchi wengine. He had the largest number of posts among all Tanzanians in the early seventies, thus inflaming passions among his detractors. Mwalimu alifanya hivyo, kumpa Nsekela vyeo vingi, kwa sababu alikuwa anawapendelea Wanyakyusa?
Daktari wa kwanza wa Mwalimu Nyerere, Mwakosya, alikuwa ni Mnyakyusa. Mlinzi wake kwa muda mrefu, Mwangota, alikuwa ni Mnyakyusa. Daktari wake mpaka mwisho wa maisha yake, Mwakyusa, alikuwa ni Mnyakyusa. Aliwapendelea Wanyakyusa?
Ikiwa aliwaamini kiasi hicho, kwa nini watu wanasema hakuwaamini Wanyakyusa kuwa viongozi wa taifa letu - kuwa raisi au kuwa waziri mkuu? Kuna hata mfano wa mlinzi wake, Mwangota, aliyemwamini kumlinda. Na alitimiza wajibu wake nyakati zote, hata ku risk maisha yake, as he was expected to, in order to protect the president. Kuna wakati Mwalimu alikuwa anatembelea nchi moja ya Ulaya Mashariki (sitaki kuitaja) na alinusurika kuchomwa kisu. Mwangota sprang into action right on time and grabbed the knife and the assailant. He got cut between his thumb and index finger. But he did nothing heroic. He did what he was supposed to do, even if he had to sacrifice his life to protect the president.
Ingawa watu wa makabila hayo matatu walikuwa wengi serikalini na sehemu mbali mbali za madaraka ya juu baada ya nchi yetu ya Tanganyika kupata uhuru na miaka iliyofuata, hawakuteuliwa wengi kuwa mawaziri. Nakumbuka kulikuwa na Wachaga wawili, Solomon Nkya Eliufoo na Nsilo Swai (nakumbuka alikuwa na jina refu - Asanterabi Zephaniah Nsilo Swai). Kulikuwa na Mhaya mmoja, Clement George Kahama, na baadaye kidogo, Mnyakyusa mmoja, Jeremiah Kasambala.
Nyerere hakuwabagua watu wa makabila hayo, hawakunyima uwaziri, ingawa wengi wao walikuwa tayari na madaraka ya juu nchini Tanganyika baada ya uhuru. Halafu tunasikia Nyerere hakutaka Mhaya, Mchaga au Mnyakyusa kuwa raisi au waziri mkuu wa Tanzania.
Hata watu ambao siyo Watanzania wanao julikana kuwa wapinzani wa Nyerere, politically and ideologically, hawaja mlaumu na kusema aliyabagaua makabila fulan nchini mwetui. Mmoja wao ambaye ni maarufu sana ni Ali Mazrui ambaye wapinzani wa Nyerere hapa Jamii Forums na mahali pengine wamejaribu kumtumia na kusema alimnyoosha Nyerere. Sijui wamesoma kiasi gani cha maandishi ya Mazrui kuhusu Nyerere, vtabu vyake na articles, kuanzia na articles zake katika "Transition" wakati journal hiyo was being published in Kampala under the editorship of Rajat Neogy miaka ya 1960s when Mazrui was just a young professor in his thirties and head of the Political Science Department at Makerere, fast-tracked to professorship by Professor Colin Leys, then head of the department and until recently a professor at York University in Canada.
Kuna mengi ambayo Mazrui ameandika katika vitabu vyake na artcles zake in different scholarly journals and other publications kuhusu Nyerere pamoja na alivyo tofautiana naye kuhusu Muungano wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar, Ujamaa, one-party system, Tanzania's recognition of Biafra, the East African Community, failure to form an East African federation, na kadhalika. Lakini hajawahi kumlaumu Nyerere kuhusu ukabila na kusema kwamba kuna makabila aliyo yabagua nchini Tanzania na kusema watu wa makabila hayo wasipwe uraisi au madaraka kuwa waziri mkuu. Ingawa walitofautiana ideologically, mengi ambayo Mazrui ameandika na kusema kuhusu Nyerere ni sifa, pamoja na aliposema miaka michache iliyopita:
"The most intellectual of East Africa's Heads of State at the time was Julius K. Nyerere of Tanzania - a true philosopher, president and original thinker. He philosophized about society and socialism, and translated two of Shakespeare's plays into Kiswahili - Julius Caesar and The Merchant of Venice. The Swahili translations were published by Oxford University Press beginning in 1963, the year of Kenya's independence. East Africa had vivacious and scintillating intellectual magazines - such as Transition magazine based in Kampala and East Africa Journal based in Nairobi. Contributors to those magazines were intellectuals from the campuses, from the wider civil society and from the governing class." (Ali A. Mazrui, "Towards Re-Africanizing African Universities: Who Killed Intellectualism in the Post Colonial Era?," In Memoriam:This lecture is dedicated to Dr. C. Odhiambo-Mbai who had invited Mazrui to give it, and who was later tragically assassinated in Nairobi, Kenya, on Sunday, September 14, 2003).
Much as he respected Nyerere as "a superb intellectual," a term he once used in some of his writings to describe Mwalimu, Mazrui would have been among the first people to criticize him if he discriminated against members of some ethnic groups in Tanzania. He probably would not have questioned his credentials as an intellectual. But he would have denounced Nyerere's position. And he may even have described it as a betrayal of intellectualism - for, what kind of intellectual, especially of Nyerere's calibre, would stoop so low and try to justify tribalism and exclusion of the members of some tribes from the highest office in the land?
Mazrui himself has been a victim of racism from both sides - from fellow Africans who contend that he is not really African because of his Arab heritage in spite of the fact that Arabs in Africa are also Africans and he is a product of black African ancestry as well; and from whites and others who have discriminated against him because of his black African and Arab heritage. He would be the last person to condone discrimination by a leader, Mwalimu Nyerere, whom he respected highly. He said even as recently as 2008 that intellectually, he had higher regard for Nyerere than most politicians anywhere in the world. Is this the kind of politician who would discriminate against some of his people or against anybody else?
Mazrui has, of course, also been denounced by other people including fellow Africans for a different reason, although this may be beyond the scope of what we are discussing here. Kuna high-ranking official katika wizara yetu ya mambo ya nchi za nje, who later became an ambassador, ambaye aliniambia mwaka 1972 (in Dar) kwamba: "Mazrui works for the CIA." And he said so emphatically. Aligusia mambo fulani kuhusu Tanzania, serikali ya Makaburu, ukombozi wa nchi za Afrika kusini, na kadhalika, kuthibitisha alichosema. He only seemed to confirm what I had heard before from another highly placed source in Dar. About two years later in 1974, some damning evidence aganst Mazrui about his questionable ties to the CIA surfaced. And years earlier, in the sixties, Nkrumah also had denounced Mazrui along those lines, in fact even in stronger language, when Mazrui was teaching at Makerere.
Mazrui was a student at Columbia University studying for his master's degree in politial science when he first met Nkrumah in New York.
But that is another subject.
Watu wanao sema Nyerere aliwabagua watu wa makabila fulani li wasipate uraisi au uwaziri mkuu wanawapotosha wananchi wengi, hasa wale ambao walikuwa bado hawajazaliwa au ambao walikuwa watoto wadogo enzi ya Nyerere, kuliko sisi tulio kuwepo tangu Nyerere alipokuwa anagombea uhuru miaka ya 1950s. Nakumbuka sana miaka ile. Pia namkumbuka sana Nyerere alipokuwa na umri wa miaka thelathini na kitu tu, akigombea uhuru. Kila alipokuwa anakaribia kuingia mjini, alikuwa anapanda na kusimama nyuma ya Land Rover, watu wakimpungia mikono. Ndiyo ile Land Rover ya Dossa Aziz?
Nyerere had massive support across Tanganyika, later Tanzania. He also embraced everybody. It is an insult to his legacy to say that he did not want a Haya, a Nyakyusa or a Chaga to be president or prime minister of our country.