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@jMALI,mokala1989 angalia ya hao ndugu zenu waliyo fanyia wanyarwanda wenzao nauhakika hamuwezi kuupokea ukweli.

Habyarimana and the genocide project






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Members of the Interahamwe militia during the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. The Habyarimana regime enlisted the services of many civilians in preparation for the Genocide. Net photo.
Genocide doesn't just happen, it is planned. Once there has been categorisation– Hutu, Tutsi and Twa in Rwanda – then polarisation follows. Polarisation is the process of separating something so far apart that it cannot be repaired or reunited.
In the years leading up to the Genocide against the Tutsi, President Juvenal Habyarimana– like his predecessors– set himself and his allies on one side and those he called traitors on the other. On the right side were Hutu who shared both his political ideology as well as his hatred of Tutsi. The rest – the Tutsi and their sympathisers were labeled ‘traitors'.
From traitor to enemy
The word traitor was quickly equated with enemy. On September 22, 1992, an army document was issued explicitly authorising whoever wanted to kill Tutsi to do so without fear of consequence – since Tutsi were the enemy.
This order was in line with the 8th Hutu commandment, published in the Kangura newspaper in October 1990, that said: "It is prohibited to have mercy on Tutsi."
At the time, many people asked themselves what the commandment meant. Did it mean you would ignore a Tutsi neighbour when they asked for sugar? Did it mean you would not intervene when a Tutsi needed medical help? Did it mean you could not speak up against the injustices Tutsi faced?
But the 1992 document made it clear. Tutsi were an enemy deserving death and any Hutu – according to the 10th Commandment – who spoke out against this ideology or practice was a traitor, deserving the same fate as the Tutsi.
President Juvenal Habyarimana through his various tools– the Hutu Ten Commandments, Kangura newspaper and later RTLM– clearly demarcated friend and foe. Their propaganda told of "incidents," whereby Rwanda Patriotic Army (RPA) spies went into communities and killed Hutu; proving that the Tutsi would exterminate all Hutu given the chance. In reality, these were staged. It was brutal and callous politics, in which ordinary men and women were sacrificed to propagate a divisive ideology.
Habyarimana announces genocide
The plan to exterminate the Tutsi was unveiled by President Habyarimana during a speech at an extraordinary MRND Congress on April 28, 1991.The congress was to discuss the mechanisms of their newly "reformed" party, given a multiparty system would soon begin. Six months earlier, on November 13, 1990, Habyarimana had finally succumbed to growing pressure to open up Rwanda's political space.
He was explicit in his speech: Any new mechanism had to confirm the MRND was founded ‘on the majority' which, to him, was the essence of democracy.
In that meeting, he also unveiled measures to put an end to the wars and insurgent attacks Rwanda had "suffered" since 1959. He explicitly said: "Apart from decisions we will take to end this war internally and externally, there is also a permanent way to finish this problem so that even our great grandchildren never face it again".
Practically, the number of soldiers was increased and support promised to whoever was capable, starting with the youth living near borders, to stop the "enemy" from entering the country and prevent "conspirators" inside Rwanda from boosting enemy ranks.
It is clear that ‘finding a permanent solution to the war' excluded peace talks. Later, Habyarimana, in a political rally held in Ruhengeri in November 1992, called the Arusha peace talks which brought the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) to the negotiating table, the signing of ‘papers'.
He proposed another way to finish what he called the country's problem; he called it "gutsirika". The word implies doing something so significant to eliminate the cause of the problem.
To end the war, Tutsi had to die. An announcement of the impending genocide.
Unity in evil
To garner support for his genocide project, Habyarimana had to unite the many against the few. In his speech at the MRND congress, the word unity was repeated several times. Unity would help the majority fight the Inyenzi (cockroaches) who wished to erase the gains achieved since the 1959 "Revolution". He said if the majority did not unite and fight, they would be "returned" to slavery and feudalism.
The unity of the Hutu against the Tutsi would become the founding principle of the new MRND. He even encouraged all other parties to make "unity" (read unity of Hutus), a priority.
With this, President Habyarimana was saying he was the Hutu president – exclusively. From this, the extremist CDR party was born, followed by the creation of the Interahamwe and Impuzamugambi militia groups. These would later implement the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
Killing the Tutsi –young or old, man or woman – became the heroic acts of the majority; a united majority against a helpless minority.
The writer is a genocide scholar. Read his work at umuvugizi.wordpress.com or friendsofevil.

Habyarimana and the genocide project - The New Times Rwanda

sisi wastaarabu, hatutaki kutoa picha za ukatili wa watutsi hapa hapatakalika na kuna uwezekano nikala ban fasta, they are too graphic.
By the way hauna chanzo kingine cha habyarimana na genocide isipokuwa gazeti linalomilikiwa na watu waliokuwa wapinzani wake kisiasa?
 
sisi wastaarabu, hatutaki kutoa picha za ukatili wa watutsi hapa hapatakalika na kuna uwezekano nikala ban fasta, they are too graphic.
By the way hauna chanzo kingine cha habyarimana na genocide isipokuwa gazeti linalomilikiwa na watu waliokuwa wapinzani wake kisiasa?

Nyinyi WanyaRwanda kama mmechoka kuishi kwa amani nchini mwetu rudini kwenu Rwanda siyo mnatuletea choko choko za ukabila na vita.Tanzania tuna matatizo mengi ya kuyashughulikia zaidi ya kuifikiria Rwanda,Eboooh!!!
 
Nyinyi WanyaRwanda kama mmechoka kuishi kwa amani nchini mwetu rudini kwenu Rwanda siyo mnatuletea choko choko za ukabila na vita.Tanzania tuna matatizo mengi ya kuyashughulikia zaidi ya kuifikiria Rwanda,Eboooh!!!

Mimi ndio mtanzania wewe ndio mtutsi unaomba poo kijanja, utafungua ID mpya mpaka uchoke!
 
Nyinyi WanyaRwanda kama mmechoka kuishi kwa amani nchini mwetu rudini kwenu Rwanda siyo mnatuletea choko choko za ukabila na vita.Tanzania tuna matatizo mengi ya kuyashughulikia zaidi ya kuifikiria Rwanda,Eboooh!!!

pole sana kama hujui hata raia wenzako kama kweli wewe ni mtanzania!
 
Mbona hapo uwanja wa Amani,mimi nimekuonyesha wako kazini,nawewe unaniletea mambo ya show?

haya chekshia kitimutimu cha wanaume kilichowatoeni kamasi na si hao warembo wanolinda ikulu mjini!
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Hiyo mkamasimba ilikuwa kibati, ukitaka kufahamu zaidi action za wanaume hawa muulize ndugu yako sultani makenga na paka (paul kagame)!
 
[h=2]Ndagijimana, the man who risked his life to save others during the Genocide[/h]



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Residents hailed Ndagijimana's acts and took turns to congratulate him for his courage. Jean Pierre Bucyensenge.
When thousands of Rwandans turned against their neighbours in 1994, hacking them to death on a scale never seen anywhere in modern times, a few people risked their own lives to save another person's.
Jean Bosco Ndagijimana, now 46, is one of them.
Against all odds, he sheltered and helped move Tutsis to safety with full knowledge of dire consequences.
During the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, Ndagijimana was a 26-year old resident of Rugeshi Cell, Mukamira Sector in Nyabihu District, Western Province, was a young farmer-cum-preacher.
He was a member of a local Seventh Day Adventist Church.
Ndagijimana shared his story last Friday at a Kwibuka Flame tour event in his home district.
His emotional testimony saw many break down, while others looked on in awe.
And emotions ran high when Ndagijimana was joined on the stage by three of the several people he helped save.
One of them, Suzanne Nzarama, hugged him intimately. She broke down.
Even as those who had survived the killings felt like they were reliving that tragedy, they were evidently grateful to the man who put his own life on the line to ensure they are not killed by the marauding militiamen.
"He helped me cross the border into Zaire (now Democratic Republic of Congo). We spent three nights trying to evade killers, finally we crossed the border," Nzarama said.
"I was desperate. I thought I was going to die. I was convinced that the fate of Tutsis was death and that there was no escape route. But this man gave me a chance, a chance to live again.
"He struggled to help me escape the killers. I saw how he took a great risk for my sake," Nzarama said in reference to the man he fondly referred to as ‘my dear brother'.
In an interview with The New Times, Ndagijimana spoke of his grief because of the barbaric crimes that befell Rwanda.
Ndagijimana says on the day following the death of former president Juvenal Habyarimana on April 6, 1994, he came across many corpses of Tutsis who had been hacked to death in his village.
"There were pools of blood everywhere," he recalls. "Death had struck and I knew the worst was just unfolding".
He says he was ‘extremely saddened' by the killings that he decided he should take the risk and attempt to save any Tutsi he would meet.
"I told myself ‘these people have not committed any crime, yet they are being hunted down and killed so tragically'. That troubled me deeply," Ndagijimana told The New Times in an interview.
"I knew I was risking my own life but at that time death meant nothing to me. I felt that's the best I could do," he said.
In the days that followed, Ndagijimana struggled to help some Tutsis escape their tormentors in what he describes as ‘some of the most terrifying days' of his life.
With almost no resources, Ndagijimana tried to hide some Tutsis at his home but, as killings intensified, it became extremely risky.
Wary that the killers would learn of his actions and storm his house and wipe out everyone there, he devised a plan: to stealthy help the survivors flee Rwanda into the neighbouring DR Congo.
So he started helping some of them flee through porous borders into the neighbouring DR Congo. He would accompany them through informal pathways which snaked through plantations and fields.
But he needed to be extremely cautious, especially with killers roaming the streets, hills and valleys, hunting for their next victim.
"I had to gather information first on which direction the killers were to avoid a dreaded encounter with them," he explains.
On several occasions, he recalls, he would go in advance to ‘spy' on the militia. "I would tell them (the Tutsis he hid) that in case I am not back within minutes I would have been killed and that they should look for other ways to escape."
I would leave them hidden in bushes and warn them against getting out until I returned. "I told them that they had only to respond to my voice."
Ndagijimana says it was not an easy task to shelter Tutsis while hundreds of extremists were hunting for the same people. "I had to do it for the sake of humanity."
Nzarama is one of the more than 15 Tutsis Ndagijimana helped save during the Genocide.
"Whenever I see them, I get very happy but also emotional sometimes. That they survived the Genocide is the best thing to have ever happened to me. For their resilience and bravery, I'm forever thankful to God," said Ndagijimana. "In those difficult times we stood together and managed to survive together."
Anastase Kayisire, 47, one of the people Ndagijimana helped save, cannot be more grateful. He addresses Ndagijimana as "hero".
He says Ndagijimana's offer to help him escape the Genocide machinery – which would claim a million lives in a space of 100 days – helped him get away from the killers who had specifically targeted him for murder.
After the Genocide, Kayisire fell in love with Ndagijimana's sister.
The two are now happily married. "For me she's a constant reminder of her brother's humanness, his incredible kindness."
"Unfortunately, we did not have many people with such a heart during the Genocide."
Contact email: jp.bucyensenge[at]newtimes.co.rw
 
haya chekshia kitimutimu cha wanaume kilichowatoeni kamasi na si hao warembo wanolinda ikulu mjini!
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Hiyo mkamasimba ilikuwa kibati, ukitaka kufahamu zaidi action za wanaume hawa muulize ndugu yako sultani makenga na paka (paul kagame)!

ahahahhhhaah,nimuulize makenga? mbona makenga yuko Uganda anakula kuku! wala tanzania na hao washirika wao hawakufanya kutu kwa M23 bado wako intact hata UN wanawasiwasi kwamba wakati wowote wanaweza kulianzisha,M23 ilkua na uwezo wa kuangamiza majeshi ya tanzania na UN ila waliogopa kupambana na UN kwani UN wasingekubali kushindwa na wangetumia uwezo wote walionao na kuleta matatizo katika nchi za maziwa makuu,kwahiyo ilibidi wafanye tactical withdrawal.
 
Mimi ndio mtanzania wewe ndio mtutsi unaomba poo kijanja, utafungua ID mpya mpaka uchoke![/QUOTE

Mbona kuna watusi wa tanzania,burundi,congo,uganda,rwanda sasa huyo ni wawapi? unamuita mtusi anaweza kua wa tanzania hivyo ni mtanzania.
 
goma tu mliwakimbia, nimeona nikuonyeshe sura za kazi!

ahaaha kawaulize hao askari wa tanzania ndio watakao kueleza kichapo walichopewa,wewe unapigana za jf huelewi kilichotokea,kuhama Kwa M23 haikua defeat bali ilikua ushindi dhidi ya jeshi la ushirika kwani waliondoka wote bila kuguswa na wakati wowote wakitaka wanaweza kurudi kama DRC haita heshimu mkataba.
 
sisi wastaarabu, hatutaki kutoa picha za ukatili wa watutsi hapa hapatakalika na kuna uwezekano nikala ban fasta, they are too graphic.
By the way hauna chanzo kingine cha habyarimana na genocide isipokuwa gazeti linalomilikiwa na watu waliokuwa wapinzani wake kisiasa?

Hata aibu huna ukatili mliufanya kweupe hata dunia nzima inakubali kwamba palitokea jenocide ya watusi na ushahidi upo! sasa wewe muuza maji unasema eti mnapicha zinazo onyesha ukatili wa watusi? utazitoa wapi? Labda za hao wakimbizi wa kimbunga.
 
ahahahhhhaah,nimuulize makenga? Mbona makenga yuko uganda anakula kuku! Wala tanzania na hao washirika wao hawakufanya kutu kwa m23 bado wako intact hata un wanawasiwasi kwamba wakati wowote wanaweza kulianzisha,m23 ilkua na uwezo wa kuangamiza majeshi ya tanzania na un ila waliogopa kupambana na un kwani un wasingekubali kushindwa na wangetumia uwezo wote walionao na kuleta matatizo katika nchi za maziwa makuu,kwahiyo ilibidi wafanye tactical withdrawal.

acha kelele za kike, hebu weka tena wachumba wengine mnaodhani wanaweza kuwa askari wakupigana na wanaume wa tanzania
 
acha kelele za kike, hebu weka tena wachumba wengine mnaodhani wanaweza kuwa askari wakupigana na wanaume wa tanzania

Haya mmebakiza na kupambana na wajomba zenu FDLR kama anavyo sema basha wenu kobla.
[h=1]Kobler: "vital to involve Rwanda in DRC peace process"[/h] In 2013, 11 African countries signed a peace deal aimed at bringing to an end decades of conflict in eastern Congo. German diplomat Martin Kobler is the head of MONUSCO, the UN peacekeeping mission in the DRC.

Martin Kobler, how do you assess the progress that has been made since the signing of the deal in Addis Ababa a year ago?
There is a whole new dynamism. The Addis Ababa agreement is one of the reasons why people now believe the Demcoratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has turned a corner, politically, economically and in terms of good governance. The Addis agreement was the decisive step, committing governments in the region to certain international obligations. Those commitments are subject to verification – my colleague Mary Robinson, UN special envoy for the Great Lakes region – has been particularly active in this regard.
How do you evaluate Rwanda's role? Rwanda was always one of the main players in the conflict in eastern Congo. Rwanda is persistently accused of funding militia in the DRC
We often hear references to MONUSCO's intervention brigade and the restoration of the authority of the state. But that of course can't be done, unless all countries in the region are involved in the process and playing a constructive role. All countries are bound to respect the regional obligations they entered into at Addis Ababa. It is most important that all countries in the Great Lakes region are constructively involved in the peace process.
Is Rwanda abiding by the Addis Ababa agreement?
I am in constant contact with the government of Rwanda. All parties are endeavoring to grasp the opportunities offered by the agreement. I believe it is very important to involve Rwanda in a positive manner. It is vital that we convince all countries in the region that stability in eastern DRC is important – individual countries can only gain from this stability!
In November 2013 the victory over M23 militia made headline news around the world. In the meantime – as you yourself have said – M23 is trying to regroup. Is M23 still a security risk in the eastern DRC, or could it become one?
M23 is not a problem at the moment. A few weeks ago there were signs that M23 was starting recruitment again – both Mary Robinson, UN special envoy for the Great Lakes region, and I, the UN special envoy for the DRC, have pointed this out. But that is not our only concern. The M23 rebels are in camps in Uganda and Rwanda and need to be reintegrated back into society and the Nairobi agreements must be implemented. [Editor's note: the DRC and M23 signed agreements in Nairobi in December 2013 on M23's demobilization and its transformation into a political party] Our chief problem at the moment are the other armed groups, the FDLR (Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda) and the ADF-Nalu (Allied Democratic Forces - National Army for the Liberation of Uganda) the Mai Mai Bakata Katanga and other groups.
You were referring there to the FDLR and after the victory over M23, MONUSCO announced that the FDLR would be its next target. But at the moment we are hearing more about fighting against ADF-Nalu.
Indeed. We, MONUSCO, together with the DRC army are taking action against the ADF-Nalu in the north. But that does not preclude action againt the FDLR. Since December we have cleared away many positions held by the FDLR and the APCLS (Alliance of patriots for a free and sovereign Congo). That isn't as spectacular as the battle against M23, because they were only small positions and the rebels were hidden away in the jungle. But we, MONUSCO, are still active. It is important that we fulfill the mandate handed down to us by the UN Security Council. That mandate stipulates very clearly that we are allowed to use force if there is no alternative. I'd like to emphasize that if demobilization does not proceed on a voluntary basis, then the UN has the right to disarm all armed groups in the eastern DRC, using force if necessary. It is a task we take very seriously.
How are operations coordinated between MONUSCO and FARDC (the DRC army)?
You shouldn't regard the intervention brigade as an isolated entity. MONUSCO now consists of a contingent of about 20,000 blue helmets. The intervention brigade was a new robust element that was added to it. But all 20,000 blue helmets are engaged in bringing stability to the eastern DRC, not just the intervention brigade. The military wing of MONUSCO is commanded by General dos Santos Cruz, a Brazilian. All are under his command - the general running the intervention brigade and generals responsible for the other brigades (North Kivu, South Kivu, Ituri etc).
Martin Kobler meeting former rebels in Bweremana in eastern DRC in December 2013

Santos masterminds coordination with the DRC army. According to our mandate, we can either carry out military operations alone, or with the DRC army. General dos Santos and I have decided that we should operate only in conjunction with the DRC army. It's important that the territory we have just liberated stays in our hands – that is something that only the DRC army can attend to. It would be ill-advised for MONUSCO or the intervention brigade to embark on operations on their own.
How do you assess the situation in Katanga province? Following fighting between rebels and the army, 400,000 people have been displaced. Is MONUSCO sufficiently well prepared to supply assistance in Katanga?
Katanga is difficult terrain. We have 450 blue helmets there – in Lubumbashi, Manono, Kalemie and other places. But that isn't nearly enough. Katanga is the size of Spain and it is of course very difficult to patrol such a big region. After the recent atrocities, MONUSCO decided to dispatch a company of special forces troops to the so-called "triangle of death" - the region between the towns of Pweto, Mitwaba and Manono, where a number of armed groups, including Bakata Katanga are to be found. I was there two weeks ago and saw the villages that had been burnt. Mai Mai Bakata Katanga groups have been systematically burning down villages, raping the women and driving out the inhabitants. This is unacceptable and that's why we are bringing in reinforcements. But let me say this – more MONUSCO troops are not a panacea. It's the job of the DRC army to keep their country secure. It's not just the Mai Mai groups that are an issue – there is also a political problem, namely, the people who supply these groups with weapons.
Does this have to do with natural resources and secessionist tendencies in Katanga?
The problems are varied and numerous. The DRC – Katanga in particular – is very wealthy. I have seen the mines in Katanga, in the Copperbelt. There is not only copper there but coltan and gold as well. Katanga is very rich, but it is also troubled by extreme poverty. Children work in the mines – and we at MONUSCO are in contact with the provincial government of Katanga. Children shouldn't be working in mines, nor fighting on the battlefield, they should be in school!.
Is there a time limit to MONUSCO's presence in the DRC?
MONUSCO has been in the DRC for 15 years. But we are dealing here with problems that cannot be solved overnight. MONUSCO's mandate has to be renewed every year by the UN Security Council as a matter of principle. The UN Security Council decides when the time has come to pack up and leave. However, MONUSCO will only cease to be needed in the DRC when circumstance prevail in which people can live in peace.
Martin Kobler is the head of MONUSCO, the UN mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
Interviewer: Dirke Köpp
 
hizi ndizo siasa za maji taka,na kwanini gazeti la mtanzania na jambo leo dio wanaonekana kama ndio wachochezi wa hili suala la uhusiano wa rwanda na tanzania kuharibika?kuna kitu nyuma ya pazia
 
Spying is a game from time immemorial. You not only spy on your enemies. You spy on your friends too. Imagine Tanzania tungekuwa na majasusi wetu Kenya wakati wanapanga kuvunja East African community. Ingetusaidia kujiandaa na kuondoka na ndege zaidi ya zile tulizoondoka nazo. Kama sisi hatuna spies Kigali basi ni ujinga wetu.

..lakini tuchunguze vitu vya maana.

..siyo mambo ya kipuuzi kama kujua salon za mke wa Kagame au Kikwete.

..kwa mfano: kungekuwa kuna spies ktk universities za Rwanda kujua wanafanya research gani, na kuzinyakua na kuja kuziboresha na kuzi-publish kabla yao ningeelewa, but not the junk I have been seeing so far.
 
Hii ndo Tanzania....
Kagame tukitaka kumpga wala hatuhangaiki mana tunaweza kufanya sherehe ya kitaifa huku dar afu tukateua mkoa mmoja tu wa mpakani wamshughulikie huku wananchi tunaendelea kula bata uraiani..
Kagame mwepes tuu ila katuzidi mbinu za kiintelijensia but haimtomsaidia sana tukiamua kutema mate ili tumchaaapeee.....
 
..lakini tuchunguze vitu vya maana.

..siyo mambo ya kipuuzi kama kujua salon za mke wa Kagame au Kikwete.

..kwa mfano: kungekuwa kuna spies ktk universities za Rwanda kujua wanafanya research gani, na kuzinyakua na kuja kuziboresha na kuzi-publish kabla yao ningeelewa, but not the junk I have been seeing so far.
Hebu soma tena Wikileaks. Angalia ni mambo gani Wamarekani walikuwa wanapelekea wakubwa wao kuhusu viongozi wa nchi wanakofanya kazi. Hivi kweli suti za Kikwete lilikuwa ni suala la kupelekwa State Department? But there you are!
 
System odditor wa TRA HEAD OFFICE ni mtutsi pure. aliibukia toka kambi ya wakimbizi mpaka sasa Yuko katika position ya kujua kila kitu kuhusu mapato yetu. Anaitwa RUGEMA............

Yule ni Mtanzania bana,Mtanzania halisi ni nani? Wangoni wametokea SA, wamasai hata Kenya wapo.
 

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