Beating the Drum on One Side: Confusing the People on Both Sides

Beating the Drum on One Side: Confusing the People on Both Sides

Because it is a mouth freshner Ritz so definetly they need to freshen their lies too.
On the other hand there are speciality premium blends that have a drugs like effects and even tranquilizers. May be Karim Bhai missed that while writing that so called critique. Teh teh teh😛😀
There was ban in Mahrasthtra but people even got it from black market paying double amount Kisutu.

teh teh teh
 
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Tumepata data zaidi za mzee Said, tunashukuru panya hawakutafuna.

Zitafanywa kila hila na mbinu kumtupia taulo. midhali vijana walitualika sisi tutaongea na mzee

Mohamed toka mafichoni,Uliwahi kusema Ngongo kaingia porini, mzee toka mitini tuongee kwa takwimu zako
 
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Sorry, I thought you and Punjab Singh were one and the same...

You do? Sorry again...I thought you and Punjab Singh were one and the same...
Yes, the chickens...any problem?

Oh, you mean the disillusioned story teller? Yeah, JF has never been boring!

Are you for real Punjab Singh

Heri ungeandika kwa Kiswahili Punjab Singh..ha ha haa...

Yeah, your mentor Mohamed Said has brought something of his own and Punjab Singh has swallowed it hook, line and sinker! Good night!

Anger! Anger! Anger! As they say in your own religion a sin can only be washed by baptising water. And Prof. M.Said got plenty in his work and yet sulphur is the stench in the air of JF
 
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Okay, umefanya la maana kuweka uwanja safi ata tulioondoka tumerudi.

Sasa mwambie Mzee Mohammed Said ajibu hoja za Prof Hirji,au la uzijibu moja baada ya moja wewe binafsi umpe msaada.

Kama ujaziona niambie nikuonyeshe.

Tatizo lako huelewi kuwa Hirji hana hoja.

Hirji anasema ana "convert" ukweli wa Mohamed Said kuwa nusu ukweli kwa kutumia data za kufikirika. Sijui unaelewa maana yake ni nini?

Mimi nimejibu huko juu, nnachokiona kutoka kwa Hirji ni mifano, mfano huu, mfano ule. Lakini hakuja na jipya hata moja wala sijaona pahala kapinga ukweli.

Kuna sehemu nimemsoma anauliza kuhusu damu, sasa hiyo nayo hoja? eti anauliza damu ilipimwa kuwa hii ya Muislam hii si ya Muislam? Khaa!

Mwembechai hiyo.
 
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Chintu,
Mahali anapoingia Maalim Faiza...
Mimi nakuwa pembeni...

Huu ni ukumbi wa Faiza na Prof. Hirji.
Adab za manakasha zinanilazimu niwe msikilizaji.

Sijameza mwiba wowote.
Ukipata nafasi ingia Jukwaa la Historia ndiko nilikokuwa.

Nimeweka vitu vingine.

Upole ni tabia ya kuigwa.
Kasema Mtukufu wa Darja SAW halitiwi jambo upole ila hupendeza.

Kama umeniona niekuwa mpole hiyo ni sifa kubwa kwangu.
Allah ajaalie iwe hivyo.
Umesahau ulisema kuwa unamsubiri Hirji.

Takwimu zako zipo ubaoni, sasa ni wakati wa kudadavua. Hili ni jamvi na wala hakuna makubaliano nani aongee nani akae kimya.

Unakumbuka uliwahi kuuliza 'wenzetu' wamekimbia jamvi hawana hamu na wewe, sasa mwaliko umeitikiwa

Tunasubiri utupe mchanganuo wa takwimu zako, nyingine zipo njiani kabla ya alfajiri zitakuwa hapa ubaoni
 
Chintu keshaumeza mwiba na umekwama kooni.

Takwimu zake mwenyewe hataki kujadili, anataka za Prof.

Hatuondoki hapa, tumepata tawimu zaidi tutaziweka muone maajabu ya tafiti za dunia hii

Mohamed, takwimu zako zipo ubaoni, uliosema 'wenzetu' wameshakurubia jamvini, njoo tusemezane

Mohamed takwimu zako zinahitaji kunyumbuliwa, eleza jamvi zinasema nini
 
Hahahaaaa! asante dada FF. Mimi mwanafunzi tu dada katika somo hili la historia, kazi yangu kubwa humu ndani ni kuangalia nani anaetoa hoja zinazoeleweka na nani anaokotezaokoteza tu hoja.
Kadri muda unavyozidi kwenda ndivyo ninavyozidi kupata picha ya nani mkweli. Ila ninasikitika na sijui kwa nini katika hii hoja Mzee Mohammed Said kawa mpole sana na amebaki kutoa like tu kwenye majibu yako. I hope atakuwa hajaumeza mwiba usiomezeka.
Mohamed Said tena kawa muungwana sana kuingia hapa na kutumwagia darsa kila apatapo wasaa.

Umemuona "Professor" baada ya kuja kuomba msamaha kuwa kafanya makosa ya kitoto na kukana maandiko yake ya jana?

Yuko wapi?
Mohamed Said kawa criticized kwa daa za kufikirika, sasa unataka na yeye aje kujibu hypothetically?

Yeye akija anatuwachia vipande tusome kisha tuamue wenyewe. Hili la kuchambuwa na kusasambuw ni letu si lake hili.

Pata hiki kipande kidogo:

Nyerere: A Lone Hero of the Struggle for Tanganyika's Independence

The heading of the paper is from words which the late Hamza Aziz told me during discussion about the political history of Tanganyika. Hamza Aziz was a police officer in the colonial force and one of the TANU informants during the struggle for Tanganyika's independence in 1950s passing on information to TANU top leadership as to what the police was plotting against the party. After independence Hamza Aziz was made Inspector General of Police (IGP) by Nyerere. Reflecting on what was the end of his elder brother, [1] the once rich and flamboyant Dossa Aziz and his contribution to the struggle for independence, first as a party financier and second as Nyerere's close friend, ally and right hand man and retrospectively coming to the painful reality that his brother died a poor man; and the fact that his brother does not feature anywhere in Nyerere's life or in the history of the struggle or in TANU's history, the party which he was among the 17 founder members in 1954, he sadly uttered these words, ''Tanzania is a country without heroes. Tanzania has one hero only and that hero is Julius Kambarage Nyerere.''

Hamza Aziz's sadness could probably among other things be deduced from the fact that a street near Mbaruku Street where Dossa had lived during the struggle was at that time recently named after a non entity controversial Muslim politician Yusuf Makamba who together with a Catholic priest Camillus Luambano were a source of Muslim killings in the infamous Mwembechai Mosque raid by the paramilitary in 1998.[2] It was not possible to understand what compelled the city authorities to honour Yusuf Makamba or what criteria was applied to immortalise the man who majority of Muslims consider has Muslim blood in his hands and forget to honour Dossa Aziz after what he did to the country and to Nyerere. Dossa's house was among two centres where the young nationalists used to meet to organise and strategise against the British. The other place was at Abdulwahid Sykes's house at Aggrey Street. These two houses should have been preserved and made national monuments for posterity.

Little did Hamza Aziz realise at that time that he was by that sentence reviving sad memories of all forgotten political actors of the post World War II era in Tanganyika. Dossa Aziz died a poor man at Mlandizi a remote village outside Dar es Salaam. There were no eulogies from the ruling party Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) at his grave side or obituaries in the party newspapers. Nyerere his ''comrade in arms'' during the struggle did not even attend his funeral. Dossa Aziz in his heydays was nicknamed ''The Bank'' because of his wealth and generosity. He had at that time inherited his father's construction business when his father Aziz Ali died in 1951.[3] Dossa Aziz bankrolled TAA and later TANU and Nyerere with ease until independence was achieved. Dossa Aziz donated a car to the movement for Nyerere's personal use. This was the first mode of transport to be owned by TANU. No one knows the whereabouts of this vehicle which should have today been preserved and displayed at the National Museum for all future generations.

Chanzo: Seminar: TANZANIA - A COUNTRY WITHOUT HEROES - Mohamed Said

Did Hirji criticize any of that?
 
Mohamed Said , hapa ulikusudia hizo ni hypothetical data au ulikusudia nini? Nieleweshe tafadhali

Halafu, non muslims kwanini wanakuwa eneo moja, je miongoni mwao hakuna data zinazoweza kuvuruga kabisa ushahidi wako? Nina maana kama no muslims wakiwa 90% pagans, 5% Atheist na 5% Christians , huoni kama utakuwa umepoteza miguu ya hoja yako! Na kama si hivyo, hebu tueleze non muslims ni akina nani na wapo katika % gani

Mohamed Said, hatuna kahawa hapa na watu wanakusubiri
Nguruvi3, usihangaike na hizo data, utasubiri sana. Nakumbuka sana miaka ya 1980 wakati Kitwana Kondo akiwa Mayor wa Dar es Salaam na Waziri wa Elimu akiwa Prof. Kigoma Ali Malima. Kuna data ilitolewa kwamba katika watoto wanaojiunga na shule za msingi jijini Dar es Salaam, asilimia zaidi ya 75% ni vijana wa Kiislaam na jukumu la kuieneza habari hii aliachiwa Mwenyekiti wa BALUKTA, Shehe Yahya Hussein. Wakati huo kuna kikundi cha wanaharakati wa Kiislaam kilichokuwa kinapika hizo data.
 
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Kuhusu Mau Mau au Maji Maji

Hataa Profesa anaweza kufanya kosa la kitoto.
Kwa haraka niliandika Mau Mau lakini maana yangu ilikuwa Maj Maji.
Na omba msamaha kwa wasomaji wangu kwa kosa hilo.
Kosa kadogo kama hilo haliwezi kupindua logic na ukweli wa makala mzima.
Ni wale ambao hawataki kufikiria mambo kwa kiundani ndiyo watanganganyia makosa madogo.
Kama utasoma scientific journals utaona section ya corrections; wanasayansi wengi wana
rekebisha makala yao na kutoa makosa yaliogunduliwa na wasomaji.

Halafu nataka kuwafahamisha kuwa hapo kwenye Jamii Forums kuna NUSU TU ya makala
yangu Beating the Drum... Sehemu ya mwisho Conclusions imekatwa. Sijui nani amefany kosa hilo.
Ni bora kusoma makala mzima kabla ya kuyajadili.



Prof. Karim Hirji
Usijali Prof Hirji, tunataribu kukusaidia na hii aibu bahati mbaya makabrasha yetu yameliwa na Panya Puku.
 
Umesahau ulisema kuwa unamsubiri Hirji.

Takwimu zako zipo ubaoni, sasa ni wakati wa kudadavua. Hili ni jamvi na wala hakuna makubaliano nani aongee nani akae kimya.

Unakumbuka uliwahi kuuliza 'wenzetu' wamekimbia jamvi hawana hamu na wewe, sasa mwaliko umeitikiwa

Tunasubiri utupe mchanganuo wa takwimu zako, nyingine zipo njiani kabla ya alfajiri zitakuwa hapa ubaoni

Ulileta takwimu hapa (sijui umezitowa wapi?) nikakwambia utuwekee source ili tukasome naona inakuwa ngumu kwako, kulikoni?
 
Ulileta takwimu hapa (sijui umezota wapi?) nikakwambia utuwekee source ili tukasome naona inakuwa ngumu kwako, kulikoni?
Hakuna takwimu ninazochukua pembeni. Zote zimetoka kwenye mada. paper n.k. za Mohamed Said , tafadhali usinizingizie mimi sijapeleka data Oxford. Wala sitaki 'kuibia' ni tawimu za Mohamed, ni kazi ya kitaaluma hii kaifanya kwa jasho lake.
 
Nguruvi3, usihangaike na hizo data, utasubiri sana. Nakumbuka sana miaka ya 1980 wakati Kitwana Kondo akiwa Mayor wa Dar es Salaam na Waziri wa Elimu akiwa Prof. Kigoma Ali Malima. Kuna data ilitolewa kwamba katika watoto wanaojiunga na shule za msingi jijini Dar es Salaam, asilimia zaidi ya 75% ni vijana wa Kiislaam na jukumu la kuieneza habari hii aliachiwa Mwenyekiti wa BALUKTA, Shehe Yahya Hussein. Wakati huo kuna kikundi cha wanaharakati wa Kiislaam kilichokuwa kinapika hizo data.

Hii ni muendelezo wa post #776 :

On hindsight Hamza Aziz was a hero himself though his contribution to the struggle for independence has to date not been requited. Indeed all books written by local and foreign historians on political history of Tanganyika has focused on Nyerere alone completely eclipsing other patriots who equally played important roles in the struggle for independence. [4] Ali Juma Ponda Hassan Suleiman[5] and Ali Migeyo began to organise the people in 1940s immediately after World War II through the African Association (AA) founded in 1929 by Kleist Sykes [6] as founding secretary. Kleist Sykes died in 1949 and he left behind a vast amount of personal papers and diaries which were consulted for the first time by John Iliffe in 1960s while researching the history of African Association.[7]Unfortunately for certain reasons these documents have not been made available to any researcher ever since save for the period when the papers were consulted in the writing of Abdulwahid Sykes's biography in 1980s.[8] Sykes's papers make very interesting reading to any student of Tanganyika's political history. Information in the papers contradicts the known political history of colonial Tanganyika. Interesting is the fact that when Kivukoni Ideological College was researching into the history of TANU the panel of party researchers were notified about the existence of these papers. The panel refused outright to consult these documents satisfying themselves to focus on Nyerere alone. We will in the course of discussion see what the reaction of CCM was when a corrective history of TANU and Nyerere's own history was attempted by independent researchers. This collection of Sykes papers should have been preserved at the Tanzania National Archives (TNA). These papers should not be allowed to be in private hands

Chanzo: Seminar: TANZANIA - A COUNTRY WITHOUT HEROES - Mohamed Said

Did Hirji criticize any of that?
 
Not so fast FaizaFoxy, it is you who is disillusioned and have failed completely to comprehend Professor Karim Hirji's argument. He says it very bluntly, I quote;

This statement in red and its bluntness describes Mohamed Said and his work in more ways than easily perceived by many with little understanding. It is this group that will come up with simple explanation like you have done above for they are prey to manipulations based on religion under the subject, creed. It is also important to note that while Professor Karim takes note of extremists from both sides of the aisle, Mohamed Said's half truths are one sided and focus more on issues that divide us.

Kwi kwi kwi kwi teh teh teh, unaleta "hypothetical..data" with "Said's truth converted to half truth" by THE 'professor" halafu unasema hiyo ndiyo critique ya Seminar: Tanzania A Country Without Heroes? wewe na "Professor" mna vituko vya ajabu sana.

Hebu pata hii:

Karume, ASP, Umma Party: The Zanzibar Revolution Strategists Who Never Were

The political history of Zanzibar is wrought with many events, themes and theories. Popular among Zanzibar revolutionaries are what they refer as the Arab slavery and this is taken as the source of the Zanzibar revolution of January 1964. This is the official history which is taught in schools for half a century and this history has its own ''official heroes,'' which are the Afro Shirazi Party (ASP) of Abeid Amani Karume and Umma Party of Mohamed Abdulrahman Babu and the faction of ''comrades'' who claim to have planned, organised and rose up in arms to overthrow the Arab oligarchy. The foundation of party politics and democracy built by Zanzibar Nationalist Party (ZNP) popularly known as Hizbu is hardly mentioned. Again surprisingly little is known of the army of Makonde tribesmen forming a mercenary force from sisal estates in Sakura and Kipumbwi from Tanga in Tanganyika who were smuggled into the isles armed with machetes to beef up ASP. The Makonde fought in the night of the revolution and the day after killing many so called Arabs who they perceived had enslaved Africans for almost three centuries.

Nowhere is this army of mercenaries mentioned in the history of the Zanzibar Revolution or the people who planned, financed and organised the Zanzibar invasion (to borrow Ali Muhisin's and Sultan Jamshid's analogy) from Tanganyika. Fifty years after the revolution members of the ASP deny participation of any force from Tanganyika in the Zanzibar revolution. Surprisingly those who claim to have laid the foundation of the revolution have not documented their participation on how they participated in the revolution. The official hero of the Zanzibar Revolution is Karume though he was in the dark about the plot and came to know of the conspiracy to overthrow the government at the eleventh hour. But the most puzzling piece of jigsaw is John Okello who was seemingly the hero of the revolution. It was his voice which announced the fall of the Zanzibar government. Okello was neither at Sakura nor in the corridors of ASP nor is there any evidence that before the day of the revolution this man was known in the politics of Zanzibar.

The name of Julius Nyerere, Kassim Hanga and Oscar Kambona who were the mainstay of the plot do not appear anywhere in the history of the revolution nor the names of Victor Mkello and Mohamed Omari Mkwawa the two who with the connivance of the state machinery in Tanganyika recruited the Makondes from the sisal estates in Sakura to participate in the 1963 Zanzibar elections voting for ASP and to overthrow the government in 1964.[9] However these Makondes today remain faceless and nameless after years of denial and suppression of their role in the revolution. Where are the Okello tapes? Are they not part of Zanzibar history? Should they not be played and listened to by the people during anniversary of the revolution? Or are the tapes and Okello's role in the revolution an embarrassment today? Can a nation deny its own existence and therefore its own history?

The names of Jumanne Abdallah and Ali Mwinyi Tambwe, the two top government leadership in Tanga region involved in laying the groundwork for the invasion from Kipumbwi are nowhere to be seen in the saga. Throughout his entire life Ali Mwinyi Tambwe refused to talk about his role in the Zanzibar Revolution. But the jewel in the crown is the omission of Algerians and Israelis in the history of the Zanzibar Revolution much as a lot has been written on the role of United States government and Britain. Ben Bella the president of Algeria provided guns which were received in Dar es Salaam and Israeli it is believed played a subtle role through Moshe Finsilber though it is not clear what Moshe actually did. [10] Further research is to be done to uncover the actual role of Moshe Finsilber in the Zanzibar Revolution. No wonder many political actors are missing in the dramatis personae of the Zanzibar Revolution play.[11] The history of atrocities which were carried out by Zanzibar Revolutionary Council and the ''Committee of Fourteen'' led by the notorious Seif Bakari and his followers is another area yet to be researched.[12]

This notwithstanding there has been attempts by individuals to uncover what happened during the dark days in Zanzibar particularly from 1964 to 1972. Among those who attempted to uncover the truth Ali Nabwa's name stands out as a lone voice. Jim Bailey the proprietor of the Drum magazine was the first person to come across Ali Nabwa's ''Prison Letters,'' the letters which were seen for the first time by the present author in 1994 of which years later he had this to write in an obituary following Ali Nabwa's death in 2007:

It was through this manuscript[13]that I came for the first time face to face with Nabwa's pen through his Prison Letters. The letters introduced Nabwa's mind to me in a way that I cannot find words to describe. In those letters Nabwa's pen was not writing but weeping and whipping. The words from Nabwa's pen were taking me to a different world which even in my wildest imagination I never thought existed. The first letter written in 1973 from Central Police Station Dar es Salaam shocked me. In that letter Nabwa described intimidation and torture by the police in the style replica of the Ton Ton Macouts of Papa Doc's Haiti. In Nabwa's sense of humour in the letter he says it needs a Dickens to describe the squalor of the cell he was in. The letters which followed were all from Condemned Section of Ukonga Prison. In his analysis of the personalities which people were made to believe were symbols of justice and principles Nabwa's pen removed the charade and the camouflage to reveal their true colours and identity. Nabwa's letters were a potpourri of short biographies, dossiers, profiles, hit list of ‘enemies' and method of their execution. In the Prison Letters Nabwa's pen exposed the atrocities which took place in Zanzibar after the revolution and analysed the arrogance, mediocrity and sheer myopia of the leadership. Now looking back I am happy that I was among those privileged to read Nabwa's revelations of injustices in Zanzibar before he became a celebrity of sorts and his revealing articles major topic of discussion in the corridors of power.

The atrocities which no one had the courage to speak about them publicly for almost forty years were laid bare for all to read through Dira the paper which Nabwa founded in 2004. Dira was the first free newspaper in Zanzibar since the revolution. The ripples from Nabwa's pen were electrifying. Dira became a paper eagerly awaited by the public including Zanzibar leadership each week. Its circulation rose each passing week. Nabwa's pen was lifting the lid in broad daylight. The stories of treachery, rape, murder, homosexuality, forced marriages by members of the Revolutionary Council and their cronies in Zanzibar were all there with names, places and accomplices for all to read and pass judgement. Those who had demonised the Sultan had no tongue to defend their own ‘upright' track record. The young generation began to ask questions and in the answers they saw the leadership in power and the revolution in a different light all together.

On the contrary the sultan left Zanzibar his hands untainted with blood. This cannot be said to the government which came into power after the revolution.[14] Adam Shafi himself a victim of those atrocities has vividly portrayed the times in his novel ''Haini,''[15] thinly and unconvincingly disguising his narration as fiction.

The political history of Tanganyika and Zanzibar remains undocumented to date, save for the efforts by Ghassany and the author of this paper to present respectively a contrary view of the official history. [16] The official version has conveniently omitted the decisive role of many patriots. The corrective version has attempted to insert back into history those forgotten patriots including the unpalatable realities and hard facts. Yash Tandon has lamented on the neglect of patriots who fought for independence of their countries. Tandon called the forgotten heroes like Abdulwahid Sykes and other patriots like Chege Kibachia, Makhan Singh, Fred Kubai, James Kivu, I.K. Musazi, Erika Fiah and Gama Pinto as ''veteran leaders of the struggle of the peoples of East Africa... whom our recent historians have forgotten.''[17]

In Tanzania the book, ''The Life and Times of Abdulwahid Sykes (1924 – 1968) the Untold Story of the Muslim Struggle against British Colonialism,''[18]has completely changed the history of Tanganyika's struggle for independence. The work has brought into the fore patriots who were in the struggle many years before Nyerere. But the shocking revelation in the book was the fact that TANU was the brainchild of Abdulwahid Sykes and not Nyerere and that its origin emanates from Kleist Sykes, Abdulwahid's father who founded the African Association in 1929 and Al Jamiatul Islamiyya fi Tanganyika (Muslim Association of Tanganyika) in 1933 the two associations which later in 1950s provided leadership to TANU. Unique in these two associations is the fact that for many years the office bearers were the same.

Having purposely buried those who fought for independence consequently part of the history of these countries is lost. Students of political history in East African countries are in the dark about important events which took place and carried out by the forgotten patriots. For example few are aware that there was an attempt in 1950 by Kenya African Union (KAU) and TAA through their leaders, Kenyattaand Abdulwahid to link the Kenyan struggle during Mau Mau with that in Tanganyika and a secret meeting was held in Nairobi between the two. During the Meru Land case in 1950 Tanganyika sought help from Kenya to assist them in confronting the settler community in Meru.[19]There were also Kenyans in TAA Executive Committee prominent among them were Dome Okochi Budohi, Patrick Aoko and C Ongalo. These three Kenyans in the TAA executive committee held office alongside Abdulwahid Sykes and Nyerereand were among the early members of the African National Union (TANU) when the party was formed in 1954.[20]

This piece of information here below stands as witness to the rich history which for many years remained unknown:

Abdulwahid and his friend Ahmed Rashad Ali went to a house in the suburbs which was in darkness and surrounded by Mau Mau guards. He was expected. Kenyatta was informed and came out of the house to receive him. This meeting took place under the cover of darkness probably in Eastleigh in the suburbs of Nairobi where most of the 1950s Mau Mau meetings before the emergency took place. Ahmed Rashad Ali recalls that he heard Kenyatta calling Abdulwahid by name. Kenyatta had known Ally Sykes in Nairobi in 1946 and it is most probable that Abdulwahid's work was made easy by that acquaintance. Ahmed Rashad Ali met Kenyatta and they shook hands. After introductions, Kenyatta, Abdulwahid, Fred Kubai, Bildad Kaggia and Kungu Karumba went to another room where the meeting took place. Ahmed Rashad remained outside with a guard.[21]

Another meeting was proposed by Kenyatta to be held in Arusha and TAA was to be presented by Abdulwahid Sykes, Steven Mhando and Dossa Aziz. This meeting never took place because ''Operation Anvil'' came into operation soon after.

In 1955 Dome Budohi and Patrick Aoko and other Kenyans were among Kenyans rounded up in Dar es Salaam following ''Operation Anvil'' which came into operation in Kenya in 1954. Budohi and Aoko the two active Kenyans in TANU were remanded at Central Police Station[22] in Dar es Salaam and were all the time kept in chains. Budohi was the first Kenyan to join TANU and was the proud bearer of TANU card no. 6.[23] Budohi and Aoko were interrogated for six months and then sent to a camp in Handeni to be transported to detention camps in Kenya. Budohi was detained in Lamu Island. The Kenyan nationalists were packed in cattle wagons chained and they passed through Korogwe and Taveta on their way back to Kenya. Ally Sykes then transferred to Korogwe as punishment for being among the 17 founders of TANU went to the railway station to see them off.

Among the staff working at the Handeni camp was Rashid Mfaume Kawawa later to be Vice President of Tanganyika. In Kawawa's biography [24]his stint at the camp in Handeni is not mentioned. Kawawa's book has nothing on these Kenyan patriots who struggled for Tanganyika's independence and about his experience with them at the Handeni Mau Mau camp and what became of them when both Kenya and Tanganyika gained independence. Nyerere has never talked about these Kenya nationalists either. Budohi and Kawawa were both entertainers of their time, the cool, elegant young men of Dar es Salaam of 1950s. Budohi was a talented musician playing with the Skylarks Band with the Sykes brothers and Kawawa was an actor.

How is this so? Budohi and Kawawa knew each other very well. The two had acted together in a movie "Wageni Wema" made by Community Development Department let alone that both were budding young politicians. Kawawa surely must be having a lot of fond memories of those days long gone. It is also strange that Kawawa's book does not have references to his personal papers which are not only important to Kawawa's life history but to the history of Tanganyika as well. Kawawa's book does not mention contemporaries and fellow trade unionists of his time in Tanganyika African Government Servants Association (TAGSA) like Ally Sykes, Dr. Wilbard Mwanjisi, Thomas Marealle and others. Why this was not in his book one can only speculate. It is now known without any shade of doubt that such kind of information was surpassed because it was not to the interest of those in power it is known that there were efforts to liberate the country before their time. Kawawa's book which should have been a political biography remains drab all the way through the pages.[25]

Chanzo: Seminar: TANZANIA - A COUNTRY WITHOUT HEROES - Mohamed Said

Did Hirji criticize any of that?
 
Sawa mkuu Nguruvi3

Nimefurahi kukubali kuwa Nyerere alikua engineer Wa kuimaliza EAMWS

Wengi hawajui mambo mazito yaliyoigubika nchi hii tangu Uhuru mpaka Leo...

Nyerere alipokuwa kwenye harakati za ukombozi ni wazi kanisa lilimwacha kando lkn ghafla lilikuja kumkaba baada tu ya kukamata dola tena wakishirikiana na wakoloni...

Kuna visa vingi mno vya Nyerere na kanisa katoliki ambavyo hatupendi kuviweka wazi...

Wengi wanadhani Nyerere alilibeba kanisa kwa kupenda kumbe kulikuwa na mengi nyuma ya pazia na Kama Nyerere angekua na ukristo Sana ndani yake asingekataa uhusiano na Israel...

Nguvu za kanisa zimeitesa nchi hii tangu Uhuru mpaka Leo ndio maana tunaona hata marais waislamu bado hawafurukuti....

Hao unaowasema waislamu walioshiriki kuivunja EAMWS ni vibaraka tu Wa kanisa waliojivika vazi la uislamu....

Ngoja niishie hapa maana naweza vunja fumbo La imani nililoapa kulilinda wakati Wa kipaimara.

Mara nyingi tu huwa nakukubali sana mimi ni yule yule
 
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Jamani ndugu zangu,
Mimi huyu Ngongo nilishamuwia radhi kabisa.

Leo kanijia na habari ati mimi nimesema ati Abdul Sykes alianzisha
TAA 1929.

Afadhali angeishia hapo akanyamaza.
Kasherehesha.

Tena ananifedhehesha mbele yenu kwa kuniita mimi "muongo daraja
ya juu na mpotoshaji."

Sasa ndugu zangu mimi naomba msaada kwenu mnikinge na shari ya
huyu mtu.

Alete ushahidi kuwa mimi nimesema Abdul Sykes ndiye aliyeasisi
TAA 1929.

Faiza
ndiyo maana anauliza nyinyi mmesoma kitu gani?
Ujinga?

Hivi huyu ndugu yangu hajasoma kitabu changu?
Au hizi nyuzi zinazomzungumzia Abdul na baba yake Kleist hazisomi?

Hebu mjibuni huyu mtu nyie ndugu zangu.
Mimi nimekaukwa na mate kinywani.

Siamini.
Huyu ndiye anataka kufanya mnakasha na mimi...

Lakini kanikuna na nimecheka hadi machozi yamenitoka pale katika
hiki kichekesho kamtia ushahidini Mkuu Nguruvi3.

Hapo hapo ikanijia zile senema za Chale Mnene na Chale Mbwambwa
(Stan Laurey na Oliver Hardy) tukiangalia Mnazi Mmoja tulipokuwa watoto.

laurel-and-hardy__131203142224.jpg


Labda Mkuu Nguruvi3 atanisaidia kumjibu Mkuu Ngongo.

Goodness me.
There is never a dull moment in JF.

Long Live JF.

Dah! umenikumbusha mbali kweli, unajuwa kwetu na pale zilipokuwa zikioneshwa sinema za OMO na Aspro (kama sikosei) si mbali, zilikuwa hazitukosi tena wakati wetu nakumbuka moja ilikuwa tarehe 3 nyingine sikumbuki tarehe.

Tukitoka ki group cha watoto wa nyumbani na majirani, Mungu amrehem Marehem Bibi yangu na yeye tunae, sisi tukimuona wa ajabu, huyu bibi vipi na sinema zile, nimekuja kutanabahi ukubwani, kumbe masikini ni mapenzi yake kwetu, kwanza akihofia usalama wetu, kisha akijuwa kama na yeye hajaja basi ruhusa ya kwenda itakuwa hakuna na kwa kuwa hataki tuudhiwe basi na yeye na sisi mguu kwa mguu na mkeka wake anatubebesha.

Eeeh Mwenyeezi Mungu warehem wazee wetu waliotutangulia uturehem na sisi tuliobakia uvirehem na vizazi vyetu. Utupe kauli thabit na khatma njema.

Aaaah, umenipeleka mbali sana Al Alama.
 
Hakuna takwimu ninazochukua pembeni. Zote zimetoka kwenye mada. paper n.k. za Mohamed Said , tafadhali usinizingizie mimi sijapeleka data Oxford. Wala sitaki 'kuibia' ni tawimu za Mohamed, ni kazi ya kitaaluma hii kaifanya kwa jasho lake.

Mkuu ningependa tujadili purpose ya Nyerere kuivunja EAMWS ilikua nini ilhali vyombo Kama TEC na CCT ambavyo kazi na malengo yake yaliwiana Sana na EAMWS lakini hivi viliachwa?

Napenda Sana tujadili hili.
 
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