Unazungumzia excessive expenditures kuwa mojawapo ya sababu za kuyumba kwa uchumi and then una exclude vita from expenditures.
Unafanya hivyo ili kujifurahisha ama kuchangamsha genge?
Halafu uchumi mbaya unakuwa triggered na many factors...Kwahiyo huwezi ku pin point excatly one reason at a very specific time.It is a combo of factors...Some are big some minor ones!
Sasa unakubali kuwa kuna wakati kulikuwa na uzalishaji wa juu,uchumi mzuri na viwanda.Halafu then unamlaumu Nyerere personally.
Ndo maana nikasema kuwa kuna wakati uchumi ulikuwa safi tu.
Umenishangaza sana unapozungumiza mambo ya elephant projects halafu una down play impact za vita ya Uganda kwenye uchumi.
Vita ni noma kwa big nations ndo iwe bongo?
Vipi kuhusu nguvu kazi ambayo uchumi ili ukosa kwasababu hiyo?
Jibu lako hapa chini:-
On the other hand, without directly denying these external factors, many
foreign researchers, as well as the donor community and the international financial
institutions (World Bank and IMF) increasingly tended to emphasize internal
causes. They argued ever more strongly that the stagnation of Tanzania's
agriculture was mainly caused by wrong policies and internal economic structures
suffocating the development of agriculture. Among the internal factors which
were most often emphasized was the already noted inefficiency of agricultural
parastatals resulting in delayed or no payments to producers, high marketing
margins and correspondingly lower share of producer prices in the final prices
(Ellis 1983, 1988).6 Other internal factors which were often referred to were
5 Both in absolute and percentage terms, the World Bank made the greatest cut in disbursements,
from US$97.9 million in 1982 to US$28.5 million in 1985, corresponding to minus 71 per cent
(Havnevik et al. 1988, 126).
6 A serious limitation of Ellis' studies in terms of explaining agricultural stagnation after 1970 is
that, in addition to dealing mainly with export crops, he does not provide data from before 1970.
On the other hand, with reference to data collected by Odegaard, Deborah Bryceson (1993, 239) has
shown that, at least for food crops, the marketing margins,
i.e. the difference between the consumer
and producer price divided by the producer price, were considerably higher in the period 1964–72
Economic Liberalization and Smallholder Productivity in Tanzania 339
nepotism and rent-seeking by corrupt bureaucrats in the state and the parastatal
sector, ‘financial repression' and controlled and panterritorial prices which led to
‘price distortions' discouraging agricultural producers from an efficient allocation
of resources, and the development of an industrial sector which stagnated
due to its inefficiency and import dependency and became increasingly unable
to provide agricultural producers with incentive goods (e.g. Bevan et al. 1989;
Collier and Gunning 1999).
It is noteworthy that the counterproductive effects of villagization, which
both the World Bank and most bilateral donors had applauded in the mid-1970s,
were more rarely referred to. However, several studies indicate that villagization
was possibly the most important sole cause of agricultural stagnation in the
period from the mid-1970s to the mid-1980s. Large numbers of peasants were
disrupted from their known productive environment and moved to areas where
they did not know the quality and properties of the soil. In the old scattered
settlements, shifting cultivation had ensured conservation of the soil. The new
settlements necessarily implied a more intensive pressure on land resources and
soil degradation.
After villagization, an increasingly intensive cultivation pattern developed
around the villages, which could count several thousand inhabitants.7 The
average fallow period declined rapidly, while the smallholders did not have the
necessary resources to conserve land by using chemical fertilizer, and walking
distances to the fields increased as villagers tried to counterbalance the decline in
soil fertility by cultivating areas more remote to the villages.8 One study of five
villages in Mufindi district carried out in the early 1980s shows ‘a significant
and continuing fall in output per hectare of maize during the three most recent
post-villagization years. This fall in productivity does not seem to have been
caused by climatic factors, because . . . the excess rainfall in 1983 did not seem to
have had adverse effects on crop productivity' (Kikula 1997, 78). In the years
1981–83, the average maize yield in the five villages was 18 per cent lower, and
in 1983 as much as 25 per cent lower than the normal yield before villagization
(Kikula 1997, 77–80).
than in