Ni uhaini - as simple as that!

Waulizeni wazanzibari, Watasema wanataka muungano wa serikali Tatu. Wabara wana-force muungano wa serikali mbili unaowapa advantage ya kuidhibiti serikali ya muungano. Wazanzibari wanataka kuwe na serilali tatu na hiyo ndiyo ilikuwa sera ya CUF. Watanganyika tunaonekana kuogopa serikali tatu kwani tunahisi kuwa ikija serikali ya tatu then attrocities za muungano kwa Watanganyika zitakuwa wazi na watanganyika wataukataa muungano wa TEMBO na sisimizi.
 
Kazi ya Raisi wa Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania ni nini unapotokea uhaini kama huu wanaoufanya wazanzibari?
 
Dawa ni kuwa na Serikali Moja na Rais awe anatoka upande wa Visiwani kwa angalau vipindi kumi vijavyo.
 

Shwari, I have never read information suggesting ''bombing'' in JF. I ask you to revist MMKJ's article for clarity and better understanding of the debate. MMKJ had it that, since the union is based on mutual agreement,then any changes, modification or nullification should be reached bilaterally. The unilateral decision taken by SMZ to effect changes on constitution of Znz will have an impact on the union constitution.We all know that breaching of extant constitution is nothing but a treason. So, If there is a person who negate the theory of treason as propounded by MMKJ, that person should prove it wrong in this forum.
The Znz want to play double standard, nitty gritty!, that is she want secession while retaining the union status for certain gains.Tanganyikan are vexed with the union which has gotten some hypocracy. The gist as put forward by JF member is, znz should come forward with proposal of killing the union with certitude, from there, the two nations could have a new rapproachment.
We can dissolve the union amicably and maintain historical fraternity, but not through the bungled procedure. As far as I understand Tanganyikan are all weather, therefore the onerous to decide the fate of union through referendum lies to Znz.
I for one, would like to challenge the SMZ government leaders [some are JF members] with acumen clarify the SMZ position in Union with clear terms, not snookering the mainlanders. It is obvious that the ZNz topic has derailed us from the basic and important issue come october 30. We want to put the story behind and ponder the fate of our nation in five years to come with or without Zanzibarian.
 
Mabadiliko ya 10 ya Katiba Z`bar yametikisa Muungano?

 

Huo muundo wa sera yenyewe ndo mbovu, hiyo hapo panapoeleza kwamba makubaliano ya pande zote ndo kubovu. For whatever reason, nakubaliana na wazanzibari kwa walichofanya.

Haiwezekani,yani ya Kwamba kama watanganyika wanataka kujitoa ktk muungano harafu wazanzibari wanautaka muungano eti ili kuuvunja ama kubadili lazima tupate 2/3 ya sehemu wanakopinga na 2/3 ya sehemu inakokubalika. Teh teh teh teh nime Loose sense
 
Kwa mliomsikia naibu mwanasheria mkuu wa serikali ya Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania kwenye taarifa ya habari usiku huu nadhani mtakua mmeelewa sasa kuwa Zanzibar ni nchi.....muungano utazamwe upya ili tufikie nchi ya ahadi....sina la ziada kwenye mjadal huu..endeleeni salama!
 

amesema nini, tupe ndo ndoooo, harafu unaweza tuacha na kipya cha kuongea.

Marhaba
Lakini hii ni marhaba ya kituruki sio ya kiswahili.
 
amesema nini, tupe ndo ndoooo, harafu unaweza tuacha na kipya cha kuongea.

Marhaba
Lakini hii ni marhaba ya kituruki sio ya kiswahili.

hakuna uhaini wala uhayawani...Zanzibar wanayo haki kama nchi kutaja eneo la mipaka yao kwenye katiba yao, ila tu wakitaka kuuza sehemu ya eneo hilo basi watushirikishe kwenye kubargain bei! (Msisitizo ni wangu)
 
Niliwahi kuulizwa fumbo wakati nikiwa mdogo:

"Mbele ya bata kuna bata na nyuma ya bata kuna bata kulikuwa na bata wangapi?"...

Swali hilo hilo naliuliza;

"Ndani ya nchi kuna nchi na nje ya nchi kuna nchi, nchi hizo zilikuwa ngapi"?
 
Niliwahi kuulizwa fumbo wakati nikiwa mdogo:

"Mbele ya bata kuna bata na nyuma ya bata kuna bata kulikuwa na bata wangapi?"...

Swali hilo hilo naliuliza;

"Ndani ya nchi kuna nchi na nje ya nchi kuna nchi, nchi hizo zilikuwa ngapi"?
Jibu lako mwanakijiji kuna bata wawili, na nchi ama serikali zipo mbili, kuna serikali ya muungano na ile ya mapinduzi Zanzibar.
 


Pengine bwana mkubwa uliandika hiyo bold bila kukusudia. Tafadhali onyesha tofauti ya hiyo na kilichosemwa na mabadiliko ya Katiba ya Zanzibar. Baadae wacha tujadili!!!
 


Tatizo si kukubalika kwa Muungano tatizo ni huo Muungano unawafaidia wote wanaohusika? Hiyo ndio Demokrasia Bwana huoni wale mliowapamba kwa ushujaa wanaonekana si chaguo la wananchi? Kwa Muungano huu ulivyo basi Wazanzibari wanawaona wawakilishi wao mashujaa na sio mahaini kama mnavyojidai nyie!
 

Nguruvi3,

The position articulated by Nyerere with regard to Zanzibar should be understood in its proper context.

In his article in The Observer, London, 28 April 1968 (fifteen days after we recognised Biafra on April 13th), he drew an analogy between Zanzibar and Biafra when he explained why Tanzania recognised Biafra as an independent state and what our response should be if Zanzibar decides to withdraw from the Union.

We Tanganyikans lost our identity - as Tanganyikans - when we united with Zanzibaris in April 1964 to form a macro-nation, Tanzania. Both Tanganyika and Zanzibar ceased to exist as sovereign entities but Zanzibar retained its identity as a semi-autonomous entity in the Union. There are Zanzibaris today but there are no Tanganyikans.

Nobody is advocating bombing Zanzibar into submission should the majority of Zanzibaris decide to secede from the Union. Nyerere made that point with regard to Biafra when Eastern Nigeria seceded from the Nigerian Federation in July 1967. I remember those days. We saw documentaries of the Nigerian civil war in Dar es Salaam. It was a horrendous tragedy. I still have vivid memories of starving children in Biafra, and of Ojukwu himself talking for a long time about the suffering of his people, his face drooping with weariness.

Nyerere said it was wrong for the Nigerian Federal government to wage war against its own people, the very people it had sworn to defend. Nigerian leaders can try to talk to Biafrans and see if they can reach some kind of accommodation even if it's a confederation in place of federation. But killing them will not solve the problem or win their allegiance. As Nyerere bluntly put it: If they are wrong, they have to be convinced that they are wrong. They will not be convinced by being shot."

That would be the case with Zanzibaris if they were to secede from the union. Don't wage war against them to keep them in the union. That was Nyerere's argument.

The excerpt I posted from Nyerere's article should therefore be read in its proper context. And I have decided to post the whole article here. It may shed some light on this contentious subject of Zanzibar.

Nyerere's article which was first published in The Observer, London, was reprinted in African Contemporary Record, 1969 edition. It's also reprinted in Mwakikagile's book, Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era, in which the author also discusses the secession of Biafra and secessionist sentiments in Zanzibar; an additional reference I cited when I posted the excerpt from Nyerere's article yesterday. Here is the full article:

"Leaders of Tanzania have probably talked more about the need for African unity than those of any other country. Giving formal recognition to even greater disunity in Africa was therefore a very difficult decision to make.

Our reluctance to do so was compounded by our understanding of the problems of unity - of which we have some experience - and of the problems of Nigeria. For we have had very good relations with the Federation of Nigeria, even to the extent that when we needed help from Africa we asked it of the Federation.

But unity can only be based on the general consent of the people involved. The people must feel that this state, or this nation, is theirs; and they must be willing to have their quarrels in that context. Once a large number of the people of any such political unit stop believing that the state is theirs, and that the government is their instrument, then the unit is no longer viable. It will not receive the loyalty of its citizens.

For the citizen's duty to serve, and if necessary to die for, his country stems from the fact that it is his and that its government is the instrument of himself and his fellow citizens. The duty stems, in other words, from the common denominator of accepted statehood, and from the state government's responsibility to protect all the citizens and serve them all. For states, and governments, exist for men and for the service of man. They exist for the citizens' protection, their welfare, and the future well-being of their children. There is no other justification for states and governments except man.

In Nigeria this consciousness of a common citizenship was destroyed by the events of 1966, and in particular by the pogroms in which 30,000 Eastern Nigerians were murdered, many more injured, and about two million forced to flee from the North of their country. It is these pogroms, and the apparent inability or unwillingness of the authorities to protect the victims, which underlies the Easterners' conviction that they have been rejected by other Nigerians and abandoned by the Federal Government.

Whether the Easterners are correct in their belief that they have been rejected is a matter for argument. But they do have this belief. And if they are wrong, they have to be convinced that they are wrong. They will not convinced by being shot. Nor will their acceptance as part of the Federation be demonstrated by the use of Federal power to bomb schools and hospitals in the areas to which people have fled from persecution.

In Britain, in 1950, the Stone of Scone was stolen from Westminster Abbey by Scottish Nationalists while I was still a student at Edinburgh. That act did not represent a wish by the majority of the Scottish people to govern themselves. But if, for some peculiar reason, that vast majority of the Scottish people decided that Scotland should secede from the United Kingdom, would the Government in London order the bombing of Edinburgh, and in pursuing the Scots into the Highlands, kill the civilians they overtook? Certainly the Union Government would not do this; it would argue with the Scots, and try to reach some compromise.

As President of Tanzania it is my duty to safeguard the integrity of the United Republic. But if the mass of the people of Zanzibar should, without external manipulation, and for some reason of their own, decide that the Union was prejudicial to their existence, I could not advocate bombing them into submission. To do so would not be to defend the Union. The Union would have ceased to exist when the consent of its constituent members was withdrawn. I would certainly be one of those working hard to prevent secession, or to reduce its disintegrating effects. But I could not support a war on the people whom I have sworn to serve - especially not if the secession is preceded by a rejection of Zanzibaris by Tanganyikans.

Similarly, if we had succeeded in the 1963 attempt to form an East African Federation, or if we should do so in the future, Tanzania would be overjoyed. But if at some time thereafter the vast majority of the people of any one of the countries should decide - and persist in a decision - to withdraw from the Federation, the other two countries could not wage war against the people who wished to secede. Such a decision would mark a failure by the Federation. That would be tragic; but it would not justify mass killings.

The Biafrans now feel that they cannot live under conditions of personal security in the present Nigerian Federation. As they were unable to achieve an agreement on a new form of association, they have therefore claimed the right to govern themselves. The Biafrans are not claiming the right to govern anyone else. They have not said that they must govern the Federation as the only way of protecting themselves. They have simply withdrawn their consent to the system under which they used to be governed.

Biafra is not now operating under the control of a democratic government, any more than Nigeria is. But the mass support for the establishment and defence of Biafra is obvious. This is not a case of a few leaders declaring secession for their own private glory. Indeed, by the Aburi Agreement the leaders of Biafra showed a greater reluctance to give up hope of some form of unity with Nigeria than the masses possessed. But the agreement was not implemented.

Tanzania would still like to see some form of co-operation or unity between all the peoples of Nigeria and Biafra. But whether this happens, to what extent, and in what fields, can only be decided by agreement among all the peoples involved. It is not for Tanzania to say.

We in this country believe that unity is vital for the future of Africa. But it must be a unity which serves the people, and which is freely determined upon by the people.

For 10 months we have accepted the Federal Government's legal right to our support in a ‘police action to defend the integrity of the State.' On that basis we have watched a civil war result in the death of about 100,000 people, and the employment of mercenaries by both sides. We have watched the Federal Government reject the advice of Africa to talk instead of demanding surrender before talks could begin. Everything combined gradually to force us to the conclusion that Nigerian unity did not exist.

Tanzania deeply regrets that the will for unity in Nigeria has been destroyed over the past two years. But we are convinced that Nigerian unity cannot be maintained by force any more than unity in East Africa could be created by one state conquering another.

It seemed to us that by refusing to recognise the existence of Biafra we were tacitly supporting a war against the people of Eastern Nigeria - and a war conducted in the name of unity. We could not continue doing this any longer."

Source:

(Julius K. Nyerere, "Why We Recognised Biafra," in The Observer, London, 28 April 1968; reproduced in Colin Legum and John Drysdale, eds., Africa Contemporary Record: Annual Survey and Documents 1968 - 1969, London: Africa Research Ltd., 1969, pp. 651 - 652. Nyerere's entire article in The Observer is also reprinted in Godfrey Mwakikagile, Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era, pp. 276 - 278).
 


Unajua Mwanakijiji unaonekana hujuwi mtu kumiliki kilicho chake> Sioni ungombane kwa Wazanzibari kuamuwa kile wanachoona kuwa kina faida kwao. Hivyo wewe huelewi kuwa Tanzania ni nchi ya Kidemokrasia ikiwa na vyombo vilivyokubaliwa na sheria? Jee Baraza la Wawakilishi si miongoni mwa vyombo hivyo? Na jee hilo Baraza kazi yake ni nini? Hadi sasa bado huwatuonyesha kosa lililofanyika. Hivyo hiyo Katiba ya Zanzibar hapo mwanzo ilitungwa na Serikali ya Muungano? Kama wanahisi kuna jambo limekosewa basi ni kulirekebisha kwa njia ya kisaheria.
 
Zanzibar constitutional changes do not undermine the union - AG

THE government has allayed fears that the union will be in danger as a result of the recent constitutional amendments in Zanzibar.

Deputy Attorney General (DAG), Mr George Masaju on Thursday clarified that the changes are meant to accommodate the proposed Government of National Unity (GNU) and not to undermine the union government sovereignty as implied by a section of the local media.

He said what is claimed as controversial provisions in the amendments are actually emphases of what has been in existence since 1964, when the union government was formed following the merger of Tanganyika and Zanzibar.

For the government, he said, the critical question is whether the changes in Zanzibar constitution disqualify the Union government from being the sovereignty state.

He cited Section 9(1) which states that Zanzibar will be a democratic state with social justice and section 23(2) states that every person has the duty to protect Zanzibar resources, state property and any other jointly. He said the amendments do not impact on the union negatively and Zanzibar and Tanganyika ceased being the sovereign states since 1964.

"I don't see any problem related to the amendments anywhere in the Zanzibar constitution. The amendments seek to accommodate the structure of the coalition government and emphasises critical issues related to the union," he said.

Citing the changes contained on bill on Section 1, he said the provision emphasizes the territorial boundaries of Zanzibar by naming all the Islands covered by the Isles government.

"The definition clears the confusion by some people that Zanzibar is only confined to the Unguja borders or the major islands with the exclusion of the small islands," he said.

Regarding the changes on Section 2, the DAG clarified the changes that redefines Zanzibar as one of the two states that forms the United Republic of Tanzania is not new because it is not the first time the connotation of ‘statehood' is used in the Zanzibar constitution.

Unless the amendments redefine Zanzibar as a republic, he said, then the changes would have affected the sovereignty of the United Republic of Tanzania (URT).

The wording ‘state' has been used in several sections of the Zanzibar constitution and was never an issue, according to the DAG He adds: "We support all the amendments because they are meant to strengthen the union and that is some of the issues that were not recognized by the Zanzibaris which will be incorporated in the new constitution."

Some of the issues include the recognition of the Court of Appeal and the replacement of the Permanent Inquiry Commission with Joint Finance Commission which has been non-existent since 2001. Mr Masaju also said he does not foresee a situation which will entail the Zanzibar President to divide Zanzibar into new administrative territories because of mandatory consultations.

"These are merely procedural changes, after all any decision is subject to the decision of the Zanzibar President after consultation," he said adding that the union constitution is silent on what needed to be done if the President does not divide new Zanzibar regions.

Section 2(2) of the Union Constitution empowers the Union President to divide new Zanzibar regions in consultation with the Zanzibar President. The DAG expressed confidence that the Zanzibaris acknowledge the Union as important as stipulated in their constitution.
source;dailynews
 

Watanzania wanaposema kuna watu kama bendera hawajakosea!!!
 

Naona Thanks zinapungua! Unajuwa kwanini? Bado hujaonyesha kosa la Wazanzibari! Kwani walichobadilisha ni Katiba ya Muungano? Unashangaza kushadidia tunganganie mti wa nyuma eti kwasababu Wazanzibari walikuwa hawajaamka na tuite muamko wao uhaini. No way Wazanzibari wanahitaji kile kitachowanufaisha sio sifa za kijinga. After all wewe ni mtu wa namna gani usietaka maendeleo? Kwao Wazanzibari matokeo haya ni maendeleo na kama una choyo nao kwanini hutafuti la kufanya? Pengine jawabu ya madai yako utakuwa umeshayapata kwa vyombo vinavyohusika.
 

Pengine ungelijiuliza" Ngombe ndani ya zizi lako mgawaji awe ndugu yako?" Hapo ndipo Wazanzibari wanapotambuwa ujinga wao na kuamua kuusawazisha.
 
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