Nelson Mandela ni msaliti wa harakati za Uhuru wa Afrika Kusini na Afrika kiujumla?

Mara kadhaa umezungumzia neno KUONDOA ALAMA YA WEUPE. Sijui una maanisha nini?
Namaanisha mifumo ya kinyonyaji (systematic racism).
Kama ukiwa mfuatiliaji wa siasa za kimataifa vizuri ungegundua kwamba hata Wakulima na Wenye migodi Afrika ya kusini walitaka kutoka kwa kutoa hela yao katika mabenki katika miaka ya karibuni baada ya kuona wakulima wa Zimbabwe wanaporwa mashamba. Serikali ya Afrika ya kusini iliwaambia wawekezaji weupe haitapora mashamba wala migodi yao. Lakini hawakuamini, bado wakataka kutoka Afrika ya kusini na kuhama na mtaji wao. Lakini walishindwa kuhamisha mtaji wao kutokana na sheria kali ya REPATRIATION OF CASH ya Afrika ya kusini na hiyo ndiyo sababu iliyofanya wabaki kwa lazima.
Katika sheria hiyo ambayo inamtaka mwekezaji au yeyote mwenye biashara atoe nje ya nchi asilimia 15 tu ya kiasi anachoingiza kwa mwaka na hivyo kufanya asilimia 85 ya mapato ya mtu huyo kubaki ndani. Hiyo inamaanisha kwamba hata kama unataka kuhamia nchi nyingine lakini huwezi kuhama na mapato yako ambayo umeyachumia Afrika ya kusini.
Hizo pesa zinazobaki mbona hazi saidii 80% wa SA wanaoishi kwenye shanty towns, zinaenda wapi?
Hicho unachokisikia kuwa Johannesburg ilijengwa kwa dhahabu ya migodi ya Kimberley ni kweli. Lakini unachotakiwa kujua pia ni ukweli kwamba kasoro ya utawala wa serikali ya Afrika ya kusini ilikuwa ni ubaguzi wa rangi,..lakini katika maeneo mengine kama kusimamia sheria na uchumi wao walikuwa vizuri sana.
Watu waliowekeza katika migodi, baada ya kuuzwa kwa dhahabu na madini mengine, ukiacha masuala ya serikali kuwa na mrahaba na kuchukua kodi yake, lakini mmiliki wa mgodi alitakiwa kurudisha nyumbani Afrika ya kusini asilimia 85 ya mapato yake kwa mujibu wa sheria.
Wataalam wa kiuchumi wanasema ni bora hata serikali isichukue kodi toka kwa investors lakini ihakikishe kuwa asilimia 85 ya mapato yao yanabaki au kurudi nyumbani ndipo utaona faida ya uwekezaji.
Ukiacha Afrika ya kusini, nchi nyingine kusini mwa jangwa la Sahara ambayo iko makini katika kuhakikisha sheria ya kurudisha mapato ya uwekezaji nyumbani inasimamiwa vizuri ni Botswana.
Bado tunarudi pale pale, hiyo 85% imewasaidia nini watu wanaoishi kwenye townships?
Mugabe alikosea sana lazima ujue hilo. Alikuwa sahihi katika nia yake kugawa ardhi kwa wakulima wazawa weusi kwa sababu ilikuwa ni ardhi ndiyo hasa waliyoipigania wakati wa kudai uhuru.
Lakini alikuwa na nafasi ya kugawa ardhi kwa wakulima weusi bila kusababisha kuporomoka kwa uchumi.

Kwanza nusu tu ya ardhi ambayo wakulima weupe walikuwa wakiilima na ambayo tayari walikubali kuitoa, wakulima weusi wasingeweza kuilima yote. Hata kiasi cha robo ya ardhi hiyo wasingweza kuilima, jambo hilo lilijulikana,.kwa hiyo Mugabe alishauriwa na watendaji wake kwa vile uchumi wa Zimbabwe ulitegemea pia wakulima wakubwa ambao wengi wao ni weupe,basi waendelee kuilima nusu ya ardhi na nusu ya ardhi wapewe wakulima weusi. Lakini Mugabe akakataa kwa kusikiliza makada wa chama chake ambao kumbe walikuwa na agenda ya kutaka mashamba yale.
Jambo la pili Mugabe akashindwa tena kuwazuia wakulima waliotaka kutoka na kutoa mapato yao yote. Alisema kama wanataka wanataka watoe cash yao waondoke, jambo liliporomosha uchumi wa Zimbabwe ghafla.a.
Utasemaje wasingeweza, mbona Tanzania yenye eneo zaidi ya mara mbili za Zimbabwe inazalisha na kusaza kwa kutumia wakulima wadogo wadogo? Mugabe alifanyiwa fitna tuu na waingereza na nchi za Afrika hazikufanya jitihada zozote (kama ilivyokuwa Libya) kumsaidia. Hayo mashamba yalinyang'anywa kwa nguvu kutoka kwa wenyeji, hivyo ilikuwa sawa kurudishwa kwa wenyewe.
Kuna uzuri mmoja Mugabe kabla hajafa alikiri kukosea katika namna walivyogawa mashamba kwa kuwapa watu ambao waliyaua.
Tatizo letu sisi Waafrika kwa kila tunapokwama tunasingizia watu wengine.
Utasikia nchi zetu zimekuwa maskini kwa sababu ya ukoloni. Wasichokijua kuwa hata nchi nyingi zilitawaliwa lakini sasa hivi zimeshapiga hatua kubwa.
China imepata uhuru wake mwaka 1949 tu toka kwa Japan, na huku kupigwa vita na nchi za magharibi lakini leo ndiyo nchi namba 2 kiuchumi duniani.
Ni muda kwa nchi za Afrika kuwajibika kwa uongozi mbovu wanaoundekeza, na siyo kusingizia watu wengine
Utachukuliaje mfano wa china kwa maendeleo, nchi iliyokuwa inatengeneza baruti miaka elfu na elfu iliyopita na yenye ustaarabu uliotukuka kama kuwa na maandishi yake. Nchi iliyokuwa na tekinolojia ya kuchimba mifereji kuwezesha meli kupanda milimani (The Grand Canal) na yenye falsafa kebe kebe kama za Sun Tzu wakati huo wazungu walikuwa wanaishi mapangoni? Wewe unaiangalia China ya kina Mao, Jintao na Xi, mimi naongelea ile ya kian Qin Shi Huang.
 
View attachment 1484014
Kwa takribani miaka 27 Nelson Mandela (Tata/Madiba) amekuwa gerezani Hadi mwaka 1990 alipoachiwa.

Hadi kufikia mwaka 1990 nchi zote za kiafrika zilikuwa zimepata Uhuru kutoka kwa wakoloni. Ikumbukwe Afrika Kusini ilipata Uhuru wake mnamo 1931, mwaka 1994 haukuwa mwaka wa kupata Uhuru kwa Afrika Kusini bali ilikuwa end of Apartheid.

Mchango wa Nelson Mandela kwenye harakati za kusaidia bara la Afrika kujikomboa Ni mdogo Sana. Ni tofauti sana na ule Hayati baba wa taifa Mwalimu Julius .K. Nyerere aliyeifanya Tanzania kambi kuu ya wapigania uhuru Kama Robert Mugabe (Zimbabwe), Sam Nujoma (Namibia), Mozambique (Samora Machel, Eduardo Mondlane),Afrika Kusini yenyewe n.k
Katika Historia ya ukombozi wa Afrika mchango wa Nelson Mandela ni mdogo Sana.

1: Kipi kilichompelekea mpaka kupata tuzo ya amani ya Nobel?
2: Kipi kilicho pelekea kuonekana kiongozi mashuhuri na Bora kwa Afrika nzima?
3: Umaarufu wake umepikwa na wabepari?
4: kwa Nini sio J.K Nyerere na Ni Nelson Mandela?
5: Nyuma ya heshima ya kimataifa aliyopewa Nelson Mandela ni Nini?
6: Ni kweli Nelson Mandela aliingia makubaliano ya Uhuru kwa wa-afrika?
7: Toka mwisho wa Apartheid ni kipi kimebadilika kwa wa-afrika Kusini? Ardhi umerudi kwa wa-afrika Kusini? Serikali ya Afrika Kusini inayo kauli asilimia Mia juu ya ardhi yake?

Ni maswali ya kujiuliza sana na Ni maswali ya kupatia ufumbuzi.
Na hi ni tokana na mchango mdogo Sana wa Nelson Mandela hususa kwenye harakati za Afrika.

Mnamo mwaka 2009 umoja wa mataifa ulisimika tarehe 18 ya mwezi wa 7 kuwa sikukuu ya kimaitaifa ikiitwa Mandela day na ndio siku ya kuzaliwa kwa Mandela, kwa lengo la kumhenzi Mandela.
How Nelson Mandela betrayed us, says ex-wife Winnie
Tanzania ilitakiwa iwe kama Afrika Kusini. Kusingekuwa na hii katiba ya ajabu inayompa rais mamlaka hadi yanamuelemea.
 
Historia ya mapambano ya kudai haki na usawa katika Afrika ya kusini ni ndefu na yenye kona nyingi. Ikumbukwe kuwa Afrika ya kusini ilishapata uhuru wake mapema mwaka 1910. Kwa hiyo mapambano yenyewe yalikuwa ni ya kudai haki na usawa katika jamii kwa vile mfumo wa sheria,uchumi na biashara uliwapendelea wazungu. Mathalan, mtu mweusi hakutakiwa kisheria kuchukua mkopo mkubwa katika bank. Na kutokana na hilo, fursa kubwa za kibiashara kama tenda za ujenzi wa majengo na miundombinu hawakutakiwa kufanya. Hali hiyo iliwafanya Weupe katika Afrika kusini kuzidi kuwa matajiri kwa kupendelewa fursa nyingi za kiuchumi.
NELSON MANDELA alijiunga na chama cha ANC wakati tayari hicho chama lilishaanza mapambano miaka mingi nyuma kabla hata Mandela hajazaliwa. Msingi mkuu wa ANC ulikuwa ni kudai haki hizo ili jamii ya Afrika ya kusini iishi katika usawa. ANC walisema hawakuwa na agenda ya ubaguzi; lengo lilikuwa ni kupigania haki kwa watu wote bila kujali rangi zao. Kutokana na agenda hiyo hata watu wasio weusi kama jamii ya wahindi ambao nao walikuwa wakibaguliwa nao wakajiunga na harakati za kudai haki kwa WAZI. Lakini kuna kitu ambacho hakisemwi sana ambacho kwa watu ambao hawajazama sana katika mwenendo wa historia ya Afrika ya kusini wanaweza kushangaa endapo wakiambiwa ukweli kwamba walikuwapo pia wanaharakati weupe waliounga harakati za weusi kwa SIRI. Mathalan, makampuni ya Anglo Gold na hasa kampuni tanzu yake ya Debeers yalikuwa yakiiwezesha ANC kifedha kwa siri ili kukwepa adhabu toka serikalini.

Sasa nirudi katika hoja ya uzi uliotolewa unaouliza kama Nelson Mandela alikuwa msaliti.
Kutokana na mtiririko wa matukio Nelson Mandela hakuwahi kuwa msaliti wa harakati za kudai usawa kabla hajaenda jela, akiwa jela na baada ya kutoka jela. Alipokamatwa na kushtakiwa na baadaye kuhukumiwa, Mandela alikuwa na msimamo uleule. Ikumbukwe kwamba kosa ambalo yeye na wanaharakati wenzie walishtakiwa nalo ni TREASON,..shtaka la kufanya njama za kuipundua serikali, kosa ambalo adhabu yake ni kifo. Lakini alipopewa nafasi ya kujitetea, yeye ndiyo kwanza akatoa ile hotuba fupi maarufu sana hapo mahakamani akielezea malengo na mtazamo wa harakati zao,..akahitimisha kwa kusema kuwa kama kudai haki na usawa ndilo hilo analoshtakiwa na kuhukimiwa nalo yuko tayari kufa,."..IF NEEDS BE I'M READY TO DIE ".

Mandela alikataa hongo ya kutolewa jela kwa sharti la kwenda kuishi nje ya Afrika ya kusini na kupewa huduma zote za kianasa na makaburu. Kwa hlo hakuwasaliti wananchi kwa vile kwa kubaki kwake jela kukamfanya yeye kuwa nembo ya watu kudai haki, na watu ndani na nje ya Afrika ya kusini kuzidisha mapambano na msukumo wa kudai haki kwa serikali ya kibaguzi.

Msukumo dhidi ya makaburu ulipozidi,kulikuwa hakuna namna kwa makaburu,ikabidi wakubali kubadili sera za ubaguzi na kwa mantiki hiyo kuwaachia pia wafungwa wote wa kisiasa waliofungwa wakidai haki na usawa.
Kwa kufanya mabadiliko ya sera katika Afrika ya kusini kungemaanisha kuwa hata vyama vya siasa vingekuwa huru kushiriki katika uchaguzi. Katika hali hiyo ilishajulikana kuwa endapo Mandela angeachiwa, na ANC kushiriki uchaguzi huku Mandela akiwa mgombea wake, ANC ingeshinda uchaguzi kwa kishindo.
Katika hiyo hali kuna masuala kadhaa ilibidi yajulikane mapema,na hasa kuhusu aina ya sera ya kiuchumi ambayo serikali itakayoongozwa na ANC ingeendesha. Kwamba ingeendesha SERA YA KIUCHUMI WA KIBEPARI au SERA YA UCHUMI WA KIJAMAA? Serikali ya makaburu pamoja ba sekta binafsi, sekta binafsi iliyohusisha wafanyabiashara wakubwa kama vile wamiliki wa migodi walitaka kujua hatma yao itakavyokuwa baada ya kuingia serikali ya ANC. Kama ANC ingependa kufanya sera za kijamaa ingemaanisha kwamba njia kuu za kiuchumi pamoja na migodi,mashamba na viwanda vingetaifishwa toka sekta binafsi na kuwa katika umiliki wa serikali. Kwa hiyo ilikuwa muhimu kwa wafanyabiara wale ambao kihistoria walikuwa weupe kujua hatma yao; ANC iongoze nchi kijamaa, ili wao waondoke mapema au ANC iongoze kibepari au uchumi huria ili wao wabaki.

Ili kujua hilo ilibidi lazima vikao vya makubaliano kati ya wadau wote vifanyike mara kadhaa. Washiriki wa vikao walikuwa watendaji wa serikali ya makaburu na wafanyabiashara kwa upande mmoja na wawakilishi wa ANC kwa upande wa pili. Muwakilishi mkuu wa ANC alikuwa Mandela, upande wa sekta binafsi wawakilishi walikuwa akina William na Harry Oppenheimer wa kampuni ya Anglo Gold. Serkali iliwakilishwa na watendaji wa juu wakiongozwa na PW Botha ambaye alikuwa kiongozi wa nchi na vikao vilifanyika nyumbani kwake.

Ikumbukwe tena jambo la msingi, sera ya ujamaa haikuwa muundo wa ANC toka awali kwa hiyo kufikia makubaliano ya aina gani ya mfumo wa kiuchumi watatumia haikuwa suala la mjadala. ANC waliamini katika uchumi huria, ambao ni ubepari.
Akina Oppenheimer ambao walikuwa wakiisaidia ANC kifedha kwa siri walimkumbusha Mandela juu ya jitihada zao hizo katika vikao. Na Mandela aliwakumbusha ANC ilichokipigania toka mwanzo, kwamba hawawachukii weupe lakini wanapinga sera zinazowabagua weusi na kuwapendelea weupe. Kwa hiyo serikali ya ANC ikiingia madarakani itasimamia uchumi wa kibepari kama ilivyoamini lakini ingesimamia haki na usawa kama ilivyopigania toka mwanzo.

Chama ambacho kilikuwa nacho ni cha ukombozi katika Afrika ya kusini lakini chenye mlengo wa kikomunisti ni SACP ambacho kiongozi wake miaka ya tisini alkikuwa ni Chris Hani. Hiyo ina maana kuwa kama chama cha SACP kingeshika madaraka baada ya uchaguzi mwaka 1994 ,serikali yake ingeendesha sera za utaifishaji wa njia zote kuu za kiuchumi.

Baada ya Nelson Mandela na ANC kuingia madarakani waliendesha nchi kwa mfumo wa uchumi huria/ubepari, mfumo ambao upo hadi leo na ni mfumo ambao upo katika kila nchi duniani kwa sasa isipokuwa Cuba pekee.
Katika hali ya kuleta usawa kwa fursa hasa kwa weusi ili kufidia lile pengo la umaskini uliotengenezwa na miaka mingi ya unyanyaswaji, serikali ikaanzisha sera maalum (BLACK EMPOWERMENT)ya kuwawezesha weusi ili nao kuweza kufanya biashara kubwa ambazo awali hawakuruhisiwa kuzifanya.

Katika sera hiyo, weusi waliwezeshwa na kupewa upendeleo maalum na serikali ili waweze kufanya zile biashara na tenda kubwa ambazo awali hawakuruhusiwa kufanya na serikali ya makaburu. Sera hiyo maalum ya upendeleo ndiyo ikawatengeneza wafanyabiashara mabilionea wa mwanzo wa Afrika ya kusini kama akina Tokyo Sexhwale na Cyril Ramaphosa, rais wa sasa.

Kwa hiyo kabla ya kusema kwamba Nelson Mandela aliwasaliti weusi inabidi huo ukweli niliouleza hapo juu ujulikane na kuingia kwenye akili za watu kwanza.

Kuna baadhi ya watu ndani na nje ya Afrika ya kusini wanaamini kwamba Mandela baada ya kuingia madarakani alitakiwa ataifishe mashamba,migodi na biashara zote za weupe ili aonekane kwamba ameleta usawa.
Hoja hiyo ni dhaifu kwani sera kiuchumi ya ya ANC haikuwa katika utaifishaji toka mwanzo na hata sasa; Na kama Mandela angesimamia utaifishaji ,basi angekuwa anakiuka mtazamo na sera za chama chake.
Kuna hoja nyingine dhaifu inayosema kwamba Mandela aliwasaliti weusi kwa vile hadi anaondoka madarakani watu weusi bado wengi walikuwa maskini.
Ijulikane wazi kwamba pamoja na ukweli kwamba serikali ya Mandela ilianzisha sera maalum ya kuwezesha weusi, lakini mabadiliko ya kimaendeleo kwa weusi yasingeweza kuja kwa haraka ndani ya miaka mitano, huku ikizingatiwa kuwa hata hao weupe pamoja na kupewa upendeleo iliwachukua zaidi ya miaka 70 kuwa katika hali ya kiuchumi waliyokuwa nayo.

Upotofu huo wa kufikia waliokuwa nao weusi Afrika kusini, ulikuwapo pia kwa waafrika wakati nchi zao zikipata uhuru toka. Wao walidhani kwamba wakishapata uhuru tu, basi kila kitu kitakuwa kinatolewa bure na serikali. Julius Nyerere ilibidi awaamshe watu kwa kuwaambia UHURU NA KAZI..,ili wafanye kazi.
Noted
 
Mimi mchonge nilishamtoa kwenye mashujaa kwa kitendo chake cha kukiri hadharani kwamba katiba yetu ikipata dikteta ataitumia vibaya lakin hapo hapo hakuona umhimu wa kuibadili ili iwe ya kidemokrasia!


kuanzia hapo, na alivoanza kulia lia miaka ya 90 ndio nikajua huyu mtu alikua mbinafsi pia, alipenda kuabudiwa!
Umeona eeh '' it means yeye alikuwa tayari kuendelea kuitumia katiba ambayo Tayari alikuwa anaiona ina mapungufu
 
Lenyewe swali hili gumu mbona!
Mwl Nyerere is African Hero aliruhusu WaTz waishi kwa shida kwa kusudi la kuikomboa Africa lakini sifa na utukufu huwa wanapewa wale waliofungwa magereza
Nampenda President Kaunda aliwaambia ukweli ' sifa zimwendee Mwl Nyerere katika ukombozi wa South Africa na Africa kwa ujumla'

Nelson Mandela bado ni African Hero maisha yake yote yalimalizikia gerezani kwa ajili ya mtu mweusi South Africa the rest ni history. Haikuwa rahisi!

Kumbe kuna siku unajifanya huoni tu. Khe khe khe khe he he khe kheeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee
 
Mandela the “sell out”: our memories have been blunted by time


''A “sell-out” is defined as someone who intentionally betrays a cause for personal advancement. A sell-out is someone who sacrifices their core values for money. The Mandela sell-out trope is populism as its best- uttered with no appreciation for or interest in facts or nuance. LWANDO XASO recalls Mandela’s legacy, the horrific violence of the 90s and the tough decisions the first democratic president had to make.

I was nine years old when Chris Hani was killed. I did not have a nuanced understanding of politics at the time but I knew Chris Hani’s death felt like the final descent into the abyss. It was the first time I had seen adults who were usually so stoic and so masterful at feigning optimism for our benefit visibly terrified. It was that visible fear that said to me that this was the end.

I remember it was a cold, overcast winter’s day and it seemed like even the sun had cowardly retreated never to shine again. But that evening a reassuring face appeared on our television screens. With violence engulfing the country, the magnitude of the moment could only be met by Nelson Mandela’s gravitas.

Under normal circumstances only a president of a country could deliver such an important address at prime time. But these were not normal times. We did not have a legitimate president but that night it was clear who our President was. Mandela was the only thing that stood between this country and total destruction.

We all knew that we were at a cross roads and Mandela had the power to swing the pendulum either towards vengeance or peace. He chose peace and it was on that night that he became our “shadow president.”
Since his passing there seems to be a growing resentment against Mandela from his detractors. Chief amongst the detractions is that instead of negotiating, Mandela should have led us to war to overthrow the Apartheid government. But now with more than twenty years’ experience of our negotiated constitutional democracy project it is easy for us to pinpoint where Mandela supposedly fell short forgetting that the retrospective glance is a relatively easy gesture especially when the human mind has the incredible ability to blunt the sharpness of yesterday’s pain, difficulties and fear.

For those amongst us whose memories remain sharp we ask exactly whose children, fathers, mothers, brothers and sisters should have gone to war? The early 1990s saw a dramatic escalation in levels of violence in South Africa. I witnessed some of this violence myself. I remember seeing burning tyres around Black necks. Black mothers in unbearable pain clutching their dead children. It is reported that, from the start of the negotiations in mid-1990 to our first democratic election in April 1994, some 14 000 South Africans died in politically related violence. I have seen footage of the human carnage of Black bodies at Boipatong and Bisho. Those bodies sprawled in dust had names, hopes and dreams. I do not for one second feel entitled to the sacrifice of those or any other Black life for my freedom – I am instead forever indebted.

The cannibalism of the early 1990s claimed Black lives who, unlike many of us, had a lived experience of the brutality of apartheid not as an abstraction but as a system that confined and killed. They knew what it was to live within a system that criminalised their very being. I can never claim to have a complete experience or recollection of the full force of this system. If according to author, Ta-nehsisi Coates, the Black American lives lost to fighting slavery and Jim Crow were turned to fuel for the American dream then the Black lives lost to political violence, were turned to fuel for the South African miracle.

We cannot assume that those who died were seeking glory through death with the foresight that history would romanticise their ultimate sacrifice for our gratitude and inspiration. They too wanted to live. Nelson Mandela must have been as weary as the rest of the country at the overwhelmingly Black rising death toll. For his quest for a lasting peaceful solution and the cessation of violence, Mandela is unfairly judged by those who will never know the weight of being the singular voice that could either incite war or peace. It can never be that today we can sit in our armchairs and judge the decisions of a man on whom so much responsibility was placed and who discharged such overwhelming responsibility to the best of his ability with who and what he knew at the time.

A “sell-out” is defined as someone who intentionally betrays a cause for personal advancement. A sell-out is someone who sacrifices their core values for money. The Mandela sell-out trope is populism as its best- uttered with no appreciation for or interest in facts or nuance. Populism is built on the irresistible allure of simplicity and mine is a generation that is easily enticed by simplicity. Where is the proof of this intention to sell us out?

Justice Albie Sachs and many others who were actually in the room and involved in the negotiations rubbish the idea that Nelson Mandela went “into a room with a bunch of capitalists”, emerged with a compromise and went to lawyers instructing them to “give us a constitution”. Instead, “six hard years of breakdowns” in negotiations were behind the democratic elections in 1994 and the adoption of the Constitution in 1996.

The apartheid government was behind a third force of state security operatives tasked with sowing discord and division amongst Black people and which also funded IFP paramilitaries to attack ANC supporters. In some instances, the government itself directly sponsored covert violence. Targeted assassinations and massacres were the business of the day. There was also the violence from the white extreme-right and the fear of a military coup hung over the negotiations. We forget the onslaught facing Mandela and the ANC from all sides. We forget the violence meted out not only by the apartheid government but also the extreme right wing, the military, the homelands and their militaries and the third force. We forget that Mandela walked away from the negotiating table more than once driving home the point that he would not continue to engage an illegitimate government negotiating in bad faith.

Other than the violence, there were other obstacles on the road to democracy. With the ostensible failures of communism, liberation movements across the world, including the ANC, had to move away from the doctrines of nationalisation and violent revolution. It is also recorded that in 1992 even the ANC’s former ally, Russia, established diplomatic relations with the Apartheid government in violation of the UN General Assembly resolutions. Within a context of its own economic difficulties following the fall of communism, Russia aimed to find short cuts to get quick credit, loans and investment irrespective of the source being the apartheid government and white-owned business. It is said that such actions further entrenched white economic interest as an immovable consideration in any future dispensation. The prioritisation of economic stability above all else inevitably meant that the white-dominated economy could not be overhauled.

But our memories have been blunted by time. It is said critics are men who watch a battle from a high place then come down and shoot the survivors. Nelson Mandela did the best that he could with what he knew then. To judge in posterity is utterly unfair. Building political careers by denigrating an African hero is unacceptable. I echo Angela Davis’ wisdom from her 2016 Steve Biko lecture, we should be thankful for Mandela’s legacy but we should not receive it uncritically. Mandela did not accord his answers to that era with a permanence that silences today’s generation. Even Mandela would agree that questioning and critical thinking cannot end after victories are won. But labelling Nelson Mandela a sell-out is not critical thinking, it’s an erasure of the past, the truth and a foreclosure of past struggles. Davis eloquently noted that we are at odds with past struggles yet our present struggle exists in that same continuum because our present activism is enabled by the activism of the past.

Mandela is part of our genealogy, we stand on his shoulders and by standing on his shoulders we are able to see what he saw and but more importantly we are able to see more than what he could see. Mandela’s questions were questions of a different era. We now want to question what Nelson Mandela did without the full appreciation of that era. Mandela should have been given the grace to learn from his mistakes just like the grace we will want one day from the next generation that will stand in judgement of our decisions today.

Even though he is gone he remains our shadow President looming over our nation as the most consequential South African to ever live. Mandela walked on ice but he never fell. Prisoner 46664 was persecuted, judged and imprisoned for 27 years. Let him rest in freedom.''
 
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