Kikwete anamchanganya nini Mengi?

[Ragamuffin]

Speaking at theCommonwealth Business Forum in Perth, Australia this week President JakayaKikwete of Tanzania said that Africa had all the qualifications to be a globaleconomic powerhouse in the 21 century if the potentials in the continent wereeffectively developed.

The Presidentemphasised the need for agricultural development stating “this needs hugeinvestments by governments and the private sector in modern equipment, irrigation,use of quality seeds for higher productivity, use of pesticides andfertiliser.”

Whilst PresidentKikwete espoused the benefits of investing in Tanzania a British M.P. calledfor a parliamentary debate on the dangers of such investment referring toBritish nationals Stewart Middleton and Sarah Hermitage, investors in theagricultural sector in Tanzania forced to flee the country in 2008 due toharassment and intimidation facilitated by the State with the loss of theirentire investment together with the loss of 150 Tanzanian jobs.

Roger Gale posed thefollowing question to the leader of the House of Commons Sir George Young atParliamentary question time on 27[SUP]th[/SUP] October:

“Speaking in Australia this week, President Kikweteof Tanzania urged investors in his country to reinvest the profits from theircompanies in his country. Unfortunately, as the Foreign and Commonwealth Officewell knows, he is the same President Kikwete who is in thrall to the mediabaron Reginald Mengi and who has done nothing to give satisfaction to myconstituents Sarah and Stewart Hermitage, whose farm in Tanzania was stolenfrom them by Mr Mengi’s brother. Could we have a debate in Government time todiscuss not only the joys but the dangers of investing in Tanzania”?

Sir George Young replied

“I amsorry to hear about that loss of property on the part of my Hon. Friend’sconstituents. I shall certainly raise the issue with the Foreign andCommonwealth Office—the FCO Minister for Europe, my right Hon. Friend theMember for Aylesbury (Mr Lidington), is in his place at the moment—and seewhether there are any representations it can make to get justice for the peoplewhose property was confiscated. "

The CommonwealthBusiness Forum was run concurrently with the Commonwealth Heads of GovernmentMeeting at which Australian Prime Minister Ms Julian Gillard took over thethrone as chair of the Commonwealth stating “Commonwealth countries sharevalues of the rule of law and democracy”.
Roger Gale’s question does not sitcomfortably with President Kikwete’s commitment to Commonwealth ideals andnecessarily casts a doubt over Tanzania as a safe place for foreign investment.

Mr. Gales question can beread at the Parliamentary Hansard reports at the following link:
http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201011/cmhansrd/cm111027/debtext/111027-0002.htm

 

[mwaJ]

Uko darasa la ngapi ndugu?? Are you really great thinker or?? I bet hujamaliza hata elimu ya kidato cha nne, kusikiza na kuamini maneno ya watu bila hata kufanya utafiti... how can u compare China Na Kenya???

I wonder!

 

[The Infamous]

iliweza marehemu gadafi na mwisho wa siku wamemnyonyoa kama kuku...

 

[Ragamuffin]

Sio Reginald Mengi, ni Benjamin Mengi, inahusiana na kisa uwekezaji kwenye mradi wa shamba la Silvadale, ambapo Waingereza wawili, mtu na mkewe, Middletons, waliingia ubia na Benjamin Mengi kuwa watawekeza kwenye mradi huo. Benjamini alipoona kuwa sio wawekezaji wa ukweli, bali wanawekeza kwa kusua sua, akawatimulia mbali, kila kitu akabaki nacho.

Wazungu hao wakapeleka kilio chao kila mahali mpaka mahakamani, kesi mpaka leo inapigwa kalenda.


Ila kama ni kweli, Tanzania investment potential, inataka kupigwa biti na just one isolation case, then Uingereza, haitutendei haki. Tumejikuta tuinyenyekea sana kwa sababu ni former colonial masters wetu, its about time, tuachane nao, waende zao, tuite wawekezaji wa China, ni cheaper, more efficient na tutastrike a better deal.

Waende zao!.

You are not correct. Had you looked at the case you would have seen you were not correct. Google the case maybe before you comment.

 

[Ragamuffin]

THIS AFTERNOON NILIKUWA NAFUATILIA KIKAO CHA BUNGE LA UK (HOUSE OF COMMONS), BUNGE LA UK LIMEPENDEKEZA KUJADILI "Danger of UK to Invest in Tanzania" KWASABABU YA HIYO ISSUE YA JK NA MENGI, Waziri wa mambo ya nje akaahidi kufuatilia through commonwealth office, so sikupata details.

Kama kuna mkereketwa yoyote ana details kuhusu hili sakata, KINDLY WOULD YOU PLEASE SHARE WITH US?

BRITISH M.P. CALLS FOR DEBATE ON DANGERS OF INVESTING IN TANZANIA

Speaking at the Commonwealth Business Forum in Perth, Australia this week President Jakaya Kikwete of Tanzania said that Africa had all the qualifications to be a globale conomic powerhouse in the 21 century if the potentials in the continent were effectively developed.

The President emphasised the need for agricultural development stating “this needs huge investments by governments and the private sector in modern equipment, irrigation,use of quality seeds for higher productivity, use of pesticides andfertiliser.”

Whilst President Kikwete espoused the benefits of investing in Tanzania a British M.P. called for a parliamentary debate on the dangers of such investment referring to British nationals Stewart Middleton and Sarah Hermitage, investors in the agricultural sector in Tanzania forced to flee the country in 2008 due to harassment and intimidation facilitated by the State with the loss of their entire investment together with the loss of 150 Tanzanian jobs.

Roger Gale posed thefollowing question to the leader of the House of Commons Sir George Young at Parliamentary question time on 27[SUP]th[/SUP] October:

Speaking in Australia this week, President Kikwete of Tanzania urged investors in his country to reinvest the profits from their companies in his country. Unfortunately, as the Foreign and Commonwealth Office well knows, he is the same President Kikwete who is in thrall to the mediabaron Reginald Mengi and who has done nothing to give satisfaction to myconstituents Sarah and Stewart Hermitage, whose farm in Tanzania was stolen from them by Mr Mengi’s brother. Could we have a debate in Government time todiscuss not only the joys but the dangers of investing in Tanzania”?

Sir George Young replied:

“I amsorry to hear about that loss of property on the part of my Hon. Friend’sconstituents. I shall certainly raise the issue with the Foreign andCommonwealth Office—the FCO Minister for Europe, my right Hon. Friend theMember for Aylesbury (Mr Lidington), is in his place at the moment—and see whether there are any representations it can make to get justice for the people whose property was confiscated. “

The Commonwealth Business Forum was run concurrently with the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting at which Australian Prime Minister Ms Julian Gillard took over thethrone as chair of the Commonwealth stating “Commonwealth countries sharevalues of the rule of law and democracy”.

Roger Gale’s question does not sitcomfortably with President Kikwete’s commitment to Commonwealth ideals andnecessarily casts a doubt over Tanzania as a safe place for foreign investment.

Mr. Gales question can beread at the Parliamentary Hansard reports at the following link:
http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201011/cmhansrd/cm111027/debtext/111027-0002.htm
​

​

​

 

[Ragamuffin]

Speaking at theCommonwealth Business Forum in Perth, Australia this week President JakayaKikwete of Tanzania said that Africa had all the qualifications to be a globaleconomic powerhouse in the 21 century if the potentials in the continent wereeffectively developed.

The President emphasised the need for agricultural development stating “this needs huge investments by governments and the private sector in modern equipment, irrigation,use of quality seeds for higher productivity, use of pesticides andfertiliser.”

Whilst PresidentKikwete espoused the benefits of investing in Tanzania a British M.P. calledfor a parliamentary debate on the dangers of such investment referring to British nationals Stewart Middleton and Sarah Hermitage, investors in the agricultural sector in Tanzania forced to flee the country in 2008 due toharassment and intimidation facilitated by the State with the loss of theirentire investment together with the loss of 150 Tanzanian jobs.

Roger Gale posed the following question to the leader of the House of Commons Sir George Young at Parliamentary question time on 27[SUP]th[/SUP] October:

“Speaking in Australia this week, President Kikweteof Tanzania urged investors in his country to reinvest the profits from their companies in his country. Unfortunately, as the Foreign and Commonwealth Office well knows, he is the same President Kikwete who is in thrall to the media baron Reginald Mengi and who has done nothing to give satisfaction to my constituents Sarah and Stewart Hermitage, whose farm in Tanzania was stolen from them by Mr Mengi’s brother. Could we have a debate in Government time todiscuss not only the joys but the dangers of investing in Tanzania”?

Sir George Young replied:“I amsorry to hear about that loss of property on the part of my Hon. Friend’s constituents. I shall certainly raise the issue with the Foreign andCommonwealth Office—the FCO Minister for Europe, my right Hon. Friend theMember for Aylesbury (Mr Lidington), is in his place at the moment—and seewhether there are any representations it can make to get justice for the peoplewhose property was confiscated. “The Commonwealth Business Forum was run concurrently with the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting at which Australian Prime Minister Ms Julian Gillard took over thethrone as chair of the Commonwealth stating “Commonwealth countries sharevalues of the rule of law and democracy”.

Roger Gale’s question does not sit comfortably with President Kikwete’s commitment to Commonwealth ideals and necessarily casts a doubt over Tanzania as a safe place for foreign investment.

Mr. Gales question can beread at the Parliamentary Hansard reports at the following link:
http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201011/cmhansrd/cm111027/debtext/111027-0002.htm

 

[Catagena]

Naungana mkono na wewe sanjo, Investment is looting, na nchi yetu na nyingine nyingi zenye viongozi wanaowatetemekea wazungu zimekuwa sehemu za kupumzikia kwao, na pengine kupatia utajiri.

Na for the information every citizen, hasa wale ambao ama hawajawahi kabisa kufanya kazi na wazungu au hawajawahi kwenda kwenye nchi zao, jamaa wanatuona wajinga mno.

Wakimhonga mkubwa tu, basi wadogo mtakwisha.. na huwa wanatucheka mno. LET THEM KEEP THEIR DAMN COUNTRY AND LET'S KEEP OURS.

GO TO HELL EVERY PERSON WHO BLOWS A WHISTLE IN FAVOR OF WHITE MAN.

 

[Saint Ivuga]

waende zao waingereza hawa ,...wanapenda sana kuonea waafrica ..tukiwa kwao watuonee na hadi kwetu jamani?

 

[Mpita Njia]

kama wanakuja kutunyonya tuwqache tu? No way. kama ambavyo tunawapiga vita wanyinyaji wa ndeani, na hao wa nje hatutawavumilia pia, tena wao ndo zaidi

 

[Majoja]

Yaliyomo kwenye maelezo ya Sarah Hermitage yana mchanganyiko wa ukweli na uongo. Wawekezaji hawa walikutana na mjanja mwenzao akawazidi kete. Matokeo yake mahakama na vyombo vya dola vyote vimekuwa upande wa Benjamin Mengi.

Kitu kimoja Watanzania na Waafrika inatakiwa tukitambue ni kuwa "Uwekezaji ni Uporaji" (Investment is looting)(mbaya zaidi ni ule wa ardhi-maoni yangu Majoja). Tunaweza kutumia maneno mengi kuupamba uwekezaji lakini ukweli unabakia ule ule kuwa "Uwekezaji ni Uporaji". Hivyo, ni bora kuwekeza wenyewe ndani ya nchi yetu la tuendelee kukaribisha waporaji hawa ambao huingia na visingizio vingi ili kufanikisha lengo lao.

I could not agree better with you in this case.
Kuna waTanzania wankuwa taken for a ride kwa vile WANEPENDA kuwa taken for a ride.
For ease of reference for the naive young thinkers nawapa hii changamoto kwa wale walio refer hapa:

Financial Crimes and Development

Written Evidence Submitted by Sarah Hermitage​

"You should never publicly accept that corruption is there and you are going to accept it. You do not; you fight against it and you try to ensure that you have the sort of programmes that prevent it happening ……. a constant theme of any aid policy and foreign policy to make certain that we are not supporters of it and we are opposing corruption where we find it".

Lord Jay of Ewelme: The Select Committee on Economic Affairs 5th July 2011​

On the 19th of July 2011, the International Development Committee will hold a public evidence session where officials from the Department for International Development (DfID), BAE Systems and the Serious Fraud Office will give oral evidence on the future of £29.5 million that BAE Systems agreed to pay for the benefit of the people of Tanzania in settlement of charges arising from the sale of an air traffic control system.

Pressure is being brought to bear on the British Government to return these monies direct to the Tanzanian Government (monitored by DfID) as opposed to non-governmental organisations. This document argues that the BAE monies should not be returned directly to the Tanzanian government.

I further argue that some of DfID's own funds are misused in Tanzania, and that the Department may not be able properly to account for funds returned from BAE. "DfID puts a lot of money (and confidence) in general budget support. To the extent that the budget is the victim of looting and waste, then DFID money is wasted pro rata". (1)

Corruption is endemic in Tanzania. Professor Robert Picciotto of Kings College London recently stated to the House of Lords Economic Affairs Committee that "...building the capacity of the state has proven to be very important, precisely to create the market institutions, the rule of law and the protection of property rights on which the private sector depends." Despite massive aid to Tanzania, our own experience belies that government's commitment to upholding the rule of law, particularly where land and property rights are concerned.

What happened to us in Tanzania was brutal and facilitated by the state. The rule of law in Tanzania clearly failed us. Our case and others demonstrate a fundamental problem with access to justice and the protection of human rights in Tanzania. Tanzania still has the death penalty on its statute book.

This view is supported by the 2009 Human Rights report produced by the Tanzanian Legal and Human Rights Centre. In 2009 Transparency International (East African Bribery Index) named the Tanzanian judiciary the fourth most corrupt institution in the East Africa Region (Kenya, Tanzania & Uganda) and the 2010 US Department of State Human Rights Report declared the Tanzanian judiciary to be "corrupt and inefficient."

The 2009 Freedom House country report on Tanzania found that in cases involving the adjudication of private property rights (as in the Silverdale Farm case) the judiciary could not be relied upon to uphold the rule of law and that the interests of the economically powerful and politically well-connected would take precedence.

There are other numerous credible academic studies on the state of corruption in Tanzania, including those published by the DfID Africa Power and Politics Programme and in particular the study published by Brian Cooksey entitled ‘Public goods, rents and business in Tanzania.'
The U4 Anti-corruption Resource Centre cites the Tanzanian Auditor General in saying that no less than 20% of government expenditure is lost to corruption in Tanzania, and it is clear that corruption is getting worse, not better.

Tanzania has fallen 23 places in Transparency International's Corruption Perception Index in the last four years (placed 93rd in 2006 to 116 in 2010 out of 178 countries). Yet there is no evidence of the government's determination to tackle corruption. Not one senior official has been charged or imprisoned for corruption. The Tanzanian government has done nothing to bring those accepting monies in Tanzania in the BAE case to justice.

The question arises why the Tanzanians insist upon the return of money from BAE Systems directly to government. There is no shortage of resources in Tanzania and if the government wishes to raise revenue it can do so easily through a more efficient local taxation system. A good example is in the mining sector.

A study (‘Running with two legs:

Why poverty remains high In Tanzania and what to do about it' written by Lars Oberg and Amerakoon Bandara in May 2011, McCulloch Professor of Economics, Dalhousie University, Nova Scotia, Canada, and Economics Advisor, UNDP, Dar es Salaam, respectively) argues that if corporate tax had been paid on the 2010 revenue of Barrick Gold at the US Federal rate of 35%, the monies raised would have been in the region of 225 billion Tanzanian shillings, sufficient to fund a universal pension fund of all Tanzanians over the age of 65 at a rate of 10,000 Tanzanian shillings a month.

Clearly this amount of money could be spent in a number of ways with significant anti-poverty impact. A question arises why it has not been.
Given the extent of serious corruption in Tanzania, it would be naive to suggest that DfID could ensure that BAE monies paid to the Tanzanian government were properly spent.

Tanzania seeks foreign direct investment yet it has failed to create an appropriate environment. That failure necessarily reduces the impact of UK and other donor aid in promoting economic stability and reducing poverty. This submission is supported by the aforementioned study by Brian Cooksey which found "the quality of the country's infrastructure and economic regulation are among the major determinants of the investment and business environment facing local and external investors, and the rest of the economy, which is largely rural and informal."

In support of my submission, I particularly (but not exclusively) refer the Committee to our case in Tanzania known as the Silverdale Farm case. It is a case that should cause deep concern to members of the Committee and the British government.

It illustrates the flaws in Tanzania's approach to foreign investors, failings in governance and the rule of law and Tanzania's refusal to respond properly to official representations made on our behalf. I also refer the Committee to the attached reference to the Silverdale Farm case, by Sir Edward Clay in evidence to the Lords Economic Affairs Committee on 5th July.

In 2004, my husband Stewart Middleton and I invested in Tanzania. Between us, we have more than seventy years experience of living, working, and farming in Africa. We purchased a 45-year lease to Silverdale & Mbono farms, situated in the Hai District of the Kilimanjaro Region.

My husband strategically planned the rehabilitation of the farms to optimize their profitability and sustainability with a comprehensive agribusiness plan. At the heart of his plan was his desire to rehabilitate the property into a sustainable and profitable operation, to train and develop a skilled workforce that would persist long after his stewardship of the land.

His many years of experience in developing and managing farming projects within complex social, legal, and regulatory environments in developing economies in Africa and elsewhere made Stewart the ideal candidate to revive the property.

Within the first six months, Stewart's farming skills, significant financial investment and the creation and management of a dedicated staff, transformed the farms from derelict and commercially-unproductive land into a productive farming operation employing over 150 Tanzanians from the local community; growing and exporting more than eight tons of fine green beans to Europe weekly during harvest; and the first farms in Tanzania to earn EUREPGAP accreditation, a valuable farm classification that would allow us to tap into the profitable European Union market.
We purchased the lease to the farms from Benjamin Mengi, brother to Reginald Mengi, an influential media personality in the national and pan-African business community. The purchase of the lease complied fully with the laws of Tanzania and no court has set the sale aside.

Mr. Reginald Mengi sits on boards of international committees and has acted as the Chairman of Tanzania's National Board of Business Accountants and Auditors, Chairman of Tanzania's Chapter of the International Chamber of Commerce, and as Chairman of the Tanzanian Chapter of the Commonwealth Press Union. He is also a member of the Board of Management of the Commonwealth Business Council and sat on the Blair Commission for Africa.

To fully appreciate the background, it is important to understand Benjamin Mengi's powerful influence in local politics, business, and community affairs throughout the Kilimanjaro region. One need only look at the recent attendees of the funeral of Benjamin Mengi's wife, Millie Mengi, in 2010.

The hundreds of funeral attendees included a host of political and religious dignitaries, including President Jakaya Kikwete, Hai District Commissioner Dr. Norman Sigali, CCM Kilimanjaro Regional Chairman Vicky Nsilo Swai, Head of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Tanzania Bishop Martin Shao, Bishop Frederik Shoo, Arusha Diocese Bishop Thomas Laizer, and a number of other government leaders and representatives from various political parties. At the funeral, Reginald Mengi specifically thanked President Kikwete for being "a true friend."

One year after the assignment of our lease, Benjamin Mengi demanded it back, stating he had not been paid in full. In fact, he had signed a receipt for the monies. When we refused to return the lease, he stated that he would drive us out of Tanzania by any means, "cut to pieces in a coffin, if necessary" – a statement he made in front of the Regional Police Commander for the area.

A four-year campaign of violence and harassment was then unleashed against us, facilitated by the police and judiciary and involving a number of state institutions. This included:

· The refusal of the authorities to register our lease or recognise our Deed of Assignment;
· The destruction of commercial contracts;
· Violence to, and the imprisonment of, our key operational staff; and
· The repeated arrest, and ultimate imprisonment, of my husband on trumped-up charges.

A most destructive dynamic in this campaign was Mr. Mengi's use of the courts and judiciary to engage us in years of costly and vexatious litigation within a corrupt legal system, which crippled us financially and emotionally.

Former UK government ministers, Lord Malloch Brown and Margaret Becket, together with high profile business leaders and the wife of former UK
Prime Minister Tony Blair, Cherie Blair, have all raised this case with President Kikwete. On each occasion, President Kikwete has given his assurances that the rule of law would be applied to the case.

After five years of effort by the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and successive British High Commissioners to Tanzania, in June 2009 the Tanzanian government stated that we forged the lease to our farm, did not pay for the assignment of it, were not bona fide investors in Tanzania and had fled the country due to a court judgment against us.

The person who issued that particular statement was former Tanzanian High Commissioner to the UK, now Tanzania's Ambassador to the United States, Ms. Mwaindi Majaar. It is defamatory.

The fundamental issues our case illuminates are corruption and abuse of law. A simple choice faces the Tanzanian government: to support the rule of law and protect the lawful interests of bona fide investors, or to facilitate criminal behaviour, as in our case.

Albeit on a small scale, we had the opportunity to provide truly sustainable development in Tanzania and to improve the lives of the poor. We fled the country in 2008 as a result of threats to our lives and the presence of armed bandits on our farm with the loss of our entire investment.

Benjamin Mengi then invaded the farms, broke into our house, arrested our remaining staff and stole what remained of our property. The lease to the farms is now being offered up to another investor and we are being treated as if we never existed in Tanzania.

Our treatment is not an isolated phenomenon. Harassment and intimidation, including physical force have become more common in Tanzania. The authorities' failure to protect legitimate rights to property and personal security encourage the politics of envy and a growth of lawlessness.
As recently as 15th July 2011, rioters have turned on the Asian community in Mwanza in Northen Tanzania.

The Asians who were attacked spoke good Swahili and were born and brought up in Tanzania, where some Asian families have been in the country for more than 150 years. Buildings were attacked and a t least two vehicles were set ablaze with several others stoned , including a fire- fighting truck. Angry youths roamed the streets and stoned numerous buildings occupied by Tanzanians of Indian origin .

The Hindu temple windows were not spared as youths, mostly teenagers, made sure that anything owned by the Asians was destroyed . Despite the deployment of riot police, the onslaught on traders of A sian origin continued unabated and many were attacked physically while their shops were looted . (2)

Such behaviour is becoming more common in Tanzania. It abuses the human rights of people in the country - rights to which all are entitled, whether citizens or residents - and, holds back a country where extreme poverty is endemic, despite the high levels of aid donated to the country and high economic growth. The memory of Amin's Uganda resonates; can we really afford to ignore such abuses?

I respectfully suggest that HMG could promote the purposes of its aid programme by pressing for Tanzanian to extend to investors, domestic and foreign, the protection of the law and to create an environment conducive to commercial confidence.

Meanwhile, because sufficient doubt exists about the fiduciary risks involved in funding the Tanzanian government and about DfID's ability to monitor them it would be safer and more effective to return the BAE monies not direct to the Tanzanian government but to NGOs.

The Tanzanian poor deserve better of their own government and of donors. Abuses and failures of governance hit them harder than anyone. I urge the Committee to recall Thomas Rainsborough's words in 1647: "The poorest he that is in England hath a life to live as the greatest he".

Our Silverdale Farm case is neither special pleading nor unique: development will not change the lives of the very poor until such time as corruption is taken seriously in Tanzania both by the Tanzania government and by donors. "It is unfortunately the case that the more you dig, the more you find. The question is do we have the motivation to dig?" (3)
15th July 2011

©Parliamentary copyright

Prepared 9th August 2011

My Take:

Mods hii mada mmekuwa mkiifuta kila inapojitokeza, please lets discusss it to the fullest ili waTanzania tuweze kuelimika na matapeli wanaokuja kama "wawekezaji".

Hii ni presentation ya "mwekezaji" feki anayelalama kila kukicha kuwa anaonewa , na kwa vile kila anapoenda anashindwa ,kaamua kuipaka matope Tanzania ili "tukose wote"-tabia ya "kiswahili"(au kiingereza for that matter).

I will make clear on some inconsistencies in the presentation ya huyu "muwekezaji".

1. It is clear kwamba huyu mwekezaji ni over 70 years old na hawezi kuwa dynamic kama anavyodai ila ni mzee anayetafuta mahali pa kupumzikia kwenye joto Afrika.Kwa wale mliokaa northern hemisphere natumaini mtanielewa katika hili.
2. Wawekezaji hawa walinunua, kuinvest, kufundisha a dedicated staff, kuvuna, kujisajili kama profitable exporters wa green beans-ALL WITHIN SIX MONTHS!!!-huu ni uongo wa alinacha, uongo wa mchana.
3. Mwekezaji ALIUZIWA LEASE ya shamba LEGALLY, halafu anashindwa kuitetea LEGALLY to the point of being FINANCIALLY CRIPPLED kutokana na "costly and vexatious litigation within a corrupt legal system".Basically this is bullshit.
4. R.Mengi connection-sijaona connection ya ewezo wa Mengi na predicament ya huyu mwekezaji sana sana He/She is trying tocharacter assasinate to his advantage. Kwa bahati nzuri mimi nimekaa Uingereza , jamaa hawa wa visiwani ni "waswahili" mwisho.
5. Mwanza Riots-uongo mwingine ambao wala haukuwa na connection yoyote na wahindi bali mvutano ulikuwa kati ya machinga na Halmasjhauri ya Jiji la Mwanza, no racial problems were encountered as the lady is trying to paint.
6. Tatizo la huyu mwekezaji ni huyo mdogo wake Mengi, walichoelewana wanajua wenyewe walichorushana vile vile wanajua.To be they sound like machinga who have very little capital but loud mouths.

Watanzania wengi wako very naive,yes kuna wawekezaji lakini vile vile tuwe careful kuna wanaotafuta bahati zao, kuiba mali , ardhi na kutuweka waTanzania kama watu wajinga wajinga hivi nchini kwao.

Mimi ni muwekezaji and I speak from experience. Wengi tunafikiri kwa vile jamaa wanatoka europe basi wako geuinine.

Be careful.
Naona hapa hawa waekezaji wamepambana na mjanja mwenzao, otherwise haiwezekani nchi nzima inakuwa corrupt kwa vile wameshindwa kuvalidate their contract.

Tusisahau kuwa analalamika kwenye serikali yao iliyojihusisha kikamilifu kututapeli waTanzania katika sakata la RADAR, kwa kushirikiana na wanasiasa na matapeli ya kimataifa.

Do you think they have Tanzanians at heart, hell no!

 

[Ragamuffin]

Ndinani, nakubaliana na wewe, ninachopinga mimi, ni hii ya just one isolated kesi ya two individual people kudhulumiana, halafu kutaka kuturnish image ya nchi bungeni kwao ndio maana nikaseme waende zao.

Ila tukirudi klwenye hiyo kesi, nami nimeifuatilia kama wewe, mnyonge mnyongeni, haki yake mpeni!. Kweli hao wazungu kina Middleton ni wawekezaji uchwara, ila hizo pauni 100,000 ni pesa kweli, sio pesa uchwala, maana walizileta na wakaziwekeza, hiyo ni haki yao, walipwe haki yao na riba yake, tuachane nao kwa amani.

Hiyo ni kama issue ya dowans, Richmond ilikuwa kampuni hewa, hivyo mkataba wa kampuni hewa ni batili, kwa maana hiyo, Dowans, wamerithi kampuni hewa na mkataba batili, lakini yale majereta, ni majereta kweli, sio majereta hewa wala batili, na umeme uliofuliwa ni umeme kweli, sio umeme hewa wala umeme batili, hivyo ile tozo ya ICC ni klufidia genereta kweli na umeme kweli ulifuliwa na tulioutumia, lazima tulipe, piga ua galagaza, deni lazima tutalipa, hivyo Benjamin Mengi kuwatendea haki kina Middleton, azilipe zile pauni zao 100,000 walizowekeza tuwafungashe virago vyao wakatafute kwingine kwa kuwekeza.

Respectfully, if you think this is an isolated case, you may like to read the following:-

​

[h=1]Financial Crimes and Development[/h]

Written Evidence Submitted by Sarah Hermitage
​

"You should never publicly accept that corruption is there and you are going to accept it. You do not; you fight against it and you try to ensure that you have the sort of programmes that prevent it happening ……. a constant theme of any aid policy and foreign policy to make certain that we are not supporters of it and we are opposing corruption where we find it".

Lord Jay of Ewelme: The Select Committee on Economic Affairs 5th July 2011
​

On the 19th of July 2011, the International Development Committee will hold a public evidence session where officials from the Department for International Development (DfID), BAE Systems and the Serious Fraud Office will give oral evidence on the future of £29.5 million that BAE Systems agreed to pay for the benefit of the people of Tanzania in settlement of charges arising from the sale of an air traffic control system.
Pressure is being brought to bear on the British Government to return these monies direct to the Tanzanian Government (monitored by DfID) as opposed to non-governmental organisations. This document argues that the BAE monies should not be returned directly to the Tanzanian government.

I further argue that some of DfID’s own funds are misused in Tanzania, and that the Department may not be able properly to account for funds returned from BAE. "DfID puts a lot of money (and confidence) in general budget support. To the extent that the budget is the victim of looting and waste, then DFID money is wasted pro rata". (1)

Corruption is endemic in Tanzania. Professor Robert Picciotto of Kings College London recently stated to the House of Lords Economic Affairs Committee that "...building the capacity of the state has proven to be very important, precisely to create the market institutions, the rule of law and the protection of property rights on which the private sector depends." Despite massive aid to Tanzania, our own experience belies that government’s commitment to upholding the rule of law, particularly where land and property rights are concerned.

What happened to us in Tanzania was brutal and facilitated by the state. The rule of law in Tanzania clearly failed us. Our case and others demonstrate a fundamental problem with access to justice and the protection of human rights in Tanzania. Tanzania still has the death penalty on its statute book.

This view is supported by the 2009 Human Rights report produced by the Tanzanian Legal and Human Rights Centre. In 2009 Transparency International (East African Bribery Index) named the Tanzanian judiciary the fourth most corrupt institution in the East Africa Region (Kenya, Tanzania & Uganda) and the 2010 US Department of State Human Rights Report declared the Tanzanian judiciary to be "corrupt and inefficient." The 2009 Freedom House country report on Tanzania found that in cases involving the adjudication of private property rights (as in the Silverdale Farm case) the judiciary could not be relied upon to uphold the rule of law and that the interests of the economically powerful and politically well-connected would take precedence.

There are other numerous credible academic studies on the state of corruption in Tanzania, including those published by the DfID Africa Power and Politics Programme and in particular the study published by Brian Cooksey entitled ‘Public goods, rents and business in Tanzania.’
The U4 Anti-corruption Resource Centre cites the Tanzanian Auditor General in saying that no less than 20% of government expenditure is lost to corruption in Tanzania, and it is clear that corruption is getting worse, not better. Tanzania has fallen 23 places in Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index in the last four years (placed 93rd in 2006 to 116 in 2010 out of 178 countries). Yet there is no evidence of the government’s determination to tackle corruption. Not one senior official has been charged or imprisoned for corruption. The Tanzanian government has done nothing to bring those accepting monies in Tanzania in the BAE case to justice.

The question arises why the Tanzanians insist upon the return of money from BAE Systems directly to government. There is no shortage of resources in Tanzania and if the government wishes to raise revenue it can do so easily through a more efficient local taxation system. A good example is in the mining sector. A study (‘Running with two legs: Why poverty remains high In Tanzania and what to do about it’ written by Lars Oberg and Amerakoon Bandara in May 2011, McCulloch Professor of Economics, Dalhousie University, Nova Scotia, Canada, and Economics Advisor, UNDP, Dar es Salaam, respectively) argues that if corporate tax had been paid on the 2010 revenue of Barrick Gold at the US Federal rate of 35%, the monies raised would have been in the region of 225 billion Tanzanian shillings, sufficient to fund a universal pension fund of all Tanzanians over the age of 65 at a rate of 10,000 Tanzanian shillings a month.

Clearly this amount of money could be spent in a number of ways with significant anti-poverty impact. A question arises why it has not been.
Given the extent of serious corruption in Tanzania, it would be naive to suggest that DfID could ensure that BAE monies paid to the Tanzanian government were properly spent.

Tanzania seeks foreign direct investment yet it has failed to create an appropriate environment. That failure necessarily reduces the impact of UK and other donor aid in promoting economic stability and reducing poverty. This submission is supported by the aforementioned study by Brian Cooksey which found "the quality of the country’s infrastructure and economic regulation are among the major determinants of the investment and business environment facing local and external investors, and the rest of the economy, which is largely rural and informal."
In support of my submission, I particularly (but not exclusively) refer the Committee to our case in Tanzania known as the Silverdale Farm case. It is a case that should cause deep concern to members of the Committee and the British government. It illustrates the flaws in Tanzania’s approach to foreign investors, failings in governance and the rule of law and Tanzania’s refusal to respond properly to official representations made on our behalf. I also refer the Committee to the attached reference to the Silverdale Farm case, by Sir Edward Clay in evidence to the Lords Economic Affairs Committee on 5th July.

In 2004, my husband Stewart Middleton and I invested in Tanzania. Between us, we have more than seventy years experience of living, working, and farming in Africa. We purchased a 45-year lease to Silverdale & Mbono farms, situated in the Hai District of the Kilimanjaro Region.

My husband strategically planned the rehabilitation of the farms to optimize their profitability and sustainability with a comprehensive agribusiness plan. At the heart of his plan was his desire to rehabilitate the property into a sustainable and profitable operation, to train and develop a skilled workforce that would persist long after his stewardship of the land. His many years of experience in developing and managing farming projects within complex social, legal, and regulatory environments in developing economies in Africa and elsewhere made Stewart the ideal candidate to revive the property.

Within the first six months, Stewart’s farming skills, significant financial investment and the creation and management of a dedicated staff, transformed the farms from derelict and commercially-unproductive land into a productive farming operation employing over 150 Tanzanians from the local community; growing and exporting more than eight tons of fine green beans to Europe weekly during harvest; and the first farms in Tanzania to earn EUREPGAP accreditation, a valuable farm classification that would allow us to tap into the profitable European Union market.

We purchased the lease to the farms from Benjamin Mengi, brother to Reginald Mengi, an influential media personality in the national and pan-African business community. The purchase of the lease complied fully with the laws of Tanzania and no court has set the sale aside.
Mr. Reginald Mengi sits on boards of international committees and has acted as the Chairman of Tanzania’s National Board of Business Accountants and Auditors, Chairman of Tanzania’s Chapter of the International Chamber of Commerce, and as Chairman of the Tanzanian Chapter of the Commonwealth Press Union. He is also a member of the Board of Management of the Commonwealth Business Council and sat on the Blair Commission for Africa.

To fully appreciate the background, it is important to understand Benjamin Mengi’s powerful influence in local politics, business, and community affairs throughout the Kilimanjaro region. One need only look at the recent attendees of the funeral of Benjamin Mengi’s wife, Millie Mengi, in 2010. The hundreds of funeral attendees included a host of political and religious dignitaries, including President Jakaya Kikwete, Hai District Commissioner Dr. Norman Sigali, CCM Kilimanjaro Regional Chairman Vicky Nsilo Swai, Head of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Tanzania Bishop Martin Shao, Bishop Frederik Shoo, Arusha Diocese Bishop Thomas Laizer, and a number of other government leaders and representatives from various political parties. At the funeral, Reginald Mengi specifically thanked President Kikwete for being "a true friend."
One year after the assignment of our lease, Benjamin Mengi demanded it back, stating he had not been paid in full. In fact, he had signed a receipt for the monies. When we refused to return the lease, he stated that he would drive us out of Tanzania by any means, "cut to pieces in a coffin, if necessary" – a statement he made in front of the Regional Police Commander for the area.

A four-year campaign of violence and harassment was then unleashed against us, facilitated by the police and judiciary and involving a number of state institutions. This included:

·The refusal of the authorities to register our lease or recognise our Deed of Assignment;
·The destruction of commercial contracts;
·Violence to, and the imprisonment of, our key operational staff; and
·The repeated arrest, and ultimate imprisonment, of my husband on trumped-up charges.

A most destructive dynamic in this campaign was Mr. Mengi’s use of the courts and judiciary to engage us in years of costly and vexatious litigation within a corrupt legal system, which crippled us financially and emotionally.

Former UK government ministers, Lord Malloch Brown and Margaret Becket, together with high profile business leaders and the wife of former UK Prime Minister Tony Blair, Cherie Blair, have all raised this case with President Kikwete. On each occasion, President Kikwete has given his assurances that the rule of law would be applied to the case. After five years of effort by the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and successive British High Commissioners to Tanzania, in June 2009 the Tanzanian government stated that we forged the lease to our farm, did not pay for the assignment of it, were not bona fide investors in Tanzania and had fled the country due to a court judgment against us.

The person who issued that particular statement was former Tanzanian High Commissioner to the UK, now Tanzania’s Ambassador to the United States, Ms. Mwaindi Majaar. It is defamatory.

The fundamental issues our case illuminates are corruption and abuse of law. A simple choice faces the Tanzanian government: to support the rule of law and protect the lawful interests of bona fide investors, or to facilitate criminal behaviour, as in our case.

Albeit on a small scale, we had the opportunity to provide truly sustainable development in Tanzania and to improve the lives of the poor. We fled the country in 2008 as a result of threats to our lives and the presence of armed bandits on our farm with the loss of our entire investment. Benjamin Mengi then invaded the farms, broke into our house, arrested our remaining staff and stole what remained of our property. The lease to the farms is now being offered up to another investor and we are being treated as if we never existed in Tanzania.

Our treatment is not an isolated phenomenon. Harassment and intimidation, including physical force have become more common in Tanzania. The authorities’ failure to protect legitimate rights to property and personal security encourage the politics of envy and a growth of lawlessness.
As recently as 15th July 2011, rioters have turned on the Asian community in Mwanza in Northen Tanzania. The Asians who were attacked spoke good Swahili and were born and brought up in Tanzania, where some Asian families have been in the country for more than 150 years. Buildings were attacked and at least two vehicles were set ablaze with several others stoned, including a fire-fighting truck. Angry youths roamed the streets and stoned numerous buildings occupied by Tanzanians of Indian origin. The Hindu temple windows were not spared as youths, mostly teenagers, made sure that anything owned by the Asians was destroyed. Despite the deployment of riot police, the onslaught on traders of Asian origin continued unabated and many were attacked physically while their shops were looted. (2)

Such behaviour is becoming more common in Tanzania. It abuses the human rights of people in the country - rights to which all are entitled, whether citizens or residents - and, holds back a country where extreme poverty is endemic, despite the high levels of aid donated to the country and high economic growth. The memory of Amin’s Uganda resonates; can we really afford to ignore such abuses?
I respectfully suggest that HMG could promote the purposes of its aid programme by pressing for Tanzanian to extend to investors, domestic and foreign, the protection of the law and to create an environment conducive to commercial confidence. Meanwhile, because sufficient doubt exists about the fiduciary risks involved in funding the Tanzanian government and about DfID’s ability to monitor them it would be safer and more effective to return the BAE monies not direct to the Tanzanian government but to NGOs.

The Tanzanian poor deserve better of their own government and of donors. Abuses and failures of governance hit them harder than anyone. I urge the Committee to recall Thomas Rainsborough’s words in 1647: "The poorest he that is in England hath a life to live as the greatest he". Our Silverdale Farm case is neither special pleading nor unique: development will not change the lives of the very poor until such time as corruption is taken seriously in Tanzania both by the Tanzania government and by donors. "It is unfortunately the case that the more you dig, the more you find. The question is do we have the motivation to dig?" (3)

15th July 2011

 

[mashikolomageni]

Tunahitaji "Mugabe" wetu wa kuwaeleza ukweli hao wakoloni kuwa hatutakubali kila jambo wanalo kuja nalo hao "wawekezaji" walishindwa kufikia mkataba waliowekeana maana walikuja kitapeli tapeli tu

 

[mashikolomageni]

Waende zao hao wakoloni!

 

[BADILI TABIA]

wakwende zao.

 

[Unstoppable]

Hao wachina wanakutengenezea gari jipya siku mbili linachomoka tairi

Changman, kupewa bidhaa zilizochini ya kiwango kwa asilimia kubwa ni makosa yetu. Hatujawa au niseme hatuja-demand high standard products. Wachina hao hao wanatengeneza vifaa kwa nchi nyingine hasa magharibi lakini kilicho chini ya kiwango kinakataliwa. Wachina wanatengeneza poor quality products kwaajili ya nchi za Africa, lakini kwa nchi za magharibi system zao ziko in place; hivyo wanalazimika kutengeneza kutokana na std za nchi husika. Mimi sidhani kama system yetu inafanya kazi if at all ina exist. Kila bidhaa kwetu ni ruksa itapigwa vita majukwaani but not practically.

 

[Gama]

Pitia thread inayozungumzia scum ya Mengi na huyo mzungu uone uizi uliofanywa na famili ya mengi huku wakisaidiwa na dola. Tuamue sasa- tukiendelea na ukwepuzi huu genuine investors hawatakuja bali matapeli watakuja, na haishii hapo, tutashitakiwa kwenye mahakama za kimataifa na taifa litapata fedheha.

waende zao waingereza hawa ,...wanapenda sana kuonea waafrica ..tukiwa kwao watuonee na hadi kwetu jamani?

 

[Mbugi]

wakwende zao.

udhaifu wetu ndio huu sasa!! tukifanya hovyo tusisemwe! tukisemwa tumeonewa, ninashauri tujirekebishe tufuate taratibu na si kujichukulia sheria mkononi sawaaaaaaeeeeeeeeeeeeeee

 

[Ndinani]

kama wanakuja kutunyonya tuwqache tu? No way. kama ambavyo tunawapiga vita wanyinyaji wa ndeani, na hao wa nje hatutawavumilia pia, tena wao ndo zaidi

Kama mnajua wanakuja kuwanyonya kwanini mnapoteza muda na forex zenu kiduchu kuzunguka dunia nzima kutafuta hao mnaowaita wawekezaji? Mkweree sould be aware that" You cannnot eat your cake and still have it ."

 

[Ragamuffin]

Yaliyomo kwenye maelezo ya Sarah Hermitage yana mchanganyiko wa ukweli na uongo. Wawekezaji hawa walikutana na mjanja mwenzao akawazidi kete. Matokeo yake mahakama na vyombo vya dola vyote vimekuwa upande wa Benjamin Mengi.

Kitu kimoja Watanzania na Waafrika inatakiwa tukitambue ni kuwa "Uwekezaji ni Uporaji" (Investment is looting). Tunaweza kutumia maneno mengi kuupamba uwekezaji lakini ukweli unabakia ule ule kuwa "Uwekezaji ni Uporaji". Hivyo, ni bora kuwekeza wenyewe ndani ya nchi yetu la tuendelee kukaribisha waporaji hawa ambao huingia na visingizio vingi ili kufanikisha lengo lao.

You have absolutely no idea what you are talking about. Your comments are racist, biased and do no justice to your country. Sarah Hermitage and Stewart Middelton were fantastic investors. They cared more about their staff than they did about themselves and they were kind considerate and wholly ethical people.

Why is it that because someone is white you have to persitenly come out with the remarks that you have.

Get your facts right before you condemn people and as for fact and fiction, read the case !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

 

[Ragamuffin]

I think your rant says much more about you than I ever could!!!

You clealry know absolutely nothing about the case and therfore should keep your racisit mouth closed!!!!