Historia ya Ali Hassan Mwinyi kama Rais haiko wazi

Hana la zaidi atasema nyerere na kanisa katoliki walimbagua na hicho ndicho alichonacho kichwani.
Inside...
Ninayo mengi sijayachapa.

Bahati mbaya unakwepa ukweli kuwa nimeandika kitabu kilichobadili historia nzima ya uhuru wa Tanganyika unakimbilia mengine.

Ninayo mengi huyayajua kwa kuwa sijayachapa:

''In school Malima was known for his gift in mathematics, quick thinking, and sharp memory and for his power of quick grasping.

While in Tabora School teachers used to invite Malima a junior student to upper classes to demonstrate his mathematical skills to senior students.

Malima always obliged and solved very difficult mathematical problems and quizz to the amazement of both the seniors and his teachers.

In 1954 Julius Nyerere and a group of other patriots founded TANU with the aim of mobilising the people into a popular mass movement to fight for independence.

Malima responding to this wave of nationalism cut short his studies in 1957 while in Tabora School to join TANU and struggle for independence under the leadership of Julius Nyerere.''

Mwenzangu una nini kichwani mwako?
Mimi nina vitabu sijui hesabu yake na nina papers sijajua hesabu yake.

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HISTORIA YA UONGOZI YA ALI HASSAN MWINYI KAMA RAIS HAIKO WAZI

UTANGULIZI

Makala hii nimeiandika baada ya kuulizwa maswali baada ya kufanya kipindi cha Maisha ya Rais Ali Hassan Mwinyi na Afrika TV2.

Najaribu hapo chini kujieleza.

Katika kipindi hiki cha televisheni yapo mengi katika maisha ya Rais Ali Hassan Mwinyi ambayo hayakuzungumzwa.

Pengine hayakuzungumzwa kwa kuwa mtayarishaji wa kipindi alipenda kumjua Sheikh Ali Hassan Mwinyi kwa upande wake mmoja tu kama Rais Muislam.

Hakutaka kuniingiza katika siasa.

Kwa uhakika hapa ndipo alipokazia katika maswali yake.

Huu ni upande mmoja wa historia ya Rais Mwinyi.

Upo upande mwengine wa Rais Mwinyi katika utawala wake.

Upande huu wa utawala wake unazunguka ndani ya serikali, unazunguka ndani ya CCM na mwisho unazunguka ndani ya taasisi zote nchini zenye uhusiano wa kuendesha nchi ukianzia vyama vya siasa hadi "argencies."
Hizi ni "ecological factors," mfano wa viumbe wanavyo uhusiana mazingira wanayoishi.

Mathalan ndani ya mbuga kuna majani ambacho ni chakula cha swala na kuna simba ambae chakula chake ni swala.

Simba kama hakula swala na swala wakawa wengi zaidi na majani ni yale yale mbuga si muda mrefu itakuwa jangwa.

Mbuga ikiwa jangwa simba na swala wote wataathirika.

Humu ndimo ilipo historia nyingine ya Rais Ali Hassan Mwinyi.

Historia hii inasisimua.
Historia hii Rais Mwinyi hakuieleza katika kitabu chake, "Mzee Rukhsa Safari ya Maisha Yangu."

Historia si kama haipo kabisa lakini alipoigusia alipita pembeni kama vile hataki kukanyaga ukoka wake alioupanda na kuutunza vizuri.

Kwani ikiwa atapita katikati ya ukoka wake kuna hatari ya kutengeneza njia na wengine watapita.

Hawa wengine wakipita patakuwa njia na uzuri wa ukoka utapotea, utanywea na kuwa mfano wa majani ya kawaida yaliyokauka.

Bustani itapoteza haiba yake yaani itapoteza uzuri wake.

Mengi Rais Mwinyi kayanyamazia ndani ya kitabu chake.

Haya hayakuwa mambo ya kawaida.

Naamini waliokuwa karibu na yeye katika serikali na CCM walishangaa kuona yale mazito na muhimu kwake karashiarashia na mengine hakuyasema kamwe.

Mlango bado uko wazi kwa watafiti na wanafunzi wa historia kulijaza ombwe hili.
Hayo unayoona kayaficha ni sababu hakutaka tuyafahamu hivyo usiyataje bila ruhusa ya familia yake.
 
Nyerere yeye alikataa kabisa kabisa kuandika kitabu chake japo Taasisi nyingi zilikuwa tayari kufadhili mradi ule

kwa mfano angeandika vipi jinsi alivyofanikiwa kuwa na MoU na Israel kufundisha Intelijensia vijana wetu na ushirikiano kadhaa aliokuwa nao wakati huo huo hataki wawe ubalozi hapa kwetu kutokana na sera zao dhidi ya Wapalestina

aliwezaje kuwa Rafiki wa Marekani, China na Russia kwa wakati mmoja
Sasa rafiki wa China na Marekani si non-alignment movement hiyo?
 
Umeenda deep sana Mkuu wachache watakuelewa. Ila hizi tafiti na uandishi inahitajika maprofesa wa vyuo vikuu vyetu wajitafakari sana hasa juu ya nini dhima ya elimu na uwepo wao nchini.

Hatuna vitabu vya mambo mengi sana kwa kisingizio cha watanzania hawapendi kusoma vitabu, tuhuma ambazo pia nimekuja kugundua sio za kweli.
Ni kweli Watanzania wengi ni wavivu sana kusoma mambo ya maana.
 
HISTORIA YA UONGOZI YA ALI HASSAN MWINYI KAMA RAIS HAIKO WAZI

UTANGULIZI

Makala hii nimeiandika baada ya kuulizwa maswali baada ya kufanya kipindi cha Maisha ya Rais Ali Hassan Mwinyi na Afrika TV2.

Najaribu hapo chini kujieleza.

Katika kipindi hiki cha televisheni yapo mengi katika maisha ya Rais Ali Hassan Mwinyi ambayo hayakuzungumzwa.

Pengine hayakuzungumzwa kwa kuwa mtayarishaji wa kipindi alipenda kumjua Sheikh Ali Hassan Mwinyi kwa upande wake mmoja tu kama Rais Muislam.

Hakutaka kuniingiza katika siasa.

Kwa uhakika hapa ndipo alipokazia katika maswali yake.

Huu ni upande mmoja wa historia ya Rais Mwinyi.

Upo upande mwengine wa Rais Mwinyi katika utawala wake.

Upande huu wa utawala wake unazunguka ndani ya serikali, unazunguka ndani ya CCM na mwisho unazunguka ndani ya taasisi zote nchini zenye uhusiano wa kuendesha nchi ukianzia vyama vya siasa hadi "argencies."
Hizi ni "ecological factors," mfano wa viumbe wanavyo uhusiana mazingira wanayoishi.

Mathalan ndani ya mbuga kuna majani ambacho ni chakula cha swala na kuna simba ambae chakula chake ni swala.

Simba kama hakula swala na swala wakawa wengi zaidi na majani ni yale yale mbuga si muda mrefu itakuwa jangwa.

Mbuga ikiwa jangwa simba na swala wote wataathirika.

Humu ndimo ilipo historia nyingine ya Rais Ali Hassan Mwinyi.

Historia hii inasisimua.
Historia hii Rais Mwinyi hakuieleza katika kitabu chake, "Mzee Rukhsa Safari ya Maisha Yangu."

Historia si kama haipo kabisa lakini alipoigusia alipita pembeni kama vile hataki kukanyaga ukoka wake alioupanda na kuutunza vizuri.

Kwani ikiwa atapita katikati ya ukoka wake kuna hatari ya kutengeneza njia na wengine watapita.

Hawa wengine wakipita patakuwa njia na uzuri wa ukoka utapotea, utanywea na kuwa mfano wa majani ya kawaida yaliyokauka.

Bustani itapoteza haiba yake yaani itapoteza uzuri wake.

Mengi Rais Mwinyi kayanyamazia ndani ya kitabu chake.

Haya hayakuwa mambo ya kawaida.

Naamini waliokuwa karibu na yeye katika serikali na CCM walishangaa kuona yale mazito na muhimu kwake karashiarashia na mengine hakuyasema kamwe.

Mlango bado uko wazi kwa watafiti na wanafunzi wa historia kulijaza ombwe hili.
MBONA HISTORIA YAKE HIPO WAZI TU NI KULA NA KU KWA MIAKA KUMI FOR NOTHING HUYO NDIYO BABA WA UFISADI NA UHUNI SERIKALINI
 
HISTORIA YA UONGOZI YA ALI HASSAN MWINYI KAMA RAIS HAIKO WAZI

UTANGULIZI

Makala hii nimeiandika baada ya kuulizwa maswali baada ya kufanya kipindi cha Maisha ya Rais Ali Hassan Mwinyi na Afrika TV2.

Najaribu hapo chini kujieleza.

Katika kipindi hiki cha televisheni yapo mengi katika maisha ya Rais Ali Hassan Mwinyi ambayo hayakuzungumzwa.

Pengine hayakuzungumzwa kwa kuwa mtayarishaji wa kipindi alipenda kumjua Sheikh Ali Hassan Mwinyi kwa upande wake mmoja tu kama Rais Muislam.

Hakutaka kuniingiza katika siasa.

Kwa uhakika hapa ndipo alipokazia katika maswali yake.

Huu ni upande mmoja wa historia ya Rais Mwinyi.

Upo upande mwengine wa Rais Mwinyi katika utawala wake.

Upande huu wa utawala wake unazunguka ndani ya serikali, unazunguka ndani ya CCM na mwisho unazunguka ndani ya taasisi zote nchini zenye uhusiano wa kuendesha nchi ukianzia vyama vya siasa hadi "argencies."
Hizi ni "ecological factors," mfano wa viumbe wanavyo uhusiana mazingira wanayoishi.

Mathalan ndani ya mbuga kuna majani ambacho ni chakula cha swala na kuna simba ambae chakula chake ni swala.

Simba kama hakula swala na swala wakawa wengi zaidi na majani ni yale yale mbuga si muda mrefu itakuwa jangwa.

Mbuga ikiwa jangwa simba na swala wote wataathirika.

Humu ndimo ilipo historia nyingine ya Rais Ali Hassan Mwinyi.

Historia hii inasisimua.
Historia hii Rais Mwinyi hakuieleza katika kitabu chake, "Mzee Rukhsa Safari ya Maisha Yangu."

Historia si kama haipo kabisa lakini alipoigusia alipita pembeni kama vile hataki kukanyaga ukoka wake alioupanda na kuutunza vizuri.

Kwani ikiwa atapita katikati ya ukoka wake kuna hatari ya kutengeneza njia na wengine watapita.

Hawa wengine wakipita patakuwa njia na uzuri wa ukoka utapotea, utanywea na kuwa mfano wa majani ya kawaida yaliyokauka.

Bustani itapoteza haiba yake yaani itapoteza uzuri wake.

Mengi Rais Mwinyi kayanyamazia ndani ya kitabu chake.

Haya hayakuwa mambo ya kawaida.

Naamini waliokuwa karibu na yeye katika serikali na CCM walishangaa kuona yale mazito na muhimu kwake karashiarashia na mengine hakuyasema kamwe.

Mlango bado uko wazi kwa watafiti na wanafunzi wa historia kulijaza ombwe hili.
bila kuweka sakata la kuuza mbuga zetu za ngorongoro kwa warabu 1990s historia yako itakuwa dhaifu mno.
 
Kiranga umeandika mambo mengi muhimu nitadonyoa machache
1. Ni kweli tunahitaji wenye 'hazina' za Historia waandike kama ambavyo hadi leo watu wanatafiti kifo cha Rais Kennedy. Kwasasa ukitafuta vitabu vinavyomhusu Trump utapata zaidi ya 100 na kila kimoja kina jambo lake tofauti.
Ni kwa msingi huu, tuna mnasihi Mohamed kutosema ''Historia yake ni ya kweli' kwani ni kujimilikisha na hilo si sawa. Watu waandike wasomaji wataamua

2. Kwanini tuna vitabu vichache?
Pohamba kagusia vizuri sana. Viongozi wetu wanaogopa kuandika kwasababu ya vizazi vyao.
Mwinyi asingeweza kuandika yote wakati kijana wake alikuwa anavizia nafasi ya Urais Zanzibar.

Mzee Malecela anajua ya Bunge, alipoulizwa uwepo wa COVID-19 alikataa kujibu ingawa aliashiria uwepo wao si kisheria. Mzee alsema ''ili uwe Mbunge lazima uwe na chama'' akiulizwa wapo kimakosa aligoma.
Mzee Malecela anaogopa 'future' ya vizazi vyake, hawezi kusema yote

Dr Salim alijaribu kuandika, '' Wakamshauri' aondoe baadhi ya mambo . Tunajua alitaka kuzungumza siasa za Zanzibar, hilo likaonekana mwiba. Hili nalo ni tatizo la kuingiliwa na '' vyombo''.

3. Sababu nyingine ni mafao ya Viongozi. Hivi kwa mafao anayopata Ndugai unategemea ataandika kitabu gani?

VP, PM na Maspika wanaishi maisha ya 'peponi'', kwao kukaa kimya ni bora kwa sasa na vizazi vyao kuliko kuandika.
Uchawa hauishii kwa vijana, once a Chawa always a Chawa hadi uzeeni.
 
Kiranga umeandika mambo mengi muhimu nitadonyoa machache
1. Ni kweli tunahitaji wenye 'hazina' za Historia waandike kama ambavyo hadi leo watu wanatafiti kifo cha Rais Kennedy. Kwasasa ukitafuta vitabu vinavyomhusu Trump utapata zaidi ya 100 na kila kimoja kina jambo lake tofauti.
Ni kwa msingi huu, tuna mnasihi Mohamed kutosema ''Historia yake ni ya kweli' kwani ni kujimilikisha na hilo si sawa. Watu waandike wasomaji wataamua

2. Kwanini tuna vitabu vichache?
Pohamba kagusia vizuri sana. Viongozi wetu wanaogopa kuandika kwasababu ya vizazi vyao.
Mwinyi asingeweza kuandika yote wakati kijana wake alikuwa anavizia nafasi ya Urais Zanzibar.

Mzee Malecela anajua ya Bunge, alipoulizwa uwepo wa COVID-19 alikataa kujibu ingawa aliashiria uwepo wao si kisheria. Mzee alsema ''ili uwe Mbunge lazima uwe na chama'' akiulizwa wapo kimakosa aligoma.
Mzee Malecela anaogopa 'future' ya vizazi vyake, hawezi kusema yote

Dr Salim alijaribu kuandika, '' Wakamshauri' aondoe baadhi ya mambo . Tunajua alitaka kuzungumza siasa za Zanzibar, hilo likaonekana mwiba. Hili nalo ni tatizo la kuingiliwa na '' vyombo''.

3. Sababu nyingine ni mafao ya Viongozi. Hivi kwa mafao anayopata Ndugai unategemea ataandika kitabu gani?

VP, PM na Maspika wanaishi maisha ya 'peponi'', kwao kukaa kimya ni bora kwa sasa na vizazi vyao kuliko kuandika.
Uchawa hauishii kwa vijana, once a Chawa always a Chawa hadi uzeeni.
Tunahitaji kuandika zaidi, tunahitaji watu wengi tofauti tofauti waandike zaidi, tunahitaji mifumo yetu ya kitaifa ya kufungua habari na ku declassify nyaraka iwe mizuri zaidi.

Hivi karibuni nilikuwa naangalia digital archives za Dr. Salim Ahmed Salim, utashangaa kuona kuna habari nyingi sana ambazo kwa sasa hazikuwa na umuhimu wa juwa classified kama siri kubwa zikikuwa bado classified hivyo mpaka hivi karibuni. Mambo yametokea 1960s na 1970s huko.

Hapo wanatakiwa wati wasio na upande waanike wazi ukweli uko wapi.

Historia inakuwa na utata unaotaka kutatuliwa. Nilisoma "The Autobiography of Malcolm X: As Told to Alex Haley" tangu Tambaza Secondary, nikakipenda sana. Only to have Manning Marable come out with "Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention" to question and debunk a lot of what Haley wrote. Recently I learned there is another book "A Lie of Reinvention: Correcting Manning Marable's Malcolm X" by Jared Ball. I was like what is this, some sort of never ending nested Russian Matryoshka dolls?

Lakoni wenzetu wanajua kuandika historia kwa upana, yenye kuangalia pande nyingi na kukosoana vizuri na vibaya.

Maybe we need some comparative history to pique all the narratives in Tanzania.
 
Swali langu ni kweli Sheikh Thabit Kombo alikuwa akiaminiwa sana na Nyerere, je ni kwa sababu ya urafiki wao? Au kuaminiwa huko kulitokana na nini?

Ni kweli Thabit Kombo ndiye aliyependekeza Mwinyi awe mgombea Urais kutokea Zanzibar?
Ni kweli sababu Nyerere alikuwa hafanyi maamuzi yote bila kumuuliza.
Mwanzoni Nyerere alikuwa na jina lake ila aalipomfata Shekh Thabit Kombo alikuwa amelazwa KCMC ndiye alimpa jina la Mwinyi.
 
Mwinyi kwenye kitabu chake hakuweka majina ya wale vigogo waliokamatwa na Mrema uwanja wa ndege ndio maana kunaibuka watu na story za kutunga kuwa walikuwa fulani au fulani.
 
Tunahitaji kuandika zaidi, tunahitaji watu wengi tofauti tofauti waandike zaidi, tunahitaji mifumo yetu ya kitaifa ya kufungua habari na ku declassify nyaraka iwe mizuri zaidi.
Sikumbuki siku niliyosikia kuna habari zimekuwa declassified hapa Tanzania. Kwa nchi za wenzetu hiyo ni habari ili wachambuzi na wachunguzi wajue habari zinazopatikana. Hivi tuna mfumo rasmi wa ku-declassify info?

Watu wengi kuandika inatoa maarifa zaidi. Kwa mfano suala la Mapinduzi ya Zanzibar linaelezwa kwa urangi zaidi ya uhalisia. Wenye unasaba na Waarabu wanasema Mapinduzi ni haramu na ni kazi ya Nyerere.
Wenye unasababu na Umatumbi wanasema hapana ni halali na yataadhimishwa na kulindwa kwa nguvu

Wanaokataa Mapinduzi wamefanikiwa sana kwasababu wameandika Vitabu na makala. Wanaoyaenzi Mapinduzi wamebaki na yao moyoni. Mwinyi katika Kitabu chake hakueleza nini kilitokea, lakini pia tumefahamu kwamba hakuwa miongoni mwa 12. Kwahiyo hatujasikia upande wa pili kwa sauti . Tunahitaji watu waandike zaidi.

Vita ya Kagera imepotea hivi hivi. Walioongoza akina Jen Msuya, Lt Gen Kiwelu, Gen. Mayunga, Gen. Walden ni Marehemu. Waliobaki ni wachache sana akiwemo Brig Gen Ambrose Bayeke. Kuna kila sababu ya waliohusika au waliokuwa karibu kuandika kuhusu experience zao.
Lakini pia JWT liwe tayari kufungua milango kwa waandishi tofauti watakaokuwa na source tofauti
Hivi karibuni nilikuwa naangalia digital archives za Dr. Salim Ahmed Salim, utashangaa kuona kuna habari nyingi sana ambazo kwa sasa hazikuwa na umuhimu wa juwa classified kama siri kubwa zikikuwa bado classified hivyo mpaka hivi karibuni. Mambo yametokea 1960s na 1970s huko.
Hapo wanatakiwa wati wasio na upande waanike wazi ukweli uko wapi.
Pale kwa Salim Ahmed, yamekatazwa mengi yasiandikwe. Familia yake haikuwa na tatizo kwasababu haishi kwa Uchawa. Tatizo ni CCM waliona akisema yote yale ya uvunguni yatajulikana, wanataka kila jambo chini ya Carpet kama walivyomtenda Lowassa.
Maybe we need some comparative history to pique all the narratives in Tanzania.
Ukweli ni kwamba tunahitaji sana
 
Sikumbuki siku niliyosikia kuna habari zimekuwa declassified hapa Tanzania. Kwa nchi za wenzetu hiyo ni habari ili wachambuzi na wachunguzi wajue habari zinazopatikana. Hivi tuna mfumo rasmi wa ku-declassify info?

Watu wengi kuandika inatoa maarifa zaidi. Kwa mfano suala la Mapinduzi ya Zanzibar linaelezwa kwa urangi zaidi ya uhalisia. Wenye unasaba na Waarabu wanasema Mapinduzi ni haramu na ni kazi ya Nyerere.
Wenye unasababu na Umatumbi wanasema hapana ni halali na yataadhimishwa na kulindwa kwa nguvu

Wanaokataa Mapinduzi wamefanikiwa sana kwasababu wameandika Vitabu na makala. Wanaoyaenzi Mapinduzi wamebaki na yao moyoni. Mwinyi katika Kitabu chake hakueleza nini kilitokea, lakini pia tumefahamu kwamba hakuwa miongoni mwa 12. Kwahiyo hatujasikia upande wa pili kwa sauti . Tunahitaji watu waandike zaidi.

Vita ya Kagera imepotea hivi hivi. Walioongoza akina Jen Msuya, Lt Gen Kiwelu, Gen. Mayunga, Gen. Walden ni Marehemu. Waliobaki ni wachache sana akiwemo Brig Gen Ambrose Bayeke. Kuna kila sababu ya waliohusika au waliokuwa karibu kuandika kuhusu experience zao.
Lakini pia JWT liwe tayari kufungua milango kwa waandishi tofauti watakaokuwa na source tofauti

Pale kwa Salim Ahmed, yamekatazwa mengi yasiandikwe. Familia yake haikuwa na tatizo kwasababu haishi kwa Uchawa. Tatizo ni CCM waliona akisema yote yale ya uvunguni yatajulikana, wanataka kila jambo chini ya Carpet kama walivyomtenda Lowassa.

Ukweli ni kwamba tunahitaji sana
Ibara ya 18 ya katiba inaelezea haki ya kupata habari ya kila Mtanzania.

Access to Information Act ya 2016 pia imeelezwmea vizuri wigo wa habari ambazo umma una haki ya kupata ili kustawisha uwazi na uwajibikaji na mambo mengine kama kuweka rekodi na historia wazi.

Tatizo, kama alivyosema Jaji Mkuu, sheria nzuri zinaweza zisifanye kazi kwa sababu ya utamaduni mbaya. Hivyo sielewi hizo sheria kama zinatumika ku declassify information.

Kwenye mapinduzi ya Zanzibar nilikuwa nimezoea zile habari za "Mapinduzi Daima" za kina Sheikh Karume na Kanali Seif Bakari mpaka Komando Salmin Amour Jumaa tulizokuwa tunaziona TVZ, baadaye nikaja kumsoma Harith Ghassany katika "Kwa Heri Ukolini, Kwa Heri Uhuru!" nikaona kuna narrative nyingine kubwa tu na tofauti. Ukweli ni kwamba pande zote zinaongeza chumvi na tunahitaji historia zaidi ziandikwe kupata uhakiki wa kutupa uhalisia zaidi.

Kwenye vita vya Kagera nilikuwa naongea na familia ya Jenerali Muhidini Kimario, Mzee wao alikuwa anaandika kitu, bahati mbaya alifariki kabla ile project haijamalizika sijui aliishia wapi.

Tunahitaji sana ku document haya mambo, kama si kuandika hata kuchukua video tu, hususan mazungumzo na hawa wazee ambao wengi wanatuacha kimoja na wakiondoka kuna mambo mengi hayapo hata kwenye nyaraka.

Wabongo wengi hata historia za familia tu ukirudi nyuma kuvuka 1900 ni msukosuko kufuatilia.

Inanikumbusha kitabu kimoja cha historia ya familia ya Obama, kinaitwa "The Obamas: The Untold Story of an African Family" cha Peter Firstbrook. Jamaa kajitahidi kuzama kwenye historia ya ukoo wa Obama karudi mpaka 1245 huko.

Sasa mwanzo kabisa kaweka family trees za baba na mama yake Obama. Upande wa mama hauna shida sana, family tree hapa karibuni imekaa vizuri.

Sasa, ukienda kwa Wajaluo huko, ukianza kufika 1890s tu, alama za kuukiza kwenye miaka zinakuwa nyingi sana.

Sasa, watu wa enzi hizo tunaweza kusema hawakuwa katika dunia ya kuandika, habari zao zilikuwa kwenye oral tradition zaidi. Hiyo ndiyo excuse yao.

Sisi leo, hatuna excuse yoyote.

Kwa mfano, nani kaandika kuhusu urais wa Kikwete na Mkapa extensively? Vipi kuhusu wa Magufuli? Tunatakiwa tuandike mambo mapema wakati kumbukumbu zipo na ushahidi haujaharibika bado.
 
Kiranga umeandika mambo mengi muhimu nitadonyoa machache
1. Ni kweli tunahitaji wenye 'hazina' za Historia waandike kama ambavyo hadi leo watu wanatafiti kifo cha Rais Kennedy. Kwasasa ukitafuta vitabu vinavyomhusu Trump utapata zaidi ya 100 na kila kimoja kina jambo lake tofauti.
Ni kwa msingi huu, tuna mnasihi Mohamed kutosema ''Historia yake ni ya kweli' kwani ni kujimilikisha na hilo si sawa. Watu waandike wasomaji wataamua

2. Kwanini tuna vitabu vichache?
Pohamba kagusia vizuri sana. Viongozi wetu wanaogopa kuandika kwasababu ya vizazi vyao.
Mwinyi asingeweza kuandika yote wakati kijana wake alikuwa anavizia nafasi ya Urais Zanzibar.

Mzee Malecela anajua ya Bunge, alipoulizwa uwepo wa COVID-19 alikataa kujibu ingawa aliashiria uwepo wao si kisheria. Mzee alsema ''ili uwe Mbunge lazima uwe na chama'' akiulizwa wapo kimakosa aligoma.
Mzee Malecela anaogopa 'future' ya vizazi vyake, hawezi kusema yote

Dr Salim alijaribu kuandika, '' Wakamshauri' aondoe baadhi ya mambo . Tunajua alitaka kuzungumza siasa za Zanzibar, hilo likaonekana mwiba. Hili nalo ni tatizo la kuingiliwa na '' vyombo''.

3. Sababu nyingine ni mafao ya Viongozi. Hivi kwa mafao anayopata Ndugai unategemea ataandika kitabu gani?

VP, PM na Maspika wanaishi maisha ya 'peponi'', kwao kukaa kimya ni bora kwa sasa na vizazi vyao kuliko kuandika.
Uchawa hauishii kwa vijana, once a Chawa always a Chawa hadi uzeeni.
Nguruvi3,
''...tuna mnasihi Mohamed kutosema ''Historia yake ni ya kweli' kwani ni kujimilikisha na hilo si sawa. Watu waandike wasomaji wataamua.''

Mnaninasihi.
Sijui kwa nini unawajumuisha na watu wengine katika kauli yako hii.

Kwa ni isiwe wewe ndiye unanisihi?

Mimi ninaposema kuwa haya ninayosema ni kweli sababu ni kuwa nayajua ukweli wake.

Ama hili la wasomaji kuamua kama nasema kweli au uongo hili sijaghafilika nalo wala sina shaka na hilo.

Wasomaji wengi wanaamini kwa yote niliyoandika.

Haya niliyoandika wahusika wakuu walikuwa hai na wamesoma na wale walioona wamesoma na hakuna aliyesema kuwa nimesema uongo.

Nakuwekea hapo chini taazia niliyomwandikia Augustino Mrema.

Ndani ya taazia hii nimekuchanganyia mambo.

Mambo haya yatakusaidia kuelewa mengi ambayo naamini hukupata kuyasikia wala kuyajua kabla ya kuyasoma kutoka kwangu:

TAAZIA: AUGUSTINO MREMA (1944 - 2022)
Mohamed Mlamali Adam alimwandikia taazia Thabit Kombo alipofariki.

Kalamu ya Mlamali akiandika kwa lugha yeyote iwe Kiswahili au Kiingereza inastarehesha lakini pia inaumiza kwani inakata kama upanga wa Sayyidna Ali.

Naisoma taazia na kuirejea mara mbili mbili.

Nairejea kwa sababu inanitatiza.

Hii ni taazia au makala ya kawaida tu?

Najiuliza.

Taazia inapitisha kichwani mwangu maisha ya mwanasiasa mkubwa katika historia ya mapinduzi ya Zanzibar lakini sioni kitu hiki ndani ya taazia.

Haikuwa taazia kama taazia zilivyozoeleka kuandikwa.

Kwa nini?

Ninachokiona kinalingana na maneno ya Cassius katika Julius Caesar anapomweleza Brutus ukubwa wa Colossus (sanamu kubwa la mtu) na akilifananisha hilo Colossus na na kiongozi wa Roma, Julius Caesar.

Najiuliza Mlamali anataka kutupa ujumbe gani katika maisha ya Thabit Kombo?

Mimi nalijua Colossus na nayajua maneno ya Cassius:

CASSIUS: Why, man, he doth bestride the narrow world
Like a Colossus, and we petty men
Walk under his huge legs and peep about
To find ourselves dishonorable graves.
Men at some time are masters of their fates.
The fault, dear Brutus, is not in our stars,
But in ourselves, that we are underlings.

(Sawa kwani aitagaa dunia finyu hii
Kama jitu na sisi vijitu vidogo twapita
Chini ya miguu yake na kuchungulia kote
Na kujikuta katika makaburi ya fedheha.

Watu wakati mwingine hutawala sudi zao.

Lawama, mpenzi Brutus, si la nyota zetu
Kwamba tu watu wa chini, bali ni letu wenyewe).

(Kutoka tafsiri ya Julius Nyerere ya ''Julius Caesar,'' (1963).

Mwalimu Nyerere katafsiri ''Colossus,'' kama ''Jitu.''

Kuna mtu alipata kusema kuwa katika tafsiri hii Mwalimu alifanya kazi ndogo sana na tafsiri yote ilimwelemea Sheikh Abdillah Nasir aliyekuwa Mkurugenzi wa Oxford University Press (OUP), Nairobi.

OUP walihamaki sana kwa kauli hii kiasi huyu mwalimu wangu juu ya kuwa alikuwa na msaada mkubwa kwao walimtoa kwenye jopo la kuandika Kamusi ya Kiswahili.

Nilikwenda kumtembelea Sheikh Abdillah Nasir nyumbani kwake Mombasa miaka michache iliyopita na nikamuuliza kuhusu hili.

Sheikh alicheka sana.
Turejee kwa Augustino Mrema.

Siasa za Afrika ukizitafuta katika kitabu kama hicho hapo juu utazikuta humo.

Unachohitaji kufanya ni wewe ujifunze kutafsiri maneno na matukio.

Shakespeare anazungumza kuhusu ''majitu,'' na ''vijitu'' na wale wadogo na wanyonge, watu dhaifu walioko chini miguuni, watu wasio na sauti wala watu wa kuwatetea.

Sasa kinapotokea kifo cha mtu aliyekuwa mkubwa akawa na sauti watu haraka humkumbuka kwa yale yake.

Kuhusu Thabit Kombo alipokufa Mlamali aliandika maneno haya:

‘’The death of Thabit Kombo reminds one of other old grand venerable founding fathers of the ruling party in Tanzania.

The good Samatitan John Rupia whose property was later nationalised.

The nice cheerful Mzee Sampat who toiled for measly wages and died a poor man.

The Sweet Abdul Sykes who risked his job as Market Master under colonial government in order to set up the party.

And others.

They have passed away, their dedication and love of country not quite fully requited.

Thabit, however, has all along had it good.

Neither his power and reputation nor his immense wealth were ever assailed.

How did he do it?’’

(Africa Events October 1986).

Si bure kuwa Mlamali kawataja watu watatu kutaka watu wafanye ulinganisho katika yale waliyoifanyia nchi yao bila kutaka kufaidika binafsi.

Kamtaja John Rupia, Mzee Sampat na Abdul Sykes.

Ikiwa ulipata kuwajua wazalendo hawa utaelewa Mlamali amekusudia kusema kitu gani.

Ukisoma kitabu cha Rais Ali Hassan Mwinyi, ''Mzee Rukhsa Safari ya Maisha Yangu,'' (2021) Rais Mwinyi kamweleza Augustino Mrema (uk. 269 - 273) kwa njia ambayo msomaji atajiuliza ashike lipi?

Kipi msomaji aamini kuwa hivi ndivyo alivyokuwa Mrema?

Mimi nilijiuliza.

Mrema anaingia wapi katika ile kauli ya Cassius ya, ''Jitu'' na ''Vijitu?''

Rais Mwinyi anasema katika kumbukumbu zake kuwa Augustino Mrema ilifikia wakati akiwa Waziri wa Mambo ya Ndani na Makamu Waziri Mkuu aliweza kumfunika Rais wa Jamhuri wa Muungano wa Tanzania (uk. 270).

Katika utawala wa Rais Mwinyi na uhusiano wake na Augustino Mrema ni pale Mrema alipopambana na Waislam kutokana na sakata la kuvunjwa kwa mabucha yaliyokuwa yanauza nyama ya nguruwe ndiko hakika unaweza kusema hapo ndipo Rais Mwinyi alipopokonywa madaraka na nguvu zake kama Rais.

Sakata hili liliwaumiza watu wengi sana.

Mmoja katika hao alikuwa marehemu Sheikh Kassim Juma mtu aliyekuwa rafiki wa Rais aliyekamatwa akiwa njiani akielekea Nairobi kwenye matibabu.

Nyakati zilikuwa ngumu kwa Waislam.

Kwa mara ya kwanza Waislam waliandamana na kupambana na vyombo vya dola katika mitaa ya Dar es Salaam, Mrema akiwa hayuko mbali katika fikra na vinywa vyao.

Katika kitabu chake Rais Mwinyi kamsifia Mrema.

Mrema alipoamua kujitoa CCM na kuhamia upinzani gazeti la CCM Uhuru, gazeti la chama ambacho Rais Mwinyi alikuwa mwenyekiti wake lilimtangaza na kumpamba Mrema vizuri ukurasa wa mbele kwa wino mweusi uliokoza.

Mrema kwa hili akawa kasimama pazuri sana kwani alikuwa msumari wa moto juu ya kidonda cha Rais Mwinyi.

Rais Mwinyi alipata kumfananisha Mrema na kichwa cha gramophone kilichokwama kwenye santuri iliyomeguka pale alipokuwa akimshambulia yeye katika kesi iliyokuwa mashuhuri ya Chavda.

Mrema kama alivyopanda ghafla na ghafla akafifia aste aste yaani kwa taratibu akawa kama vile hakupata hata kuwepo.

Pamoja na yeye na chama chake ambacho Mrema alikuwa mwenyekiti, nacho kikawa pembeni kikimsindikiza kutoweka pazia lilipoanza kujifunga na wale waliokuwa ukumbini wakiangalia onesho wakinyanyuka vitini kutoka nje ya ukumbi.

Cassius alipata kuzungumza kuhusu "Vijitu," wakichungulia chini ya miguu mikubwa ya "Jitu."

Kipande hiki katika mchezo maarufu wa William Shakespeare, ''Julius Caesar,'' ni
moja ya vipande ninavyovipenda sana.

Tumuage Augustino Mrema kwa salama kwani juu ya yote kaisaidia Tanzania
kujielewa na kuielewa historia yake kwani juu ya yote aliyofanya, Rais Mwinyi kiongozi mkuu wa serikali aliyoitumikia kisha akaiasi kamsifia kwa maneno haya:

''Pamoja na hila zote alizozifanya ili kujisogeza kwenye barabara ya kuendea kwenye urais, Mrema alifanya mengi mazuri katika enzi ya utawala wangu.
Sina budi kukiri deni la hisani kwangu - kama si kwa nia njema basi kwa vitendo vyake.''

Buriani Augustino Lyatonga Mrema.

Nguruvi3,
Naamini kuna mengi hukuwa unayajua.

Ulipata kumsikia Mzee Sampant akitajwa katika historia ya TANU?

Ulipata kusikia historia ya Abdul Sykes anaunda TANU akiwa Market Master Kariakoo?

Umesoma popote historia hii.

Siku zote historia ya TANU na uhuru wa Tanganyika ilikuwa inaanza na Julius Nyerere.

Mlamali alipomtaja Mzee Sampat au Abdul Sykes tumsihi aseme kweli?

1711088565923.jpeg
 
I am
Ibara ya 18 ya katiba inaelezea haki ya kupata habari ya kila Mtanzania.

Access to Information Act ya 2016 pia imeelezwmea vizuri wigo wa habari ambazo umma una haki ya kupata ili kustawisha uwazi na uwajibikaji na mambo mengine kama kuweka rekodi na historia wazi.

Tatizo, kama alivyosema Jaji Mkuu, sheria nzuri zinaweza zisifanye kazi kwa sababu ya utamaduni mbaya. Hivyo sielewi hizo sheria kama zinatumika ku declassify information.

Kwenye mapinduzi ya Zanzibar nilikuwa nimezoea zile habari za "Mapinduzi Daima" za kina Sheikh Karume na Kanali Seif Bakari mpaka Komando Salmin Amour Jumaa tulizokuwa tunaziona TVZ, baadaye nikaja kumsoma Harith Ghassany katika "Kwa Heri Ukolini, Kwa Heri Uhuru!" nikaona kuna narrative nyingine kubwa tu na tofauti. Ukweli ni kwamba pande zote zinaongeza chumvi na tunahitaji historia zaidi ziandikwe kupata uhakiki wa kutupa uhalisia zaidi.

Kwenye vita vya Kagera nilikuwa naongea na familia ya Jenerali Muhidini Kimario, Mzee wao alikuwa anaandika kitu, bahati mbaya alifariki kabla ile project haijamalizika sijui aliishia wapi.

Tunahitaji sana ku document haya mambo, kama si kuandika hata kuchukua video tu, hususan mazungumzo na hawa wazee ambao wengi wanatuacha kimoja na wakiondoka kuna mambo mengi hayapo hata kwenye nyaraka.

Wabongo wengi hata historia za familia tu ukirudi nyuma kuvuka 1900 ni msukosuko kufuatilia.

Inanikumbusha kitabu kimoja cha historia ya familia ya Obama, kinaitwa "The Obamas: The Untold Story of an African Family" cha Peter Firstbrook. Jamaa kajitahidi kuzama kwenye historia ya ukoo wa Obama karudi mpaka 1245 huko.

Sasa mwanzo kabisa kaweka family trees za baba na mama yake Obama. Upande wa mama hauna shida sana, family tree hapa karibuni imekaa vizuri.

Sasa, ukienda kwa Wajaluo huko, ukianza kufika 1890s tu, alama za kuukiza kwenye miaka zinakuwa nyingi sana.

Sasa, watu wa enzi hizo tunaweza kusema hawakuwa katika dunia ya kuandika, habari zao zilikuwa kwenye oral tradition zaidi. Hiyo ndiyo excuse yao.

Sisi leo, hatuna excuse yoyote.

Kwa mfano, nani kaandika kuhusu urais wa Kikwete na Mkapa extensively? Vipi kuhusu wa Magufuli? Tunatakiwa tuandike mambo mapema wakati kumbukumbu zipo na ushahidi haujaharibika bado.
Iam the state nasemaje kuhusu JIWE?
 
I am

Iam the state nasemaje kuhusu JIWE?
Sijakisoma, nakitafuta, ila kinamponda sana kwa kuangalia hii review yake.

"I Am The State: A President Whispers From Chato"

Book overview
IN several of his scholarly presentations and public addresses, renowned law professor Issa Shivji is on record quoting Tanzania’s first President Mwalimu Julius Nyerere hinting to parliamentarians on the possibility of the country’s Constitution breeding a dictator, if enormous powers vested in the president were not exercised judiciously.

And, the dictator landed in 2015 through the General Election; under the same political party, but most importantly, under the same Constitution we were warned could breed a dictator. He ruled by decree. He speedily influenced legislation of harsher laws. He resuscitated the illegal laws that had been silenced by internal civic movement and good leadership spirit. He seized the pulpit from which to repeatedly preach that he was a clean man and redeemer of the wretched (mkombozi wa wanyonge).

This is none other than John Pombe Joseph Magufuli who died on 17 March 2021 after he had ruled Tanzania for five years and three months. He acted like any other imperial president and with great disregard for the rule of law. His wish became the law – feared by his aides and opponents on equal footing; and the resultant fear bred flattery sycophancy and ignominy.
His ruthless crackdown on opposition parties, media, civil societies, academics, and independent thought led to terror behind which immense corrupt practices were committed; indeed, with impunity. And, one face of his corrupt practices is witnessed in the grabber attitude and deed manifest in the “development projects” he instituted at Chato, his place of birth, which define him as a self-aggrandizer.

This book is one of the pieces of evidence of the corruption entailed in the five-year Magufuli administration (2015-2021). It highlights how the big projects in Chato were made to sprout at fast speed; and how most of them were quickly withering after his sudden death.
One would ask how on earth the executive arm had managed to sit on the heads of other branches of powers – the legislature and judiciary? Or what ate their hearts and souls and made them forget their roles and oaths such that all had to bow, bend and creep at the voice of their equal? How did the legislature – itself guardian of free speech – abandon its duty and engage in threatening and gagging citizens?

In a situation where the head of the executive silenced everybody – media, parliament, judiciary and citizens – and employed halfwits to keep him informed as he turned himself into the only national source of information from which media must go to collect details on what he decides to feed the nation with – then you know for sure freedom was no longer free – you have had to pay the price and you have had to sacrifice for your liberty.

With us, and today, it begins with the demand for a new Constitution that will never give us a dictator. We take an oath to work with everybody who is ready to sacrifice for freedom. This book may influence thinking and action and make us vow never to let go without the People’s Constitution.
 
HISTORIA YA UONGOZI YA ALI HASSAN MWINYI KAMA RAIS HAIKO WAZI

UTANGULIZI

Makala hii nimeiandika baada ya kuulizwa maswali baada ya kufanya kipindi cha Maisha ya Rais Ali Hassan Mwinyi na Afrika TV2.

Najaribu hapo chini kujieleza.

Katika kipindi hiki cha televisheni yapo mengi katika maisha ya Rais Ali Hassan Mwinyi ambayo hayakuzungumzwa.

Pengine hayakuzungumzwa kwa kuwa mtayarishaji wa kipindi alipenda kumjua Sheikh Ali Hassan Mwinyi kwa upande wake mmoja tu kama Rais Muislam.

Hakutaka kuniingiza katika siasa.

Kwa uhakika hapa ndipo alipokazia katika maswali yake.

Huu ni upande mmoja wa historia ya Rais Mwinyi.

Upo upande mwengine wa Rais Mwinyi katika utawala wake.

Upande huu wa utawala wake unazunguka ndani ya serikali, unazunguka ndani ya CCM na mwisho unazunguka ndani ya taasisi zote nchini zenye uhusiano wa kuendesha nchi ukianzia vyama vya siasa hadi "argencies."
Hizi ni "ecological factors," mfano wa viumbe wanavyo uhusiana mazingira wanayoishi.

Mathalan ndani ya mbuga kuna majani ambacho ni chakula cha swala na kuna simba ambae chakula chake ni swala.

Simba kama hakula swala na swala wakawa wengi zaidi na majani ni yale yale mbuga si muda mrefu itakuwa jangwa.

Mbuga ikiwa jangwa simba na swala wote wataathirika.

Humu ndimo ilipo historia nyingine ya Rais Ali Hassan Mwinyi.

Historia hii inasisimua.
Historia hii Rais Mwinyi hakuieleza katika kitabu chake, "Mzee Rukhsa Safari ya Maisha Yangu."

Historia si kama haipo kabisa lakini alipoigusia alipita pembeni kama vile hataki kukanyaga ukoka wake alioupanda na kuutunza vizuri.

Kwani ikiwa atapita katikati ya ukoka wake kuna hatari ya kutengeneza njia na wengine watapita.

Hawa wengine wakipita patakuwa njia na uzuri wa ukoka utapotea, utanywea na kuwa mfano wa majani ya kawaida yaliyokauka.

Bustani itapoteza haiba yake yaani itapoteza uzuri wake.

Mengi Rais Mwinyi kayanyamazia ndani ya kitabu chake.

Haya hayakuwa mambo ya kawaida.

Naamini waliokuwa karibu na yeye katika serikali na CCM walishangaa kuona yale mazito na muhimu kwake karashiarashia na mengine hakuyasema kamwe.

Mlango bado uko wazi kwa watafiti na wanafunzi wa historia kulijaza ombwe hili.
Hivi Ali Hassan Mwinyi alikuwa Mzanzibari au MzanziBARA???
Kwa sababu nasikia kwamba alizaliwa Mkuranga.
 
Sijakisoma, nakitafuta, ila kinamponda sana kwa kuangalia hii review yake.

"I Am The State: A President Whispers From Chato"

Book overview
IN several of his scholarly presentations and public addresses, renowned law professor Issa Shivji is on record quoting Tanzania’s first President Mwalimu Julius Nyerere hinting to parliamentarians on the possibility of the country’s Constitution breeding a dictator, if enormous powers vested in the president were not exercised judiciously.

And, the dictator landed in 2015 through the General Election; under the same political party, but most importantly, under the same Constitution we were warned could breed a dictator. He ruled by decree. He speedily influenced legislation of harsher laws. He resuscitated the illegal laws that had been silenced by internal civic movement and good leadership spirit. He seized the pulpit from which to repeatedly preach that he was a clean man and redeemer of the wretched (mkombozi wa wanyonge).

This is none other than John Pombe Joseph Magufuli who died on 17 March 2021 after he had ruled Tanzania for five years and three months. He acted like any other imperial president and with great disregard for the rule of law. His wish became the law – feared by his aides and opponents on equal footing; and the resultant fear bred flattery sycophancy and ignominy.
His ruthless crackdown on opposition parties, media, civil societies, academics, and independent thought led to terror behind which immense corrupt practices were committed; indeed, with impunity. And, one face of his corrupt practices is witnessed in the grabber attitude and deed manifest in the “development projects” he instituted at Chato, his place of birth, which define him as a self-aggrandizer.

This book is one of the pieces of evidence of the corruption entailed in the five-year Magufuli administration (2015-2021). It highlights how the big projects in Chato were made to sprout at fast speed; and how most of them were quickly withering after his sudden death.
One would ask how on earth the executive arm had managed to sit on the heads of other branches of powers – the legislature and judiciary? Or what ate their hearts and souls and made them forget their roles and oaths such that all had to bow, bend and creep at the voice of their equal? How did the legislature – itself guardian of free speech – abandon its duty and engage in threatening and gagging citizens?

In a situation where the head of the executive silenced everybody – media, parliament, judiciary and citizens – and employed halfwits to keep him informed as he turned himself into the only national source of information from which media must go to collect details on what he decides to feed the nation with – then you know for sure freedom was no longer free – you have had to pay the price and you have had to sacrifice for your liberty.

With us, and today, it begins with the demand for a new Constitution that will never give us a dictator. We take an oath to work with everybody who is ready to sacrifice for freedom. This book may influence thinking and action and make us vow never to let go without the People’s Constitution.
Upumbavu mtupu..
 

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