Hilary Aeshi apokelewa Bungeni kama shujaa

Hilary Aeshi apokelewa Bungeni kama shujaa

Huo ndio undimilakuwili wa baadhi ya viongozi wa upinzani...UPUMBAVU tu.
 
Madiwani watatu na aliyekuwa Mwenyekiti wa vijana wa Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo(CHADEMA) manispaa ya Sumbawanga leo wamemsindikiza bungeni mbunge wa Sumbawanga mjini aliyeshinda rufaa yake katika kesi iliyofunguliwa dhidi yake na mgombea wa Chadema.

...hata madiwani wa kawe walimsindikiza halima, naona hapo wapo kiutendaji zaidi na sio kisiasa...
 
Kama walivyo madiwani wote wa Chadema!!tunapingana kwa hoja na kukubaliana kwa hoja,mbunge ni wa wote bora amechaguliwa na wananchi walio wengi,kuna kichwa maji anaanza kupandikiza uchonganishi hapo juu.

Hapa hakuna kutetea upumbavu na undumilakuwili ishu ni kwamba wabadilike.Full stop
 
si mbaya inategemea sababu kubwa ya wao kuambatana na huyo mbunge otherwise watanzania wananjaa sana na ndio maana ni wepesi kurubunika
 
Wakati mwingine baada ya hukumu, tukubali kuwa upande uloshindwa ulikosea na kukubali kushirikiana na aliyeshinda bila ushabiki..
 
Hapa hakuna kutetea upumbavu na undumilakuwili ishu ni kwamba wabadilike.Full stop

Wabadilike nini wakati wanashirikiana na mbunge wao kujenga nchi?
Halmashauri ni moja na mbunge ni diwani mwenzao kwenye halmashauri, tatizo liko wapi?
Kama ni kesi imeshaisha, kilichobaki ni kutumikia wananchi...
 
Wabadilike nini wakati wanashirikiana na mbunge wao kujenga nchi?
Halmashauri ni moja na mbunge ni diwani mwenzao kwenye halmashauri, tatizo liko wapi?
Kama ni kesi imeshaisha, kilichobaki ni kutumikia wananchi...

Ujumbe umeshafika kazi kwa walengwa, Tusigombane huku chini wananchi na kujengeana uhasama kisa uchadema na uccm. Alafu huko juu kuna wanafiki wenyewe wanakula bata tu bila kujali uchadema na uccm.
 
Mkuu Sango Ochwera usipotoshe
Ni diwani mmoja wa CDM ndg Kasitu na Ndg Mavazi diwani wa DP pamoja na aliyekuwa m/kiti wa BAVICHA ndg.Hashim HIVYO si madiwani watatu wa CDM kama ulivyoelezea ktk uzi wako,
wamepewa per diem Tsh.1,20,000.Hata hivyo ushiriki wao ktk harakati za mabadiliko kila mtu wa swanga anajua hivyo haishangazi,bnadam ni kama kinyonga.
 
Habari yako hii ina upungufu mkubwa wa facts, tena za muhimu. Bila hizo haiaminiki na uzushi.

Mbona mnatafuta uhalali kupitia jina la CHADEMA? Yaani CCM mnadhihirisha kuwa hamuwezi kusimama bila CHADEMA! That's interesting.
 
msipate shida sana,
sasa subiri 2015 na katiba mpya tuone kama atachomoza pua,bila 4m 4 no ubunge,Aeshy anasali kila siku vyeo vya DC & RC visifutwe eti ana ndoto za kupata kimoja wapo baada ya kuona upepo mbaya ktk Ubunge,SASA nampa pole hata ubalozi itakuwa ndoto,zaidi aendelee kuuza Sukari.
 
Kitu gani cha ajabu hapo?.

Tunakuwa tumefungwa na upofu wa kiitikadi mpaka tunashindwa kutokujua kama madiwani au wabunge ni watumishi wa wananchi kama walivyo wafanyakazi wengine serikalini huku tofauti yake ikiwa ni njia inayotumika kuwaingiza kwenye utumishi wa umma.

Ugombea binafsi utasaidia sana kuwaelimisha watu kama wewe maana ya utumishi wa umma kupitia sanduku la kura.
 
Ni mbunge wao wote kesi imekwisha kazi ni kuwatumikia wananchi wa Sumbawanga
 
Habari yako hii ina upungufu mkubwa wa facts, tena za muhimu. Bila hizo haiaminiki na uzushi.

Mbona mnatafuta uhalali kupitia jina la CHADEMA? Yaani CCM mnadhihirisha kuwa hamuwezi kusimama bila CHADEMA! That's interesting.
Hata na wewe pamoja na uelewa wako na nafasi yako kisiasa bado unaona kiongozi wa wananchi ambaye ni diwani kusindikizwa na madiwani wenzake ambao imetokea wakapata uongozi kupitia vyama tofauti ni jambo la ajabu.

Unanifanya nisishangae pale ninapokutana na baadhi ya watu wanahoji baadhi ya wabunge wa Upinzani kuambatana na Rais katika ziara za ndani na nje kama mawazo hata ya viongozi waandamizi wa siasa ndiyo haya.

Kalagabaho.
 
Mbona mna mambo ya kike? Kama wewe hukumpigia kura wenzio walimpigia kura. Mkishinda cdm ktk kesi ni haki wishinda wengine mahakama haijatenda haki,kwa tabia hii cdm ipo cku mtaa vaa shela.

Wapi huyo pesa za dhuluma za uwakala wa pembejeo za ruzuku na mbolea ya minjingu mazao alizoibia serikali na wananchi wa katavi na rukwa ndio zimemrudishia ubunge? Jamaa hafai kabisa si wana sumbawanga hatumuhitaji kabisa. Katudhurumu sana sisi wasaidizi wake.
 
msipate shida sana,
sasa subiri 2015 na katiba mpya tuone kama atachomoza pua,bila 4m 4 no ubunge,Aeshy anasali kila siku vyeo vya DC & RC visifutwe eti ana ndoto za kupata kimoja wapo baada ya kuona upepo mbaya ktk Ubunge,SASA nampa pole hata ubalozi itakuwa ndoto,zaidi aendelee kuuza Sukari.

Kapata sana pesa za minjingu mazao na ndio zilizomrudishia ubunge. Uwakala wake umewanyonya sana wana rukwa. Hongera serikali kwa kuivunja system ya pembejeo za ruzuku.
 
[h=1]Samora Machel[/h] From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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[TH="class: n, colspan: 2, align: center"]Samora Machel[/TH]
[/TR]
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[TD="colspan: 2, align: center"][/TD]
[/TR]
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[TH="bgcolor: lavender, colspan: 2, align: center"]1st President of Mozambique[/TH]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="colspan: 2, align: center"]In office
25 June 1975 – 19 October 1986[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TH="align: left"]Succeeded by[/TH]
[TD]Joaquim Chissano[/TD]
[/TR]
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[TH="bgcolor: lavender, colspan: 2, align: center"]Personal details[/TH]
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[TH="align: left"]Born[/TH]
[TD]29 September 1933
Madragoa, Gaza Province, Portuguese East Africa[/TD]
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[TH="align: left"]Died[/TH]
[TD]October 19, 1986 (aged 53)
Mbuzini, Lebombo Mountains, South Africa[/TD]
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[TH="align: left"]Political party[/TH]
[TD]FRELIMO[/TD]
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[TH="align: left"]Spouse(s)[/TH]
[TD]Sorita Tchaicomo, Josina Mutemba, Graça Machel (née Simbine)[/TD]
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[TH="align: left"]Religion[/TH]
[TD]Atheist[/TD]
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Samora Moisés Machel (September 29, 1933 – October 19, 1986) was a Mozambican military commander, revolutionary socialist leader and eventual President of Mozambique. Machel led the country from independence in 1975 until his death in 1986, when his presidential aircraft crashed in mountainous terrain where the borders of Mozambique, Swaziland and South Africa converge.
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[h=2]Early life[/h] Samora Machel was born in the village of Madragoa (today's Chilembene), Gaza Province, Portuguese East Africa (Mozambique), to a family of farmers. He was a member of the Shangana ethnic group and his grandfather had been an active collaborator of Gungunhana. Under Portuguese rule, his father, like most black Mozambicans, was classified by the demeaning term "indigena" (native). He was forced to accept lower prices for his crops than white farmers; compelled to grow labor-intensive cotton, which took time away from the food crops needed for his family; and forbidden to brand his mark on his cattle to prevent thievery. However, Machel's father was a successful farmer: he owned four plows and 400 head of cattle by 1940. Machel grew up in this farming village and attended mission elementary school. In 1942, he was sent to school in the town of Zonguene in Gaza Province. The school was run by Catholic missionaries who educated the children in Portuguese language and culture. Although having completed the fourth grade, Machel never completed his secondary education. However, he had the prerequisite certificate to train as a nurse anywhere in Portugal at the time, since the nursing schools were not degree-conferring institutions. Machel started to study nursing in the capital city of Lourenço Marques (today Maputo), beginning in 1954. In the 1950s, he saw some of the fertile lands around his farming community on the Limpopo river appropriated by the provincial government and worked by white settlers who developed a wide range of new infrastructure for the region. Like many other Mozambicans near the southern border of Mozambique, some of his relatives went to work in the South African mines where additional job opportunities were found. Shortly afterwards, one of his brothers was killed in a mining accident.[SUP][1][/SUP][SUP][2][/SUP][SUP][3][/SUP][SUP][4][/SUP][SUP][5][/SUP][SUP][6][/SUP] Unable to complete formal training at the Miguel Bombarda Hospital in Lourenço Marques, he got a job working as an aide in the same hospital and earned enough to continue his education at night school. He worked at the hospital until he left the country to join the Mozambican nationalist struggle in neighbouring Tanzania.
[h=2]Independence struggle[/h] [TABLE="class: vertical-navbox nowraplinks, width: 22"]
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Main article: Mozambican War of Independence
Machel was attracted to anti-colonial ideals and began his political activities in the Miguel Bombarda hospital in Lourenço Marques where he protested against the fact that black nurses were paid less than whites doing the same job. Machel decided to leave Lourenco Marques, when a white anti-fascist, the pharmaceutical representative Joao Ferreira, warned him that he was being watched by the Portuguese political police, the PIDE. He slipped across the border, and made his way to join Frelimo in Dar es Salaam, via Swaziland, South Africa and Botswana. In Botswana, he hitched a lift on a plane carrying recruits of the African National Congress of South Africa to Tanzania. Impressed by the young Mozambican, a senior ANC official J.B. Marks (according to Joe Slovo) bumped one of the ANC recruits off the flight to let Machel on.[SUP][7][/SUP]
In Dar es Salaam, Machel volunteered for military service, and was one of the second group of Frelimo guerrillas sent for training in Algeria. Back in Tanzania, he was put in charge of Frelimo’s own training camp, at Kongwa. After Frelimo launched the independence war, on 25 September 1964, Machel soon became a key commander, making his name in particular in the gruelling conditions of the eastern area of the vast and sparsely populated province of Niassa. He rapidly rose up the ranks of the guerrlla army, the FPLM, and became the head of the army after the death of its first commander, Filipe Samuel Magaia, in October 1966.
Frelimo’s founder and first president, Eduardo Mondlane, was assassinated by a parcel bomb on 3 February 1969. His deputy, Rev Uria Simango, expected to take over – but instead the Frelimo Executive Committee appointed a presidential triumvirate, consisting of Simango, Machel and veteran nationalist and poet Marcelino dos Santos. Simango soon broke ranks, and denounced the rest of the Frelimo leadership in the pamphlet “Gloomy Situation in Frelimo”.[SUP][8][/SUP] This led to Simango’s expulsion from the liberation front, and the election, in 1970, of Machel as Frelimo President, with dos Santos as Deputy President.
The new commander of the Portuguese army in Mozambique, Gen. Kaulza de Arriaga, boasted that he would eliminate Frelimo in a few months. He launched the largest offensive of Portugal’s colonial wars, Operation Gordian Knot, in 1970, concentrating on what was regarded as the Frelimo heartland of Cabo Delgado in the far north. Kaulza de Arriaga boasted of destroying a large number of guerrilla bases – but since such a base was just a collection of huts, the military significance of such supposed victories was dubious. Machel reacted by shifting the focus of the war elsewhere, stepping up Frelimo operations in the western province of Tete. This was where a massive dam was being built at Cahora Bassa, on the Zambezi, to sell electricity to South Africa. Fearful that Frelimo would attack the dam site, the Portuguese set up three concentric rings of defence around Cahora Bassa. This denuded the rest of Tete province of troops, and in 1972 Frelimo crossed the Zambezi, striking further and further south. By 1973, Frelimo units were operating in Manica and Sofala Province and began to hit the railway from Rhodesia to Beira, causing panic among the settler population of Beira, who accused the Portuguese army of not doing enough to defend white interests.[SUP][9][/SUP]
The end came suddenly. On 25 April 1974, Portuguese officers, tired of fighting three unwinnable wars in Africa, overthrew the government in Lisbon. The coup was almost bloodless. Nobody came onto the streets to defend Prime Minister Marcelo Caetano. Within 24 hours, the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) was in full control of Portugal.
[h=2]Independence[/h]
 
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