Waafrika bado tupo nyuma kimaendeleo kwasababu hatuna foundation. Nani aliyesababisha? ukisoma history utajua tatizo tulikuwa watumwa wa wazungu. Wazungu hawakujenga shule nyingi wakati walipokuwa Afrika. Hawakujenga barabara au hospitali, hii yote ilisababishwa na wao wazungu hawakujali maisha ya mtu maskini wa Afrika. Wamejenga barabara nzuri nchi zao za ulaya, na wamechukua mali zote za Afrika gold, diamond, gas nk. Sasa hivi wanaikejeli Afrika kuwa ni maskini sana. Itachukua miaka mingi kwa Afrika kujiendeleza yenyewe. Tunahitaji better education, building our own manufactures and agriculture.
Afrika ndiyo bara maskini
- Thread starter Shamu
- Start date
Shamu sidhani kama ni kweli, hizi ndo nchi Tajiri zaidi duniani Africa ikiwemo.
Rank Country GDP - per capita
1 Luxembourg $ 68,800
2 Equatorial Guinea $ 50,200
3 United Arab Emirates $ 49,700
4 Norway $ 47,800
5 Ireland $ 43,600
6 United States $ 43,500
7 Andorra $ 38,800
8 Iceland $ 38,100
9 Denmark $ 37,000
10 Austria $ 35,500
Equatorial Guinea (GDP us$ 50,200) iko Africa.
Rank Country GDP - per capita
1 Luxembourg $ 68,800
2 Equatorial Guinea $ 50,200
3 United Arab Emirates $ 49,700
4 Norway $ 47,800
5 Ireland $ 43,600
6 United States $ 43,500
7 Andorra $ 38,800
8 Iceland $ 38,100
9 Denmark $ 37,000
10 Austria $ 35,500
Equatorial Guinea (GDP us$ 50,200) iko Africa.
Nyani Ngabu
Platinum Member
- May 15, 2006
- 92,232
- 113,610
Ngabu tatizo la africa ni kupuuzia elimu ya chuo kikuu, tizama nchi zilizopiga hatua kielimu (most educated countries) ndo hizohizo zilizoendelea. Tizama nchi zinazotoa elimu ya chuo kikuu bure (Swiden, Denmark, Norway na Finland) na ndio hizohizo tajiri. Korea ya Kusini elimu ya chuo kikuu ni afordable kwa kila mwananchi pia ndio nchi ya kuigwa kwa kasi ya maendeleo.
Country Percentage of population aged 25-64 that have attained a tertiary level of education (OECD Countries)
1 Canada 44.0
2 United States 38.4
3 Japan 37.4
4 Sweden 33.4
5 Finland 33.3
6 Denmark 31.9
7 Australia 31.3
8 Norway 31.0
9 New Zealand 30.9
10 Korea, South 29.5
Country Percentage of population aged 25-64 that have attained a tertiary level of education (OECD Countries)
1 Canada 44.0
2 United States 38.4
3 Japan 37.4
4 Sweden 33.4
5 Finland 33.3
6 Denmark 31.9
7 Australia 31.3
8 Norway 31.0
9 New Zealand 30.9
10 Korea, South 29.5
Masanja
JF-Expert Member
- Aug 1, 2007
- 4,820
- 8,886
"A noose, not a bracelet"
by Naomi Klein
June, 2005
Africa is a rich continent made poor by rapacious western corporations. G8 leaders must be forced to deliver justice
Gordon Brown has a new idea about how to "make poverty history" in time for the G8 summit. With Washington so far refusing to double its aid to Africa by 2015, the chancellor is appealing to the "richer oil-producing states" of the Middle East to fill the funding gap. "Oil wealth urged to save Africa," reads the headline in the Observer.
Here is a better idea: instead of Saudi Arabia's oil wealth being used to "save Africa", how about if Africa's oil wealth was used to save Africa -- along with its gas, diamond, gold, platinum, chromium, ferroalloy and coal wealth?
With all this noblesse oblige focused on saving Africa from its misery, it seems like a good time to remember someone else who tried to make poverty history: Ken Saro-Wiwa, who was killed 10 years ago this November by the Nigerian government -- along with eight other Ogoni activists, he was sentenced to death by hanging. Their crime was daring to insist that Nigeria was not poor at all but rich, and that political decisions made in the interests of western multinational corporations kept its people in desperate poverty. Saro-Wiwa gave his life to the idea that the vast oil wealth of the Niger Delta must leave behind more than polluted rivers, charred farmland, rancid air and crumbling schools. He asked not for charity, pity or "relief", but for justice.
The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People demanded that Shell compensate the people from whose land it had pumped roughly $30bn worth of oil since the 1950s. The company turned to the government for help, and the Nigerian military turned its guns on demonstrators. Before his state-ordered hanging, Saro-Wiwa told the tribunal: "I and my colleagues are not the only ones on trial. Shell is here on trial ... The company has, indeed, ducked this particular trial, but its day will surely come."
Ten years later, 70% of Nigerians still live on less than $1 a day and Shell is still making superprofits. Equatorial Guinea, which has a major oil deal with ExxonMobil, "got to keep a mere 12% of the oil revenues in the first year of its contract", according to a report on the CBS news programme 60 Minutes -- a share so low it would have been scandalous even at the height of colonial oil pillage.
This is what keeps Africa poor: not a lack of political will but the tremendous profitability of the current arrangement. Sub-Saharan Africa, the poorest place on earth, is also its most profitable investment destination. It offers, according to the World Bank's 2003 Global Development Finance report, "the highest returns on foreign direct investment of any region in the world". Africa is poor because its investors and its creditors are so unspeakably rich.
The idea for which Saro-Wiwa died fighting -- that the resources of the land should be used to benefit the people of that land -- lies at the heart of every anti-colonial struggle in history, from the Boston Tea Party to Iran's turfing out of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company in Abadan. This idea has been declared dead by the EU's constitution, by the national security strategy of the US (which describes so-called "free trade" not only as an economic policy but a "moral principle") and by countless favored-trade agreements. And yet it simply refuses to die.
You can see it most clearly in the relentless protests that drove Bolivia's president, Carlos Mesa, to offer his resignation. A decade ago, Bolivia was forced by the IMF to privatise its oil and gas industries on the promise that it would increase growth and spread prosperity. When that didn't work, the lenders demanded that Bolivia make up its budget shortfall by increasing taxes on the working poor.
Bolivians had a better idea -- take back the gas and use it for the benefit of the country. The debate now is over how much to take back. Evo Morales's Movement Toward Socialism favours taxing foreign profits by 50%. More radical indigenous groups, which have already seen their land stripped of its mineral wealth, want full nationalisation and more participation -- what they call "nationalising the government".
You can see it too in Iraq. On June 2 Laith Kubba, spokesman for the Iraqi prime minister, told journalists that the IMF had forced Iraq to increase the price of electricity and fuel in exchange for writing off past debts: "Iraq has $10bn of debts, and I think we cannot avoid this." But days before, in Basra, a historic gathering of independent trade unionists, most of them with the General Union of Oil Employees, insisted that the government could avoid it. At Iraq's first anti-privatisation conference, delegates demanded that the government simply refuse to pay Saddam's "odious" debts and opposed any attempts to privatise state assets, including oil.
Neoliberalism, an ideology so powerful it tries to pass itself off as "modernity" while its maniacal true believers masquerade as disinterested technocrats, can no longer claim to be a consensus. It was decisively rejected by French voters when they said no to the EU constitution, and you can see how hated it has become in Russia, where large majorities despise the profiteers of the disastrous 1990s privatisations and few mourned the recent sentencing of oil oligarch Mikhail Khodorkovsky.
All of this makes for interesting timing for the G8 summit. Bob Geldof and the Make Poverty History crew have called for a million people to go to Edinburgh and form a giant white band around the city centre on July 2 -- a reference to the ubiquitous Make Poverty History bracelets.
But it seems a shame for a million people to travel all that way to be a giant bauble, a collective accessory to power. How about if, when all those people join hands, they declare themselves not a bracelet but a noose -- a noose around the lethal economic policies that have already taken so many lives, for lack of medicine and clean water, for lack of justice.
A noose like the one that killed Ken.
by Naomi Klein
June, 2005
Africa is a rich continent made poor by rapacious western corporations. G8 leaders must be forced to deliver justice
Gordon Brown has a new idea about how to "make poverty history" in time for the G8 summit. With Washington so far refusing to double its aid to Africa by 2015, the chancellor is appealing to the "richer oil-producing states" of the Middle East to fill the funding gap. "Oil wealth urged to save Africa," reads the headline in the Observer.
Here is a better idea: instead of Saudi Arabia's oil wealth being used to "save Africa", how about if Africa's oil wealth was used to save Africa -- along with its gas, diamond, gold, platinum, chromium, ferroalloy and coal wealth?
With all this noblesse oblige focused on saving Africa from its misery, it seems like a good time to remember someone else who tried to make poverty history: Ken Saro-Wiwa, who was killed 10 years ago this November by the Nigerian government -- along with eight other Ogoni activists, he was sentenced to death by hanging. Their crime was daring to insist that Nigeria was not poor at all but rich, and that political decisions made in the interests of western multinational corporations kept its people in desperate poverty. Saro-Wiwa gave his life to the idea that the vast oil wealth of the Niger Delta must leave behind more than polluted rivers, charred farmland, rancid air and crumbling schools. He asked not for charity, pity or "relief", but for justice.
The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People demanded that Shell compensate the people from whose land it had pumped roughly $30bn worth of oil since the 1950s. The company turned to the government for help, and the Nigerian military turned its guns on demonstrators. Before his state-ordered hanging, Saro-Wiwa told the tribunal: "I and my colleagues are not the only ones on trial. Shell is here on trial ... The company has, indeed, ducked this particular trial, but its day will surely come."
Ten years later, 70% of Nigerians still live on less than $1 a day and Shell is still making superprofits. Equatorial Guinea, which has a major oil deal with ExxonMobil, "got to keep a mere 12% of the oil revenues in the first year of its contract", according to a report on the CBS news programme 60 Minutes -- a share so low it would have been scandalous even at the height of colonial oil pillage.
This is what keeps Africa poor: not a lack of political will but the tremendous profitability of the current arrangement. Sub-Saharan Africa, the poorest place on earth, is also its most profitable investment destination. It offers, according to the World Bank's 2003 Global Development Finance report, "the highest returns on foreign direct investment of any region in the world". Africa is poor because its investors and its creditors are so unspeakably rich.
The idea for which Saro-Wiwa died fighting -- that the resources of the land should be used to benefit the people of that land -- lies at the heart of every anti-colonial struggle in history, from the Boston Tea Party to Iran's turfing out of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company in Abadan. This idea has been declared dead by the EU's constitution, by the national security strategy of the US (which describes so-called "free trade" not only as an economic policy but a "moral principle") and by countless favored-trade agreements. And yet it simply refuses to die.
You can see it most clearly in the relentless protests that drove Bolivia's president, Carlos Mesa, to offer his resignation. A decade ago, Bolivia was forced by the IMF to privatise its oil and gas industries on the promise that it would increase growth and spread prosperity. When that didn't work, the lenders demanded that Bolivia make up its budget shortfall by increasing taxes on the working poor.
Bolivians had a better idea -- take back the gas and use it for the benefit of the country. The debate now is over how much to take back. Evo Morales's Movement Toward Socialism favours taxing foreign profits by 50%. More radical indigenous groups, which have already seen their land stripped of its mineral wealth, want full nationalisation and more participation -- what they call "nationalising the government".
You can see it too in Iraq. On June 2 Laith Kubba, spokesman for the Iraqi prime minister, told journalists that the IMF had forced Iraq to increase the price of electricity and fuel in exchange for writing off past debts: "Iraq has $10bn of debts, and I think we cannot avoid this." But days before, in Basra, a historic gathering of independent trade unionists, most of them with the General Union of Oil Employees, insisted that the government could avoid it. At Iraq's first anti-privatisation conference, delegates demanded that the government simply refuse to pay Saddam's "odious" debts and opposed any attempts to privatise state assets, including oil.
Neoliberalism, an ideology so powerful it tries to pass itself off as "modernity" while its maniacal true believers masquerade as disinterested technocrats, can no longer claim to be a consensus. It was decisively rejected by French voters when they said no to the EU constitution, and you can see how hated it has become in Russia, where large majorities despise the profiteers of the disastrous 1990s privatisations and few mourned the recent sentencing of oil oligarch Mikhail Khodorkovsky.
All of this makes for interesting timing for the G8 summit. Bob Geldof and the Make Poverty History crew have called for a million people to go to Edinburgh and form a giant white band around the city centre on July 2 -- a reference to the ubiquitous Make Poverty History bracelets.
But it seems a shame for a million people to travel all that way to be a giant bauble, a collective accessory to power. How about if, when all those people join hands, they declare themselves not a bracelet but a noose -- a noose around the lethal economic policies that have already taken so many lives, for lack of medicine and clean water, for lack of justice.
A noose like the one that killed Ken.
Nyani Ngabu
Platinum Member
- May 15, 2006
- 92,232
- 113,610
Miafrika Ni Ndivyo Tulivyo tu.....
Zakumi
JF-Expert Member
- Sep 24, 2008
- 5,063
- 2,471
Dogo hapa unaboronga.
MzalendoHalisi
JF-Expert Member
- Jun 24, 2007
- 4,520
- 1,368
Na sisi Waafrika kwa kulaumu tu wengine kwa matatizo yetu!!!!!????
Chimbuko la Umaskini wetu ni Sisi wenyewe...period!
Sasa Serikali inanunua mashangingi ya mabilioni...leo hii...na tunawalaumu wazungu!!!
Chimbuko la Umaskini wetu ni Sisi wenyewe...period!
Sasa Serikali inanunua mashangingi ya mabilioni...leo hii...na tunawalaumu wazungu!!!
So the Bolivians, the Iraqis, the French, the Russians, the Iranians have all managed to stand up in some fashion to the western corporations except Africans. Why? I think the only explanation is Africans have the lowest average IQ in the world that makes them easily exploitable. The western corporations are simply taking advantage of this well known fact. Until the average IQ among Africans rises nothing Bob Geldoff nor other Make poverty history liberals can do to help the situation.
Steve Dii
JF-Expert Member
- Jun 25, 2007
- 6,402
- 1,254
Mkulu...hivi unaongea nini wewe bana?... hebu acha hizo.
Mizee/miviongozi yetu kibao imesoma na mingi tu imeishi kwenye westernised world kwa miaka kibao...
Wazungu waliwazidi akili mababu zetu, wakawauzia au kuwagawia kila kitu... pale wazungu waliposhindwa... saa nyingine walitumia mabavu lakini si kwa sana... pengi ni kwamba walitumia akili zao kutushinda sisi.
Leo hii hata kama kungekuwa na chuo kimoja tu cha elimu hapa Africa... kama tungelikuwa na viongozi wenye kupenda maendeleo na kuthamini jamii zao kijumla na siyo maendeleo ya familia zao tu, basi Africa leo hii tungelikuwa mbali.
Mijitu yetu mingi inayotuongoza ni mibinafsi na yenye uchu usiokipimo.... Fullstop! Wazungu wameondoka miaka arobaini iliyopita, bado tu tunawasingizia mpaka leo...
Sasa baada ya Wachina na India kuwa first world tutakuja kumsingizia nani?!!.... Tujikomboe sisi wenyewe bwana. Hivi visingizio vya wazungu sometimes vinachosha kuvisikia...!! Tunapotukaniwa IQ na akina The Truth tukubali kushindwa from time to time, la sivyo kama tunazo, basi tuzitumie kuleta mapinduzi ya maendeleo barani kwetu na siye twende kuwaibia huko makwao kiakili na siyo kwenda kama wakimbizi au watu wa kujiombeleza ajira/vibarua tu!
Zakumi
JF-Expert Member
- Sep 24, 2008
- 5,063
- 2,471
Steve D:
Sawa kabisa point zako. Ndio maana nilimkatalia aliyesema kuwa elimu ya vyuo vikuu ni sababu ya maendeleo.
Vijana wengi wa kitanzania wanasoma fields wanazoita HOT CAKE. Sasa hivi kila kijana anataka kwenda Bcom. Why? Kwa sababu atapata pesa za haraka za kujenga nyumba na kununua gari la nguvu. Na nyumba anayotaka kujenga inatumia material yote kutoka nje hili awe tofauti na wengine.
Hivyo basi hata ukijenga vyuo vikuu katika kila wilaya lakini wasomi wakiwa na mentality za wasomi wengi bado huwezi kuondoa matatizo ya kimsingi. Kwa sababu wasomi wenyewe hawatumii talents zao kuvumbua vipya au kuwa wabunifu badala yake wanagombea kile kidogo kilichovumbuliwa na wenzao.
Wazee digrii haiongozi nchi ni uamuzi waafrika hatukosi sababu ndio maana tunapiga hatua moja mbele na tunapiga mbili nyuma.leseni haiendeshi gari ndio maana tuna leseni kibao za kununua na kama unajua huwezi kuendesha kwa nini ukanunue leseni,kama wewe ni mtanzania kwa nini uhonge kupata passport while is your constitutional right to get a passport.The direction we have to go is to ask ourselves WHY,WHY,WHY to this problems and find a core solution here experts comes in,UONGOZI.....DIGRII,PHD HAVIONGOZI.
Zakumi
JF-Expert Member
- Sep 24, 2008
- 5,063
- 2,471
Eddy:
Hapa ndipo tatizo la IQ linapokuja. Unaweza kutumia nguvu na juhudi kupata elimu. Lakini kutumia elimu yako kufanya mabadiliko yatakayobadilisha wengine hiyo ni talent nyingine.
Mungu hakuwafundisha watu walioendelea kwanza na baadaye kuwaachia nchi. Wajapani hawakupewa elimu kwanza hili waweze kupata maendeleo.
Hivyo kama condition ya elimu haikuwepo kwa nchi zingine kuanza kuendelea kwanini wewe ulete kisingizio?
Hivyo nchi zote na jamii zote zilianza kama sisi, bila kuwa na elimu. Kuna jamii zilizo-invent na kuna jamii zilizo-mimic.
Watanzania wanapokuwa na elimu na wanashindwa ku-invent au ku-mimic basi suala sio tena elimu.
WembeMkali
JF-Expert Member
- Jun 16, 2007
- 282
- 3
Na pia ni bara tajiri kwa natural resources! na vilevile ni bara ambalo viongozi wa ngazi za juu wake wakimo maraisi ni matajiri wa kupindukia!
Kwa hiyo tatizo hapa ni kuwa WE ARE MISSING GOOD LEADERSHIP IN AFRICA!! nothing else!
Sijui waafrika wanataka mungu awape nini zaidi! Ukiangalia kwa haraka haraka utaona tunarasilimali nyingi na kama zikitumiwa vizuri basi leo hii tungekuwa hatuna hata mwafrika mmoja ambaye anaimba wimbo wa umasikini.
Kwa hiyo ni jukumu la waafrika kusimama na kuwaondoa viongozi wabovu au wale wababaishaji na kuweka wale wenye machungu na uzalendo na bara letu.Hii ina maana kuwa ni lazima waafrika wawe tayari kutumia kila njia ikiwemo kutoa hata maisha yao ili kupata viongozi bora!! ama sivyo tutabaki na walewale akina Tsvangirai au akina Odinga ambao ni ma-puppet wa western countries!!.
Sawa kaka, hebu tujikumbushe phylosophy za akina Plato na socratis. Plato alisema ilitupate viongozi bora inabidi waandaliwe kielimu na kiroho. Hivyo Plato akaanzisha sehemu ya kuandaa viongozi ambayo aliita Academia (academy) Mhitimu wa kwanza wa plato alikuwa Alexandar the great. Huo ndo ulikuwa mwanzo wa Academics (365BC)
Tujiulize tunafuata phylosophy ya Plato au tumeshakuwa sophist. Tunaandaa akina "Alexanda the great" katika Academy zetu au ndo wengi wanakuwa akina socratis.
Kuna swali "Je elimu ni cheti?" kabla ya kujibu tujiulize ni nani aliyegundua cheti (diploma)? kwanini daktari/engeneer/meneja tunawathamini kwa vyeti?
Tukiendelea kuweka "Argumentum fallacial" mbele hatutafika popote.
Tujiulize tunafuata phylosophy ya Plato au tumeshakuwa sophist. Tunaandaa akina "Alexanda the great" katika Academy zetu au ndo wengi wanakuwa akina socratis.
Kuna swali "Je elimu ni cheti?" kabla ya kujibu tujiulize ni nani aliyegundua cheti (diploma)? kwanini daktari/engeneer/meneja tunawathamini kwa vyeti?
Tukiendelea kuweka "Argumentum fallacial" mbele hatutafika popote.
TanzanianFemale
Member
- Jul 25, 2008
- 65
- 7
The blame game does not fly anymore. Wazungu walituacha na bara letu over 50 years ago. What have we got to show for it? Illiteracy, unnecessary wars, genocide, incompetent leaders, corruption (both leaders and citizens), individualism and finger-pointing.
Moyo unaniuma sana nikiona watu bado wanalaumu ukoloni kwa matatizo tuliyonayo leo. Inaonyesha kazi tuliyonayo kama tunataka kutoka kwenye status ya poorest nation/continent. I am beginning to think it will take a miracle for that to happen in my lifetime.
Moyo unaniuma sana nikiona watu bado wanalaumu ukoloni kwa matatizo tuliyonayo leo. Inaonyesha kazi tuliyonayo kama tunataka kutoka kwenye status ya poorest nation/continent. I am beginning to think it will take a miracle for that to happen in my lifetime.
Zakumi
JF-Expert Member
- Sep 24, 2008
- 5,063
- 2,471
Ni afadhari umeileta hiyo point. Shule inakupa tu tools za kujifunza na ukimaliza shule inabidi utumie hizo tools kufanya perfections, kujifunza vitu vingine au ku-mimic wenzako walivyoanzisha.
Benjamin Franklin ana-formal education ya miaka miwili. Lakini aliweza kutumia hiyo elimu yake kama sehemu ya kujielimisha zaidi. Na aka-postulate vitu vingi kuzidi mtu mwenye Phd.
Hivyo basi tusitumie kikwazo cha kutokuwa na wasomi wengi wenye elimu ya chuo kikuu kama kikwazo cha maendeleo yetu.
Mtu mwenye elimu ya sekondari au high school ana uwezo mkubwa wa ku-postulate au kufanya mambo mengi sana. Lakini hivyo vitu havionekani katika jamii zetu.
Fundi Mchundo
Platinum Member
- Nov 9, 2007
- 8,941
- 6,856
Alexander the Great hakuwahi kusoma kwenye Aademia ya Plato. Yeye alikuwa mtoto wa Philip, mfalme wa Macedonia wakati Academia ilikuwa Athens. Pili, alizaliwa ( 336 BC) baada ya Plato kufariki (347 BC). Mwanafunzi maarufu wa Plato alikuwa Aristotles. Plato alikuwa mwanafunzi wa Socrates na ni yeye ndiye aliyeeleza habari za Socrates katika maandishi yake. Plato, pamoja na wanafunzi wengine wa Socrates walipinga vikali dhana ya kuwa Socrates alikuwa Sophist. Ingawa inaelekea Socrates aliwaheshimu Sophists lakini tofauti nao yeye hakutoza ada kwa ajili ya elimu na utaalamu wake.
Cheti ni sehemu moja tu ya uthibitisho wa elimu. Ni kigezo kinachotumika kuthibitisha kuwa umepitia, umepimwa na umeonekana unafaa katika mfumo fulani wa elimu. Lakini katika dunia ya sasa, hii haitoshi. Kinachothaminiwa zaidi ni umefanyia nini hiyo elimu yako? Au utaalamu, hekima, ujuzi mwingine ulioupata nje ya kumbi za Akademia. Sisi tunapotoka tunapodhani kuwa cheti peke yake ndicho muhimu. Ndiyo maana mhandisi aliyehitimu juzi anashindwa kuelewa kwa nini Fundi Mchundo mwenye experience ya miaka mingi anathaminiwa na analipwa zaidi yake! Ndiyo maana baadhi ya viongozi wetu wanadhani kuwa wakipata tuu kaPh.D basi hakuna atakaye-question uwezo wao. Tunakosea. Sana.
Last edited:
Ally maganga
JF-Expert Member
- Jan 18, 2014
- 1,433
- 909
Leo wenye degree ndio wanalalamika hakuna ajira.
Muda ni mwalimu mzuri sana.
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