Unamkumbuka kwa yapi Abdul-Rahman BABU?

[Companero]

Companero,Mkuu nadhani sasa unafanya utani!...
Hata hivyo nitakujibu kwa ufupi pamoja na kwamba sielewi nia yako..
Ukomunist ni itikadi inayopinga Ubepari, ni mfumo wa kiuchumi ktk jamii unaolenga kuondoa tabaka za wananchi wake kati ya matajiri na maskini ambapo maskini ndio kiini cha uzalishaji huo. Haubebi chochote toka upande wa pili (Ubepari).

Ni mambo yapi ya Kikomunist, Nyerere alioyaweka?...
1.Uchumi wa nchi kuwa mikononi mwa serikali badala ya matajiri wachache!
2. Utumiaji maguvu ktk utekelezaji wa sera... Hapa nakuomba unielewe kuwa kama kitu ni RIGHT ya mwananchi basi right hiyo ni lazima uitumie utake usitake, usipopokea unavunja sheria. Mfano ndio hayo ya kuhamia vijijini.

hayo machache unasemaje mkuu! yametosha au kuna jipya!

Sitanii Mkuu. Tuna tabia ya kusingizia watu wamefanya hiki na kile. Tukiulizwa tutoe ushahidi tunashindwa hata kutoa hoja 3. Kama huo uliouelezea hapo ni Ukomunisti, je Ujamaa, Usoshalisti, Umaksisti, Ufashisti na 'Ubepari wa Dola' ni nini?

1. Uchumi wa Libya uko mikononi mwa Serikali, je Libya ni nchi ya kikomunisti?
2. Idi Amini Dada alitumia maguvu, je Uganda ilikuwa ni nchi ya kikomunisti?

Unajua ni makampuni mangapi ya kigeni Mwalimu hakuyataifisha na yaliendelea kuushikilia uchumi wa nchi? Umehesabu ni matajiri wangapi wa Kihindi na Kizungu waliendelea kushikilia uchumi wa nchi wakati wa Mwalimu?Umeorodhesha ni sera na programu ngapi za Kibepari kutoka WB na USAID Mwalimu alizitekeleza katika miaka ya 60 na 70?

Narudia, Mwalimu hakuwa Mkomunisti. Yeye mwenyewe alisema hivi:

European socialism was born of the Agrarian Revolution and the Industrial Revolution which followed it. The former created the "landed" and the "landless" classes in society; the latter produced the modern capitalist and the industrial proletariat.These two revolutions planted the seeds of conflict within society, and not only was European socialism born of that conflict, but its apostles sanctified the conflict itself into a philosophy. Civil war was no longer looked upon as something evil, or something unfortunate, but as something good and necessary. As prayer is to Christianity or to Islam, so civil war (which they call "class war") is to the European version of socialism--a means inseparable from the end. Each becomes the basis of a whole way of life. The European socialist cannot think of his socialism without its father--capitalism!Brought up in tribal socialism, I must say, I find this contradiction quite intolerable. it give capitalism a philosophical status which capitalism neither claims nor deserves. For it virtually says "Without capitalism, and the conflict which capitalism creates within society, there can be no socialism!" This glorification of capitalism by the doctrinaire European socialists, I repeat, I find intolerable.African socialism, on the to her hand, did not have the "benefit" of the Agrarian Revolution or the Industrial Revolution. it did not start from the existence of conflicting "classes" in society. Indeed I doubt if the equivalent for the word "class" exists in any indigenous African language; for language describes the ideas of those who speak it, and the idea of "class" or "caste" was nonexistent in African society..."Ujamaa," then, or "familyhood," describes our socialism. It is opposed to capitalism, which seeks to build a happy society on the basis of the exploitation of man by man; and it is equally opposed to doctrinaire socialism which seeks to build its happy society on a philosophy of inevitable conflict between man and man.

Haya endelea kubishana na Mwalimu kama unajua sana kuusemea moyo.

 

[Companero]

Mkandara na Wenzako soma uchambuzi huu kutoka kwa Mmaksisti aliyebobea, Hayati CLR James, alioufanya katika miaka ya 60 baada ya kutembelea Tanzania:

First the Tanzanian Government has nationalised the chief centres of economic life in the territory. That though important and necessary is not sufficient to create a new society. Less and less is nationalisation becoming a landmark of a new society - today right-wing military dictator (Peru) and the Catholic hierarchy (with the blessing of the Pope) are ready to nationalise and even confiscate. The Government of Tanzania has gone further. In the Arusha Declaration...it aims at creating a new type of government official...The Government aims at creating a new type of society, based not on Western theories but on the concrete circumstances of African life and its historic past. Perhaps the most revolutionary change of all, it will reconstruct the very system of education in order to fit the children and the youth...for the new society which the Government of Tanzania seeks to build. The simplicity with which Dr. Nyerere states what his government proposes to do disguises the fact that not in Plato or Aristotle, Rousseau or Karl Marx will find such radical, such revolutionary departures from the established educational order...Perhaps nothing shows more clearly the radical, the revolutionary, the complete break with Western habits and Western thought than the new attitude to the Tanzanian farmer...Reviewing Tanzania "After the Arusha Declaration" Dr. Nyerere outlines the co-operative socialist community Tanzania aims at...This is something new in the history of political thought. The co-operative villages aimed at are called UJAMAA and Dr. Nyerere has called the whole new attempt to create a new society Socialism. In our view he is entitled to do so, and a proper respect for what the Tanzanian Government is doing demands that it be related to traditional and contemporary concepts of socialism. First of all, no one today believes that what exists in Russia and Eastern Europe is, in any sense of the word, socialist; that is to say, a society having achieved and aiming even more comprehensive stages of liberty, equality and fraternity, social relations higher than those achieved by the most advanced parliamentary democracy. That is socialism or it is worse even than capitalist decay being then a deliberate and conscious fraud...In a conversation with Dr. Nyerere, the present writer (having previously read his writings) drew his attention to this particular passage [on using peasants to model the state and society] from Lenin and what Lenin was striving to teach as far back as 1923. The African leader said he did not know it - he had arrived at his conclusion by himself and with his people."

Huyo ndio alikuwa Mwalimu na nadharia zake za Ujamaa wa Kiafrika. Babu aliyekuwa Mmaksisti Ngangari alitofautiana sana naye kama tulivyoona kwenye maelezo ya Babu mwenyewe. Babu alikuwa Msoshalisti wa Kisayansi. Mwalimu alikuwa Mjima wa Kisasa.

 

[Companero]

as luck would have it, in 2006 i met with dereck walcott in person, this time in trinidad during carifesta! kweli kabisa wanafanana! there was also another literary jiant - sir vid naipaul..huyu naye kiboko! mbali ya shafi adam shafi na shaaban robert tanzania tunaye nani wa ulinganisho na hawa? what happened after these two were done? what a shame wanasiasa na wasomi wa tanzania sio waandishi.

Mkuu thibitisha unachokisema! Unamjua Aniceti Kitereza na juzuu zake? Umesoma vitabu vya Farouq Topan? Vitabu vya mashairi ya Waziri wetu, Mohammed Seif Khatib, umeyapitia? Unajua ni kwa kiasi gani vitabu vya watu hawa vinasomwa ulimwenguni: Euphrase Kezilahabi, Gabriel Ruhumbika na William Mkufya? Kweli manabii hawakubaliwi kwao!

 

[Game Theory]

Thread inaendelea vizuri lakini style ya baadhi ya watu inatupa unyonge sana

Mna quote passages za vitabu lakini hamtaki kutuambia ni vitabu gani

sasa hi kweli ni haki ya kutoa knowledge?

surely kama kweli mtu una nia nzuri ya kunufaisha umma to passage kisha tuambie kwa maelezo zaidi someni kitabu so, so and so na if not kitabu tuambieni tusome journal ipi ambayo mmetoa hivyo vipande

huo ndo uungwana na ustaarabu. Kushare KNOWLEDGE

 

[Companero]

Thread inaendelea vizuri lakini style ya baadhi ya watu inatupa unyonge sana.Mna quote passages za vitabu lakini hamtaki kutuambia ni vitabu gani.sasa hi kweli ni haki ya kutoa knowledge?surely kama kweli mtu una nia nzuri ya kunufaisha umma to passage kisha tuambie kwa maelezo zaidi someni kitabu so, so and so na if not kitabu tuambieni tusome journal ipi ambayo mmetoa hivyo vipande.huo ndo uungwana na ustaarabu. Kushare KNOWLEDGE

Naona unafikiria sana kupata rejea kwa ajili ya hiyo Poor higher Degree (PhD) yako, haya kitabu cha CLR James kinaitwa A HISTORY OF THE PAN-AFRICAN REVOLT na kilichapishwa mwaka 1969 na SPEAR PRESS.

Hizo nukuu za BABU nilishaweka rejea yake hapo awali ila, maadam hatuchelewi kusahau,basi rejea hiyo ni BABU:I SAW THE FUTURE AND IT WORKS kilichohaririwa na HAROUB OTHMAN na kuchapishwa na E & D LIMITED mwaka 2001.

Dondoo ya Mwalimu kuhusu kuuchukia ukomunisti/usoshalisti wa Ulaya nayo nilishaiweka, inapatikana mtandaoni kupitia: http://www.nathanielturner.com/ujamaanyerere.htm

Umefurahi sasa? Haya kila la heri mtafuta maarifa kwa ajili ya Digirii!

 

[Jasusi]

Naona unafikiria sana kupata rejea kwa ajili ya hiyo Poor higher Degree (PhD) yako, haya kitabu cha CLR James kinaitwa A HISTORY OF THE PAN-AFRICAN REVOLT na kilichapishwa mwaka 1969 na SPEAR PRESS.

Hizo nukuu za BABU nilishaweka rejea yake hapo awali ila, maadam hatuchelewi kusahau,basi rejea hiyo ni BABU:I SAW THE FUTURE AND IT WORKS kilichohaririwa na HAROUB OTHMAN na kuchapishwa na E & D LIMITED mwaka 2001.

Dondoo ya Mwalimu kuhusu kuuchukua ukomunisti/usoshalisti wa Ulaya nayo nilishaiweka, inapatikana mtandaoni kupitia: Ujamaa By Junious  Nyerere

Umefurahi sasa? Haya kila la heri mtafuta maarifa kwa ajili ya Digirii!

Pia umesahamu kumtaja marehemu Dr. Chachage Seith Chachage.

 

[kaiyurankuba]

I admire mwalimu in some respects lakini katika hili la kuwa mwandishi he was completely miserable! that is with the exception ya ule utenzi uliotumika kuua hoja ya philp marmo na malecela juu ya hatima ya muungano....akawaita wahuni!. as a man of letters ( here i mean he was well read) he had complete zero tolerance of alternative or competing views and was living big in his own dream ya 'fikra sahihi za mwenyekiti'. zidumu!!! did he sit down and write freedom and unity? (kaandikiwa). and where does freedom and unity stand in political philosophy? no where! Intellectually Babu by far surpassed mwalimu. Mwalimu made sure Babu was 'marooned' in dar es salaam using him as a political 'check' against karume, until when the opportunity presented itself for mwalimu to get rid of Babu. He no longer needed his services and by tying Babu to the Karume assasination in made sure Babu would never have any political base in Zanzibar from which to relaunch his political career. Babu support for NCCR should be examined within the political context of the time. In 1994-5 NCCR was on the brink of toppling CCM from power in the Mainland and CUF was taking over in Zanzibar. We all know what happened wakati Nyerere na wenzake walipolazimisha tume ya uchaguzi Zanziba kubadili matokeo!That was the worst side of Nyerere which I never liked!

 

[JokaKuu]

kaiyurankuba,Kuhani,FMES,Jasusi,Bibi Ntilie,Rev.Kishoka,Companero,

..hivi ni nani alikuwa anamwandikia Mwalimu?

..who were his speech writers? kwanini hiki kimeendelea kuwa siri kubwa?

..speech writers wa Reagan,Kennedy,Clinton,Obama,...wanajulikana. kwanini wa Baba wa Taifa Mwalimu Nyerere hawajulikani?


NB:

..ni nani aliandika ile speech ya "Uwezo tunao,Sababu tunazo, na Nia tunayo..."

 

[Jasusi]

kaiyurankuba,Kuhani,FMES,Jasusi,Bibi Ntilie,Rev.Kishoka,Companero,

..hivi ni nani alikuwa anamwandikia Mwalimu?

..who were his speech writers? kwanini hiki kimeendelea kuwa siri kubwa?

..speech writers wa Reagan,Kennedy,Clinton,Obama,...wanajulikana. kwanini wa Baba wa Taifa Mwalimu Nyerere hawajulikani?


NB:

..ni nani aliandika ile speech ya "Uwezo tunao,Sababu tunazo, na Nia tunayo..."

jokaKuu,
Generally Mwalimu alikuwa anaandika spichi zake mwenyewe. Lakini katika masuala ya kimataifa Foreign Affairs walikuwa wanamfanyia research, au hata ubalozi wa nchi atakayotembelea na yeye atayaingiza kwenye spichi zake. Mkapa pia aliwahi kuwa spichi writer wa Mwalimu. The US has been an open developed society for much longer than Tanzania lakini kama unataka kufanya research kujua waandishi waliomwandikia Mwalimu baadhi ya hotuba zake it is as easy as ABC. Kuna stori aliwahi kunieleza Mzee Mkapa baada ya kifo cha Kenyatta. Mkapa as foreign minister alimfuata Mwalimu Ikulu kumpa ratiba ya kwenda kwenye mazishi, wakati huo na hotuba imeshaandikwa na Mkapa. Mwalimu akamwambia kuwa hataenda mazishi. Kumbuka uhusiano wetu wakati huo na Kenya ulikuwa at a very low point.
Mkapa akakuna kichwa akaona itakuwa aibu kwa Tanzania kutokwenda mazishi ya jirani yetu. Akamfuata Mzee Rupia (the elder) na kumweleza tatizo. Mzee Rupia akamfuata Mwalimu Ikulu akamwambia itakuwa ni aibu kwa taifa kutowakilishwa at the highest level kwenye mazishi ya Kenyatta.
Mwalimu akamwangalia Mkapa akamwambia, haya twende, lakini nitaandika spichi yangu mwenyewe. Ndipo alipoandika ile spichi alipomwita Kenyatta a tribal chief.

 

[Companero]

did he sit down and write freedom and unity? (kaandikiwa)

Where is the evidence sir? They say no research no right to speak!

1. Freedom and Unity is a collection of his essays and speech, including the essays he wrote while in college e.g. chapter one therein is thus introduced: "The following extracts are from an unpublished pamphlet written while Julius Nyerere was a student at Edinburgh University from 1949 until 1952. It was long and somewhat discursive and was rejected by the organization to which it was submitted for publication."

2. Mwalimu wrote a lot of literary things that had nothing to do with politics e.g. he wrote Utenzi wa Injili ya Mathayo, Marko, Luka, Mathayo and Utenzi wa Matendo.

3. It is so academically naive, and intellectually dense, to harshly judge a writer without actually reading his/her writings thoroughly!

 

[Mkandara]

Companero,
Mkuu nadhani hunisomi vizuri isipokuwa unachukua baadhi ya maneno katikati na kuyatungia maswali bila kuelewa vizuri nilichoandika..halfu kama kawaida ya kijiwe hiki ni vizuri sana kama wewe utakuja na jibu pinzani na usemi wangu badala ya kuongeza maswali..Kwa mfano, ungenambia wewe unaelewa vipi kuhusu Ukomunist!..

Kwanza kabisa hata sielewi tunabishana kitu gani hapa! mwanzo nilichosema mimi ni kwamba Natanyahu hakukosea na kisha nikaunganisha kusema maelezo yako na Natanyahu hayana tofauti isipokuwa... blaaa blaaa blaaa...
Ajabu sioni kitu kinachohusiana na malezo yangu yaliyotangulia kuwa pinzania ama marekebisho ya yale niliyoandika.
Mkuu, mchango wangu unawahusu WATU hawa wawili na sio NCHI yetu Tanzania. Niliandika kwamba tusijidanganye kuwa Nyerere hakuwa Mkomunist isipokuwa aliacha baadhi ya mambo na hakuchukua ya Kibepari...sikusema kabisa kuwa Tanzania tulikuwa Wakomunist..
Sasa unaponiuliza kuhusu Usoshalist, Ubepari, Udikteta na mengineyo inakuwa kama tunarudi darasani wakati ni rahisi sana kuilenga hoja yako ktk kile usichokubaliana nami...

Huo mfano wako wa Wahindi kuwa na biashara nchini nadhani hapa unakosea, kwanza Ukomunist sio swala la rangi, halafu halihusiani kabisa na biashara isipokuwa kwa mapana zaidi ya mfumo wa kiuchumi wa nchi husika. Hata Russia na China wakati wa Ukomunist kulikuwa na maduka ya watu binafsi pia walikuwepo wafanya biashara vilevile isipokuwa tunachozungumzia hapa ni ile itikadi dhidi ya Kibepari kutumika ktk ujenzi wa jamii nzima. Kumbuka yale maneno ya mwalimu ya Mabwanyeye, mirija, kabaila, Nyang'au, Kaburu na kadhalika yote haya ni ktk mfumo uliojengwa na itikadi za Kikomunist..
Now, Ukiniuliza Tanzania kama tulikuwa Wakomunist nitasema NO!...Na hili halikuwa swali ama hoja yetu isipokuwa Nyerere mwenyewe..Ukomunist wakati huo hauwezi kuwepo ama kuitwa Ukomunist ikiwa umepwaya - una mapungufu kulingana na siasa hizo..Pili kumbuka pia kulikuwa na mitazamo ya KULIA au KUSHOTO, wengine akina sisi tuliitwa Tusiofungamana na Upande wowote, tukiwa kundi moja na nchi ambazo hazikufuata hata huo Usoshalist au hiyo African Socialism!...

Udikteta sio itikadi na hauna mpangilio zaidi ya kutumia mabavu Kiutawala..Unapomweka Idd Amin ktk mifano yako nakuwa wewe ndiye uliyetoa tafsiri hiyo..Bush ni Dikteta..Karume alikuwa Dikteta, viongozi karibu wote wa Kiafrika na hasa dunia ya tatu ni Madikteta lakini hii haina maana kuwa wao ni Socialist ama Komunist. Kumbuka wakati wa Mwalimu JKT ilikuwa lazima, kwenda ktk mikutano na sherehe za chama (sio serikali) ilikuwa lazima na maduka yote hufungwa siku hiyo ili kuwawezesha wananchi kwenda kupata dawa ya fikra (msasa)... Mashuleni na halaiki ambazo nyimbo zake zilihusiana na Kujikomboa..Kila alichokifanya mwalimu kilikuwa na malengo ya kumkomboa Mtanzania Kifikra kuondokana na mawazo ya kitumwa na Ukoloni mamboleo ambao ulikuwa shina la Ubepari..
Kuhusiana na Usocialist mkuu nitakupa mfano mmoja:- Tulipokuwa tukipigania Uhuru wetu (Mtu mweusi against Mzungu mkoloni) hivi hao Coloured, Mulato kina Obama walikuwa kundi gani?..ikiwa wazungu wenyewe waliwaita ni weusi!..
Je, struggle za kina Obama against Ukoloni wanaweza kuwa tofauti na mtu mweusi kwa sababu tu wao sii weusi hivyo!
Mengine mkuu utajazia wewe...

 

[Companero]

Companero,
Mkuu nadhani hunisomi vizuri isipokuwa unachukua baadhi ya maneno katikati na kuyatungia maswali bila kuelewa vizuri nilichoandika..halfu kama kawaida ya kijiwe hiki ni vizuri sana kama wewe utakuja na jibu pinzani na usemi wangu badala ya kuongeza maswali..Kwa mfano, ungenambia wewe unaelewa vipi kuhusu Ukomunist!..

Kwanza kabisa hata sielewi tunabishana kitu gani hapa! mwanzo nilichosema mimi ni kwamba Natanyahu hakukosea na kisha nikaunganisha kusema maelezo yako na Natanyahu hayana tofauti isipokuwa... blaaa blaaa blaaa...
Ajabu sioni kitu kinachohusiana na malezo yangu yaliyotangulia kuwa pinzania ama marekebisho ya yale niliyoandika.
Mkuu, mchango wangu unawahusu WATU hawa wawili na sio NCHI yetu Tanzania. Niliandika kwamba tusijidanganye kuwa Nyerere hakuwa Mkomunist isipokuwa aliacha baadhi ya mambo na hakuchukua ya Kibepari...sikusema kabisa kuwa Tanzania tulikuwa Wakomunist..
Sasa unaponiuliza kuhusu Usoshalist, Ubepari, Udikteta na mengineyo inakuwa kama tunarudi darasani wakati ni rahisi sana kuilenga hoja yako ktk kile usichokubaliana nami...

Mkuu hayo maswali ni kwa ajili ya kuongeza uelewa na kukufanya utafakari upya hitimisho lako kuwa Mwalimu alikuwa Mkomunisti. Darasa haliishii shuleni au chuoni. Hivyo usikimbie darasa la JF. Naona hapo maelezo yako yanaonesha kuwa Mwalimu hakuwa Mkomunisti kama ambavyo nchi ya Tanzania haikuwa ya Kikomunisti. Wakomunisti wenyewe hawamhesabu Mwalimu kuwa ni Mkomunisti. Babu mwenyewe hamhesabu Mwalimu kuwa ni Mkomunisti. Mwalimu mwenye hakujiona kuwa ni Mkomunisti na kwa kushirikiana na USA/CIA alipiga vita ukomunisti hasa pale Zanzibar. Ndio maana nikakuuliza nini maana ya Ukomunisti kwako kwa kuwa inaonekana una tafsiri tofauti ya ukomunisti - tafsiri ambayo siyo ya Babu, Mwalimu wala wakomunisti wenyewe. Taja angalau vigezo 5 vinavyothibitisha kuwa Mwalimu alikuwa Mkomunisti. Jenga hoja kwa kutumia vigezo thabiti.

 

[Companero]

...isipokuwa tunachozungumzia hapa ni ile itikadi dhidi ya Kibepari kutumika ktk ujenzi wa jamii nzima. Kumbuka yale maneno ya mwalimu ya Mabwanyeye, mirija, kabaila, Nyang'au, Kaburu na kadhalika yote haya ni ktk mfumo uliojengwa na itikadi za Kikomunist...

Au hii ndio tafsiri yako ya ukomunisti? Nchi ngapi zisizo za kikomunisti na watu wangapi wasio/tusio wakomunisti wanaupinga/tunaupinga ubepari? Je, kuupinga ubepari ni kigezo tosha cha kutufanya tuitwe wakomunisti? Unakumbuka kwa nini wapigania haki za watu weusi Marekani waliitwa wakomunisti katika miaka ya 60? Hivi unakumbuka ni kwa nini wapigania uhuru wa Afrika Kusini nao waliitwa wakomunisti katika miaka hiyo hiyo ya 60? Bado nauliza, ni nini hasa kinakufanya na wewe leo umuite Mwalimu mkomunisti? Kwa nini?

 

[Companero]

Niliandika kwamba tusijidanganye kuwa Nyerere hakuwa Mkomunist isipokuwa aliacha baadhi ya mambo na hakuchukua ya Kibepari...

Mkuu yafuatayo ni maneno ya huyo unayejaribu kuusemea moyo wake kuwa alikuwa 'mkomunisti' kama vile uko kwenye kile kisa cha wanaolia kuliko wafiwa wenyewe:

"Mimi ni msomi mwenye shahada ya Masters of Arts kutoka Chuo Kikuu cha Edinburgh, Uingereza. Kila mwezi Chama cha TANU hunilipa Shs 500/= kama posho yangu nikiwa kama Rais wake. Ninazo hisa katika baadhi ya makampuni, na hisa zote kwa jumla ni kama Shs. 2,000/=" - Mwalimu,1958 (Nukuu kutoka katika 'Kesi ya Julius Kambarage Nyerere 1958)

Huyo ndio mkomunisti wako aliyewaachia makaburu wa De Beers wawe na hisa asilimia 50% kwenye mgodi wa almasi wa Mwadui katika miaka ya 70- au migodi sio njia kuu za uchumi? Naam huyo ndio mkomunisti wako aliyeingia ubia na mabepari wa USAID na mabeberu wa WB kuendesha sekta ya mashirika ya umma katika miaka ya 70 - au sekta ya mashirika umma sio njia kuu za uchumi? Hivi umesoma lakini hayo maneno ya mwisho ya Babu hapo chini kuhusu Mwalimu yanayoonesha kuwa huu 'ukoministi koko' wa Mwalimu ndio Babu alikuwa anapingana nao?

"I shared a different perspective [from Mwalimu's perspective], a perspective of improvement through structural change, of replacing the colonial economy with a national economy. Taken in the latter [i.e. Babu's] sense, the [Arusha] Declaration would have aimed at creating the material conditions for a rapid development of the productive forces, putting Tanzanians in charge of their own destiny, materially, socially, culturally and politically. 'Self-reliance' to me meant reliance on our own effort to provide, first for all, the basic needs of our society, and second, to make the economy less dependent on the 'world market in a position of weakness in which we were then and still are" - Babu, 1990s (Nukuu kutoka katika A.M. Babu - Memoirs: An Outline)

Hayo anayoyasema Babu hakika Mwalimu hakuyatekeleza kwa kuwa hakuwa Mmaksisti au Mkomunisti na ndio maana aliingia ubia na mabepari na mabeberu. Mwalimu alikuwa Mliberali. Aliathiriwa sana kimtazamo na Waliberali wa kale wa Kiskochi alipokuwa Edinburgh. Ndio maana alichanganya sana madesa ya Kisoshalisti na Kibepari kwenye uandaaji na utekelezaji wa sera yake ya 'Ujamaa - Msingi wa Usoshalisti wa Kiafrika'.

 

[Companero]

Mwalimu Nyerere and the Ideological Amalgam of African Socialism and Welfare State Liberalism

Frustrated by the elitist development in the 1960s and the heightened educational crises which culminated in the National Service dispute, President Nyerere, who was by now the key education policy maker in Tanzania, decided to formulate education policies which, though radical in their own rights, were anticipated by colonial agricultural-based educational policies which were detested by the majority of Tanzanians. The time was ripe now for Nyerere, who is on Hatch (1976) and Smith (1973) records for claiming that his self-evolved ideas of politics were formed completely at the University of Edinburgh were his strongest subject was philosophy, to implement a synthesis of the liberal ideas to the Tanzanian education system and to the nation as a whole.

Not deviating much from the social democratic liberalism conceptualisations of the father of utilitarianism, John Stuart Mill, whom he admired a lot, Nyerere (1966) came up with ‘a new synthesis of man and society’ which aimed to resolve the tension between the individual and his/her society and paved the way for the creation of a quasi socialist welfare state. His synthesis asserted that man’s existence in society involves an inevitable and inescapable conflict of his own two main desires: the desire for freedom to pursue his own interests/inclination and the desire for the freedoms which can only be obtained through life in society. He further assert that this necessitate the individual to sacrifice, in the interest of the society, certain private freedoms which he could have possessed outside the society if it was at all possible to live outside the society.

To Nyerere, the basic purpose of this society - which is to serve man - could be realised by the establishment of institutions which safeguard and promote both unity and freedom as well as by fostering an attitude - a social ethic – which ensures that these institutions remain true to their purpose and are adapted as need arises. It follows, then, that all social and economic policies were to be formulated with the aim of creating a new society that was founded on these social democratic liberal ideals. However, to Nyerere, these policies were to be distinctively African in the sense that they could synthesize traditional African family values with modern techniques in order to build a relatively well-off egalitarian society. He called this synthesis ‘Ujamaa’ i.e. the Kiswahili word for ‘familyhood’ and he institutionalized it in his 1967’s Arusha Declaration.

The Declaration, Nyerere asserted, “supplied the need for a definition of socialism in Tanzanian terms, and provided the necessary sign-post of the direction in which the nation must travel to achieve its goals” (Nyerere 1968: viii). This need, as he further noted, arose from the fact that for a long time the meaning of this philosophy in the Tanzanian condition was left vague even though the ruling party had been officially committed to the building of a socialist society since 1962. This lack of ideology, as he further asserts, did not prevent TANU and its government from pursuing policies which were in fact socialist. However, “the absence of a generally accepted and easily understood statement of philosophy and policy was allowing some Government and Party actions which were not consistent with building socialism, and which even encouraged the growth of non-socialist values and attitudes” (Nyerere, 1968, pp. vii- viii).

These Arusha Declaration policy statements were then complemented by Nyerere’s (1968) 'Socialism and Rural Development' and Nyerere’s (1968) 'Education for Self-Reliance' (ESR) Policy booklets. The former text called for the establishment of cooperative communities. In the latter text, he offers an alternative to the inherited capitalistic colonial education system which limited the expansion of educational facilities and inculcated values that were irrelevant to the needs of Tanzania. Sensing that the low rate of social-economic development meant that post-primary education will remain elitist, He called for a relevant and complete universal primary schooling. Since he viewed the traditional African family, which was mainly rural and agricultural, as the natural embodiment of this new society he was trying to create and that the school was an important socializing institution, Nyerere asserted that schools should become farming communities.

Nyerere’s state also initiated programs to educate illiterate adults who were mainly peasants and tied it to his concept of self-reliance and school farm programs. This articulation of his policies aimed to break with the legacy of colonial education by creating egalitarian values among the youth of Tanzania and their parents, who were struggling for social mobility that elitist education system seemingly promised to provide. Since school children were meant to be an integral part of the peasant society, it was expected that the practical knowledge they get from school would also trickle to the illiterate peasants. Thus, Tanzanian farmers and their children, including those who were still practicing individualistic small-scale capitalistic farming, were urged to live in Ujamaa villages (co-operative socialist community) in line with the policy statements of the above-mentioned three policy booklets. In favouring the collective over the individual, Nyerere was increasingly lining himself with social democratic liberalism and sidelining himself from the classical liberalism of Adam Smith that was to influence neoliberalism significantly in the last years of Nyerere’s life. However, throughout his life this liberal tension between individualism and collectivism remained within and between Nyerere the person and Nyerere the statesman/policymaker as the following response -given few months before his death - to the contention that one should let the individual develop and let the nation-states be secondary implies:

"It cannot be. I’m telling you, Bill [Sutherland], if the blessed Lord had wanted a planet for myself, He would have done it. He could have made a planet for every single individual but He never did it. He puts us in community, and we jolly well have to live as part of it. Of course, I’m an individual and I respect my own individuality. But I am an individual and a member of a community. And the community has conditions. All the commandments – Thou Shalt Not – are about community. Now there is an anarchism that is called democracy, but rejects the community. But I don’t accept that, I don’t accept anarchism. I wish we had a chance to develop Ujamaa because I don’t believe we have failed in Ujamaa. I believe it is in the spirit…i ndividuals, yes – but individuals in the community. Individuals, yes – because I myself am an extremely assertive individual. Nobody can doubt my own commitment to my own individualism, but I am still an individual within the community" (Nyerere quoted in Sutherland & Meyer 2000: 88-89)

 

[Gamba la Nyoka]

ujamaa= communism with african characteristcs?
or
socialism with african characteristics?

 

[kaiyurankuba]

mwalimu JKN ....alias haambiliki. mnadhani mwalimu aliitwa haambiliki by accident?

 

[kaiyurankuba]

define african characteristics? mwalimu alitufanya wote tuwe mazuzu! what does african characteristics actually mean? is it geograhical? is it racial? is it periodical? what is it actually?

 

[Game Theory]

ishakuwa noma

ngoja nikae pembeni kwani sometimes ni vizuri kukusanya badala y akutoa japo wengine wanatoa kidogogo kidogo hizo sources zao

interesting....

 

[Mkandara]

Companero,
Mkuu maswali yako yote nitayajibu kwa neno moja... Nyerere alikuwa Mkomunist kama ulivyosema watu weusi waliitwa Marekani na kadhalika.. Hoja yangu hapa ni vipi namtazama Nyerere..
Mkuu Nilisema Abraham Babu ndiye mwalimu wake...Alijifunza Ukomunist mkuu, Hivyo kama daktari aliyesomea Udakari yeye huitwa daktari hata kama hatafanya kazi ya Udaktari...Au kafanya kazi ya Udaktari lakini sio ktk fani aliyosomea.. bado mtu huyo ni dakltari, na unaweza kum address kama daktari..
Idea ya Nyerere kuijenga Tanzania kuwa nchi ya Kijamaa (Socialist) haina maana kuwa yeye sio Mkomunist. Na pamoja na yeye kuwa Mkomunist ama kutujenga ktk Ujama Usosialist haina maana sisi wote Tanzania tulikuwa Wajamaa ama Wakomunist.. Hata wanawe yeye Nyerere au mkewe wanaweza kupingana na itikadi za Kimomunist au Kijamaa. Kumbuka tu tunayemzungumzia hapo ni Nyerere.
Nimemaliza..