USA yaendelea kuichimba Tanzania

[mbalaka]

Marekani anajaribu kutuchonganisha. Na kwa kuwa anajua kuna walafi wengi wako nje ya mfumo wa Yohana; wao wakipewa vipande vichache vya fedha wako tayari kutuuza kama Yuda alivyomfanyia Yesu.

So far, Eva alidanganywa na nyoka kwa ukweli uliochanganywa na urongo. Eva akaingia kingi na leo tumefikia hapa.

Marekani hana Rafiki na nchi za Afrika hasa pale anapoona kuna watu wenye kujitambua na kutaka kuona haki inatendeka kwa kutumia rasilimali zao.

Ni Marekani iliwahi kumwona na kumtajia Mandela kama gaidi wakati anapigania uhuru wa Taifa lake. Mandela baada ya kutoka lupango na kupewa uhuru wa bendera pasi kugusa mfumo wa haki za kiuchumi wa weusi over a sudden akawa hero na role model.

Iraq walisema kuna weapons of mass distraction huku wakijua hazipo wapate tiketi ya kumwondoa Sadam Hussein; si ajabu wakaja na slogan ya kusema kuna mfumo Ukristo ili kufikia malengo yao yoyote.

Ikumbukwe, athari za Ugaidi Kenya na Uganda ni kubwa kwenye nchi ambazo Waslamu hawajawahi kuongaza Nchi hizo. Wamerekani wanataka kutufanya tusahau ni Tanzania hii tumewahi kuwa na Ali Hassan Mwinyi na Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete; kama kusingekuwa na usawa sijui wakubwa hao wa nchi wangepenya vip.

Enough is enough kusikiza watu wenye hila na wazandiki kama Wamerekani

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Mimi natamani waje hata leo..
bora tukoswe wote kuliko wafaidikaji wawe kikundi furani.


Sent using Jamii Forums mobile app

 

[Bams]

Leo katika pitapita zangu (browsing) YouTube nimekutana na hii habari ya Tanzanite TV.

Jionee na jisikilizie mwenyewe...



Baada ya kuisikiliza habari hiyo, nikatafuta chanzo walichokielezea, nikakipata na kuipata habari hii...

Magufuli’s Reign and Tanzania’s Creeping Radicalization Issue - Jamestown

By: Brian M. Perkins
January 28, 2020 03:36 PM

Over the past several years, Tanzania has served as an origin and transit point for radicalized individuals fighting alongside terrorist groups operating in nearby countries, particularly al-Shabaab in Somalia and Ansar al-Sunna in Mozambique. Tanzania has not been as internally affected by jihadist groups as nearby Mozambique, Kenya, and Somalia, but it is likely only a matter of time before the threat increasingly turns inward. Following contentious local elections in late 2019 that saw the ruling party run mostly unopposed and with the 2020 presidential elections likely to continue the status quo, Islamist groups in the country are likely to become more active.

A sizeable number of radicalized Tanzanians have historically left the country to join terrorist groups elsewhere, rather than turning their violence toward the state. Similarly, networks of radicalized groups in Tanzania have also facilitated the training and transfer of non-Tanzanians through the country to fight alongside terrorist groups outside of Tanzania. Most recently, Kenyan police confirmed in December that Kenyans radicalized by an al-Shabaab recruitment cell in western Kenya’s Siaya county were using Tanzania as a gateway to Somalia, likely using well-established networks in Tanzania to circumvent Kenya’s more stringent security controls by traveling from Tanzania’s coast. Tanzanian security forces confirmed they had captured and returned several individuals but others remained on the loose (Garowe, December 11, 2019). The structures that facilitate radicalization and recruitment are clearly present and resentment toward the government’s progressively authoritarian rule is growing. As such, it is easy to conceive that the country could see a rise in violent extremism if the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party and President John Magufuli continue their reign, hardening the narrative of mfumo Kristo (Christian dominance).

The threat of radicalization on Tanzania’s predominantly Muslim Zanzibar archipelago has been well-documented, but the rising threat on the country’s more homogenous mainland has flown more under the radar. Understanding the nature of violent extremism in Tanzania’s mainland is challenging as Tanzanian police have chronically downplayed the threat and characterized numerous attacks over the past several years as being linked to criminal groups rather than radicalized armed groups, much like the Mozambican government did during the early days of the conflict in Cabo Delgado. Also similar to Mozambique, reporting in many areas is scant due to media restrictions and reporters’ own self-censorship, particularly following the disappearance of multiple journalists (East African, January 18).

Thus far, the government’s increasingly authoritarian tendencies have not explicitly targeted or galvanized Muslim communities, but they have riled other groups. However, restrictions on political and religious organizations, alleged extrajudicial killings and detentions, and unequal economic policies, particularly relating to land management, have only contributed to a further loss of legitimacy for the state’s National Muslim Council of Tanzania (Baraza Kuu la Waislamu Tanzania—BAKWATA). These factors have helped facilitate the advent of fundamentalist challengers who are particularly adept at recruiting vulnerable Muslim youth by playing into the generational conflict between the younger generation of Wahhabi-leaning Muslims and their Sufi-oriented elders, whom they view as complicit in the government, and by association, BAKWATA’s marginalization of certain Muslim communities. [1] The perception of Sufi elders’ pro-government stance is compounded by young fundamental Islamists’ rejection of Sufi practices, particularly relating to burial rituals.

The threat of violent extremism is most prevalent in the coastal regions of Tanga, Pwani, and Mtwara, all of which have seen a rise in militant attacks and activity over the past five years and are uniquely vulnerable to such activity due to a variety of political, economic, and geographic factors. The current political climate and the likelihood of President Magufuli winning the presidential election will exacerbate the factors that contribute to radicalization as he continues to clamp down on alleged Islamists and closes political space for any meaningful opposition or dissent through actions such as banning political rallies, which will increasingly force individuals toward actions outside of the political system.

Tanga, which shares a border with Kenya and has a large coastline, has served as an epicenter of more radical interpretations of Islam since the 1970s with networks of mosques linked to Ansar Youth Centre cropping up across the region. Tanga has also been a hub for radicalized individuals fleeing crackdowns in Kenya as well as militants seeking to join al-Shabaab in Somalia (East African, January 19, 2019). Between 2015 and 2017, a series of violent incidents linked to a well-armed organization police tracked to the Amboni Caves renewed concerns of radicalized youths from nearby mosques joining shadowy armed groups in the area (The Citizen, May 31, 2016). It is also worth noting the prominence of political opposition in Tanga, which was one of three regions that did not hold polling in the 2019 local elections due to the opposition boycott.

In Pwani Region, the district of Kibiti has particularly experienced a similar rise in radicalization as well as targeted attacks against ruling CCM party members and police officials reportedly connected to youths from mosques erected after Islamists clashed with worshippers at preexisting mosques, with dozens being killed since 2017. Kibiti has also historically exported a significant number of fighters to al-Shabaab and Ansar al-Sunna. Security forces responded to the spate of violence in Kibiti by launching a significant crackdown on alleged Islamists in the broader Pwani region, with locals and members of parliament accusing the government of being responsible for the disappearance of 380 people, among other alleged abuses (East African, May 5, 2018).

Mtwara is particularly vulnerable given the escalation of the conflict in nearby Cabo Delgado, Mozambique and those militants’ connections to Tanzanians. Multiple cross border attacks have already taken place and Tanzanian authorities have arrested upwards of a hundred Tanzanians for attempting to cross the border to fight in Mozambique or for attempting to establish training camps (The Citizen, November 13, 2019; East African, August 11, 2019). Tanzanian authorities have also stated that they believe individuals who fled security operations in Kibiti had relocated to Mtwara and fear that fighters will return from Mozambique. Mtwara has long been a peripheral region far removed from the government and has suffered significantly due to fluctuations in cashew yields. The region has increasingly become an opposition stronghold, particularly following harsh crackdowns in response to protests against a planned oil pipeline (Quartz, May 31, 2018). The neglected region of Mtwara, aside from sharing many linguistic and ethnic features with Cabo Delgado, is also facing a similar issue in that the discovery of natural gas reserves threatens to further the economic disparity between residents and those who will benefit from the boom.

The prevalence of radicalized networks in Tanzania and the connections to other militant groups in the region has created an outlet through which marginalized Muslim youth are likely to channel their resentment toward the government and mfumo Kristo, should Magufuli win. The generational religious conflict between younger Islamists and the Sufi community will continue to be amplified by the government’s restrictions on religious and political groups, police crackdowns, matters of land management, and the coming oil boom. Tanzania could be primed to experience an increase in violence directed inward as opposed to exporting its radicalized individuals elsewhere in the region. Meanwhile, the conflict in Mozambique continues to worsen and there is a likelihood that the violence will increasingly spill into Mtwara.

Notes
[1] Author’s interview with Dar es Salaam-based scholar on November 15, 2019.

Source: Magufuli’s Reign and Tanzania’s Creeping Radicalization Issue - Jamestown

Sidhani kama unaweza kupata kitu chochote cha maana na cha kuaminika toka kwa Musiba. Maelezo yake yote huwa yanakosa weledi kutokana na ushabiki ulioptiliza ambao hufifisha wajibu wa matumizi ya akili.

 

[Aaron Arsenal]

Kifupi Jiwe kaingia kwenye kumi na nane za mabeberu kazi kwake .Mwaka huu Jiwe atakuwa tope kwelikweli.

huu NDIO ukweli watu wanaukwepa

Miaka yote mabeberu walikuwa wapi kutusumbua ije kuwa Leo

 

[Bams]

Sijamuona Musiba kwenye hiyo video clip.

Na hayo ya Jamestown chini ya hiyo video clip?

Hayo waliyoeleza Jamestown, sidhani kama kuna mwenye akili timamu anayeweza kuyapinga moja kwa moja.

Udikteta, upendeleo, uonevu, kwa kiasi kikubwa ndiyo mambo ambayo katika mataifa mengi yamezalisha ugaidi na makundi ya uasi.

Tukikumbatia udikteta, uonevu, upendeleo, na kuondoa haki za watu kuyasema yanayowagusa kwa uhuru bila kutishwa au kutekwa, watu wakanyimwa uhuru wa kuwachagua viongozi wanaowataka kama ilivyo kwa sasa nchini mwetu, n.k. hatuwezi kuwa na uhakika wa kuyakwepa matokeo yake, hata kama siyo sasa, kuna siku tutakujakujilaani. Na bahati mbaya waliosababisha, wakati huo wanaweza wasiwepo.

Badala ya kumshambulia anayekuletea habari, tumia muda mwingi kujichunguza na kujiridhisha kama upo kwenye mstari sahihi.

Ubaguzi na upendeleo wa aina yoyote ile hautatuacha salama. Kukiwa na ubaguzi, hata mwenye agenda mbaya ni rahisi kupenyeza na akawapata wa kumwunga mkono.

Yale makundi ya kigaidi Kaskazini mwa Mozambique, yamefanikiwa kuleta maafa makubwa kwa sababu yameweza kuungwa mkono na jamii ya kabila la Wamwani ambao kwa kiasi kikubwa wanadai wametengwa kwenye uongozi wa nchi. Na ni hawa hawa watu wa Kaskazini mwa Mozambique, daima imekuwa ngome ya wapinzani wa Frelimo. Tatizo kubwa ni kwamba jamii hii kwa kiasi kikubwa imebaguliwa, na inajiona umedunishwa na mfumo wa utawala wa nchini mwao.

Mwenzio akinyolewa, wewe tia maji.

 

[Aaron Arsenal]

Mimi natamani waje hata leo..
bora tukoswe wote kuliko wafaidikaji wawe kikundi furani.


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Naunga mkono hoja

Haiwezekani kakikund ka watu wachache ndio wanajimilikisha keki ya taifa

Huku wengine wanakosa Ajira , huku wenye Ziro wanapewa mikoa

 

[mbalaka]

Naunga mkono hoja

Haiwezekani kakikund ka watu wachache ndio wanajimilikisha keki ya taifa

Huku wengine wanakosa Ajira , huku wenye Ziro wanapewa mikoa

Yaani inatia uchungu sana.

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[Bams]

Hii habari imenifanya nifikirie sana, hawa USA wanataka kuanzisha au wameshaanzisha chokochoko za kutuchafua Tanzania?

Ukiitazama hii habari, ukiitazama habari ya aliyechana Qur'an, ukija kusoma nyuzi za anaejiita Mcqueenen hapa JF. Ukifikiri ya Makonda kunyimwa visa, ukifikiri ya Watanzania kuondolewa kwenye bahati nasibu ya green card, ukifikiri ya World Bank, ukifikiri ya msaada wa silaha kutoka USA, ukifikiri ya Tanzania kutangazwa siyo salama sana kwa utalii.

Kwa yote hayo unaweza kuunganisha dots na kukuta tayari limeshapikwa na linangoja kupakuliwa tu.

Allah tulinde na wenye kutia wasiwasi kwenye nyoyo za watu. Allah tuepushe na shari na hassad zote, tunazoziona na tusizoziona.

Haya si madogo kwa kiwango chochote kile, inabidi serikali, wasio na dini na wenye dini, tuwe macho na kuwa na subira na tusifanye pupa kwa hizi fitna zinazoendelea.

Tusikubali kuchonganishwa.

Kwa hali ya sahihi ni ngumu sana kushinda vita yoyote ile maana wenyewe kwa wenyewe, japo tutumia barabara za aina moja, hospitali za aina moja, tunaongea kwa lugja moja, tunasali kwenye nyumba za ibada za aina moja, n.k. lakini mioyoni tumetenganishwa sana.

Wengi tunahisi timetengwa kwa misingi ya vyama, kanda, wanaounga mkono na wakosoaji - wapo watanzania wazalendo na mawakala wa mabeberu. Bahati mbaya sana, serikali ndiyo imekuwa kinara wa kuwatenganisha watu badala ya kuwaunganisha.

Tungekuwa na watawala wenye hekima, wangewapenda wanaowapinga na kuwakosoa ili kuwafunza maadui zao kwa matendo ya hekima. Bahati mbaya tumewakosa viongozi wa namna hiyo, tukaambulia watawala wa visasi.

 

[Sijijui]

Hiyo habari ilishawekwa humu JF, nadhani wiki iliyopita au ile ya mwisho wa January.

Ila hiyo video ya Trump naona ndio mpya hapa.

Lakini yote tisa, kenda; maana ya yote haya ni kwamba Tanzania hatuna utulivu tena. Tumeanza kutafutiwa visababu, kwa mambo ya hovyo tu tunayofanya sisi wenyewe bila ya kuwa na sababu mhimu ya kuyafanya.

Inawezekana tukawa tunatafutiwa jina baya ili tutandikwe?

Hapana, bado tupo mbali sana na hatua hiyo. Kwanza hatuna la maana sana la kutandikiwa kwa sasa hivi.

Hawa wakubwa watatuacha tuchakazwe kweli kweli na "wababe" wetu wenyewe wa humu humu nyumbani hadi akili zituingie kichwani.

Sana sana wanachoweza kufanya hawa "wababe" wa dunia, ni kuwatumia t vijibwa vyao vilivyopo jirani na sisi kuwachokonoa "wababe" wetu, na hawa wakimba vichwa, hapo ndipo tunaweza kuchapwa.

Kimeli kimoja tu kinatosha kuziba mlango ule pale. Ni miezi miwili, tunaowaona leo "wababe" kwetu, watakuwa wamenyooka kama waliotapikwa na chatu.

Sijui ni kipi kinachowasumbua hawa watu wetu hawa.

Eti "vita ya Kiuchumi", huku ukivuruga watu wako nyumbani unaotaka vita hiyo iwasaidie. Utapigana vita kwa kusambaratisha jeshi lako mwenyewe?

Sababu muhimu ni kulinda urais wa Magufuli,wewe unadhani kupiga pushups mbele ya watoto wadogo ni kazi rahisi hivyo?

 

[Sijijui]

Ni Jambo la kutafakari.

USA wanaitakia nini Tanzania? Mema au mabaya?

Kama lengo ni kuwang'oa ccm na magufuli,nipo upande wa USA.

 

[Idimulwa]

Mbona kuna mambo ya ukweli,ya kina Alphonsi Mawazo, kijana wa Mirambo Sec etc.......

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[Bams]

Mi nilivoelewa ni kuwa america wanataka kutuingizia vikundi vya kigaidi ili kuidhoofisha serekali iliyopo!!kwa nongwa ya kunyimwa fursa za uwekezaji nchini!!!

Tusikimbilie kwenye sababu za kijinga. Hivi hata kabla ya Magufuli, makampuni ya US yalikuwa yamewekeza kwenye nini?

Tanzania, hakujawahi kuwepo kampuni hata moja ya US ya madini. Ghana wana Newmont.

Tanzania hakujawahi kuwa na kampuni ua Marekani kwenye miradi ya gas.

Barrick ni kampuni ya Canada lakini inatrade pia kwenye soko la hisa la New York. Lakini kampuni hii kuja kuwekeza hapa Tanzania, serikali ilihangaika sana kuwavembeleza. Walikuwa hawataki. Na walisema kuwa hawana sera ya kuwekeza Afrika kwa sababu Waafrika hawaheshimu mikataba. Tulitumia mpaka watu wenye ushawishi, na wakatuwejea masharti, kama tunataka waje. Hata baada ya kuwekeza wakati wote wamekuwa wanatafuta namna ya kuondoka Tanzania, kinachowasumbua hawapati mnunuzi wa assets zao.

Ni vema tunapoambiwa jambo fulani, tusikimbilie sana kusema eti wanatafuta mali za asili zetu. Tuyatafakari kwanza yanayosemwa kama yana uwezekano wa ukweli au hapana. Na kama ni sahihi au uwongo, tunaenda hatua ya pili.

Dhahabu ipo mataifa mengi. Gas ipo mataifa mengi, na sasa Msumbiji wanatuzidi.

Nchi zinazoongoza kwa natural resources Duniani ni China, Marekani, Urusi, Australia, DRC, Saudi Arabia, Venezuela, Canada, Brazil na India siyo Tanzania.

 

[Pascal Mayalla]

Mayalla hii makala si ya Tanzanite wao wamechukua kutoka TANAFRICA TV. Nime subscribe channel yake. Mwandishi binafsi yupo London. Anaitwa Mzwanda

Mkuu Mbase, kwanza asante kunifungua macho, kiukweli ile analysis ni nzuri, nikashangaa kule wale vibonde vya yule kichaa wanaweza kufanya a sensible analysis, kumbe ni jamaa wa London, ila makala imetokana na mahojiano yamefanywa na Dar es Salaam based scholar, ambaye kila kukicha analalamika Mfumo Kristu na kuidogosha Bakwata.
P

 

[Bams]

Ukiona mmarekani anaanzisha habari za chokochoko ujue dawa imewaingia.

Wamekuja kusaini mikataba ya madini, kiburi cha mmarekani hakipendi kuonekana kinasalimu amri.

Kuna kampuni kama TIPER inaenda kujengwa na serikali yetu, mzungu hapendi habari za aina hii.

Mikataba yote ya ajabu imepitiwa upya mmarekani hapendi haya mambo.

Usilete habari za vijiweni. Watu wanajadili mambobya maana hapa.

 

[FaizaFoxy]

Acha kukwepa kwepa wewe bibi, usizeeke vibaya na utamu wako, Walipuaji kwa asilimia 98% ni waislamu na hulipuani na kuua kwa kofia ya kutetea haki ya Allah.

Wakukwepa ni Mimi? Unanisoma kwa uoga? Huwa sikisii, kumbuka hilo. Soma...

Machi 19, 2018 inaashiria miaka 15 tangu U.S.-UK walipoivamia Iraq mnamo mwaka 2003.

Watu kama wewe hawajui msiba wa uvamizi huo. (Jeshi la Amerika ambalo Kwa mujibu wako ni la Kiislam) ndipo lililofanya mauaji ya halaiki ya watu wa Iraq wasio na kosa lolote. Unajuwa mabomu ya Jeshi (la Waislam) la Marekani limeuwa watu wangapi wasio na hatia?

Jenerali Tommy Franks, mtu anayesimamia uvamizi huo wa kwanza, aliwaambia waandishi waziwazi, "Hatufanyi hesabu za miili." Uchunguzi mwingine uligundua kuwa Wamarekani wengi walidhani vifo vya Iraqi vilikuwa makumi ya maelfu. Lakini mahesabu yetu, kwa kutumia habari bora inayopatikana, yanaonyesha makisio ya janga la vifo vya Iraqi ni milioni 2.4 tangu uvamizi wa 2003.

Soma zaidi...

The staggering death toll in Iraq - Salon.com

The American public must come to terms with the scale of the violence and chaos we have unleashed

www.salon.com

Sasa sema, nani atawashinda Waislam hao wa Marekani waliokwenda kuwauwa Wakristo wa Iraq wasio na makosa kwa mabomu yasiyo na hesabu?

 

[Bukyanagandi]

Mi nilivoelewa ni kuwa america wanataka kutuingizia vikundi vya kigaidi ili kuidhoofisha serekali iliyopo!!kwa nongwa ya kunyimwa fursa za uwekezaji nchini!!!

Tatizo la USA wanataka ku- contain uwekezaji wa Kiuchumi wa Wachina Barani Africa - salama yetu ni ku- run joint venture na Wachina/Warusi katika masuala ya Mafuta,gesi na madini, mbinu hizo ndizo zimesalimisha Taifa la Venezuela kutokana na uwekezaji wa Wachina na Warusi katika sekta ya mafuta na gesi nchini humo.

 

[barafuyamoto]

Wakukwepa ni Mimi? Unanisoma kwa uoga? Huwa sikisii, kumbuka hilo. Soma...

Machi 19, 2018 inaashiria miaka 15 tangu U.S.-UK walipoivamia Iraq mnamo mwaka 2003.

Watu kama wewe hawajui msiba wa uvamizi huo. (Jeshi la Amerika ambalo Kwa mujibu wako ni la Kiislam) ndipo lililofanya mauaji ya halaiki ya watu wa Iraq wasio na kosa lolote. Unajuwa mabomu ya Jeshi (la Waislam) la Marekani limeuwa watu wangapi wasio na hatia?

Jenerali Tommy Franks, mtu anayesimamia uvamizi huo wa kwanza, aliwaambia waandishi waziwazi, "Hatufanyi hesabu za miili." Uchunguzi mwingine uligundua kuwa Wamarekani wengi walidhani vifo vya Iraqi vilikuwa makumi ya maelfu. Lakini mahesabu yetu, kwa kutumia habari bora inayopatikana, yanaonyesha makisio ya janga la vifo vya Iraqi ni milioni 2.4 tangu uvamizi wa 2003.

Soma zaidi...

The staggering death toll in Iraq - Salon.com

The American public must come to terms with the scale of the violence and chaos we have unleashed

www.salon.com

Sasa sema, nani atawashinda Waislam hao wa Marekani waliokwenda kuwauwa Wakristo wa Iraq wasio na makosa kwa mabomu yasiyo na hesabu?

Kuna mtu mwingine hapo nimemwbia anakwepa kwepa zaidi yako? Ni WEWE NDIO.

 

[Bams]

Tatizo la USA wanataka ku- contain uwekezaji wa Kiuchumi wa Wachina Barani Africa - salama yetu ni ku- run joint venture na Wachina/Warusi katika masuala ya Mafuta,gesi na madini, mbinu hizo ndizo zimesalimisha Taifa la Venezuela kutokana na uwekezaji wa Wachina na Warusi katika sekta ya mafuta na gesi nchini humo.

Mchina hawezi kukusaidia. Waziri mkuu wa China kila mara yupo Ulaya kutafuta wawekezaji. China inapata uwekezaji kutoka Ulaya wenye thamani ya zaidi ya dola billion 80 kwa mwaka.

Wawekezaji utakaowapata toka China, ni kwenye uwekezaji mdogo mdogo. Afadhali hata umtegemee Dangote kuliko Wachina. Kampuni gani ya China amewahi kuwekeza Tanzania kwenye mradi japo mmoja kiasi cha dola milioni 500? Hakuna hata moja.

Watanzania sijui ni nani anayewadanganya kuwa China ni tajiri sana kiasi cha kuitoa Afrika kutoka kwenye umaskini ilihali Wachina wengi mpaka leo wanaishi kwenye umaskini.

Mchina anakuja Afrika kuhangaikia maisha yake ili aondokane na umaskini lakini makampuni makubwa ya Ulaya yanatoka kwenye mataifa yao kwenda mataifa mengine kutafuta Surplus.

 

[Chintu]

Leo katika pitapita zangu (browsing) YouTube nimekutana na hii habari ya Tanzanite TV.

Jionee na jisikilizie mwenyewe...



Baada ya kuisikiliza habari hiyo, nikatafuta chanzo walichokielezea, nikakipata na kuipata habari hii...

Magufuli’s Reign and Tanzania’s Creeping Radicalization Issue - Jamestown

By: Brian M. Perkins
January 28, 2020 03:36 PM

Over the past several years, Tanzania has served as an origin and transit point for radicalized individuals fighting alongside terrorist groups operating in nearby countries, particularly al-Shabaab in Somalia and Ansar al-Sunna in Mozambique. Tanzania has not been as internally affected by jihadist groups as nearby Mozambique, Kenya, and Somalia, but it is likely only a matter of time before the threat increasingly turns inward. Following contentious local elections in late 2019 that saw the ruling party run mostly unopposed and with the 2020 presidential elections likely to continue the status quo, Islamist groups in the country are likely to become more active.

A sizeable number of radicalized Tanzanians have historically left the country to join terrorist groups elsewhere, rather than turning their violence toward the state. Similarly, networks of radicalized groups in Tanzania have also facilitated the training and transfer of non-Tanzanians through the country to fight alongside terrorist groups outside of Tanzania. Most recently, Kenyan police confirmed in December that Kenyans radicalized by an al-Shabaab recruitment cell in western Kenya’s Siaya county were using Tanzania as a gateway to Somalia, likely using well-established networks in Tanzania to circumvent Kenya’s more stringent security controls by traveling from Tanzania’s coast. Tanzanian security forces confirmed they had captured and returned several individuals but others remained on the loose (Garowe, December 11, 2019). The structures that facilitate radicalization and recruitment are clearly present and resentment toward the government’s progressively authoritarian rule is growing. As such, it is easy to conceive that the country could see a rise in violent extremism if the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party and President John Magufuli continue their reign, hardening the narrative of mfumo Kristo (Christian dominance).

The threat of radicalization on Tanzania’s predominantly Muslim Zanzibar archipelago has been well-documented, but the rising threat on the country’s more homogenous mainland has flown more under the radar. Understanding the nature of violent extremism in Tanzania’s mainland is challenging as Tanzanian police have chronically downplayed the threat and characterized numerous attacks over the past several years as being linked to criminal groups rather than radicalized armed groups, much like the Mozambican government did during the early days of the conflict in Cabo Delgado. Also similar to Mozambique, reporting in many areas is scant due to media restrictions and reporters’ own self-censorship, particularly following the disappearance of multiple journalists (East African, January 18).

Thus far, the government’s increasingly authoritarian tendencies have not explicitly targeted or galvanized Muslim communities, but they have riled other groups. However, restrictions on political and religious organizations, alleged extrajudicial killings and detentions, and unequal economic policies, particularly relating to land management, have only contributed to a further loss of legitimacy for the state’s National Muslim Council of Tanzania (Baraza Kuu la Waislamu Tanzania—BAKWATA). These factors have helped facilitate the advent of fundamentalist challengers who are particularly adept at recruiting vulnerable Muslim youth by playing into the generational conflict between the younger generation of Wahhabi-leaning Muslims and their Sufi-oriented elders, whom they view as complicit in the government, and by association, BAKWATA’s marginalization of certain Muslim communities. [1] The perception of Sufi elders’ pro-government stance is compounded by young fundamental Islamists’ rejection of Sufi practices, particularly relating to burial rituals.

The threat of violent extremism is most prevalent in the coastal regions of Tanga, Pwani, and Mtwara, all of which have seen a rise in militant attacks and activity over the past five years and are uniquely vulnerable to such activity due to a variety of political, economic, and geographic factors. The current political climate and the likelihood of President Magufuli winning the presidential election will exacerbate the factors that contribute to radicalization as he continues to clamp down on alleged Islamists and closes political space for any meaningful opposition or dissent through actions such as banning political rallies, which will increasingly force individuals toward actions outside of the political system.

Tanga, which shares a border with Kenya and has a large coastline, has served as an epicenter of more radical interpretations of Islam since the 1970s with networks of mosques linked to Ansar Youth Centre cropping up across the region. Tanga has also been a hub for radicalized individuals fleeing crackdowns in Kenya as well as militants seeking to join al-Shabaab in Somalia (East African, January 19, 2019). Between 2015 and 2017, a series of violent incidents linked to a well-armed organization police tracked to the Amboni Caves renewed concerns of radicalized youths from nearby mosques joining shadowy armed groups in the area (The Citizen, May 31, 2016). It is also worth noting the prominence of political opposition in Tanga, which was one of three regions that did not hold polling in the 2019 local elections due to the opposition boycott.

In Pwani Region, the district of Kibiti has particularly experienced a similar rise in radicalization as well as targeted attacks against ruling CCM party members and police officials reportedly connected to youths from mosques erected after Islamists clashed with worshippers at preexisting mosques, with dozens being killed since 2017. Kibiti has also historically exported a significant number of fighters to al-Shabaab and Ansar al-Sunna. Security forces responded to the spate of violence in Kibiti by launching a significant crackdown on alleged Islamists in the broader Pwani region, with locals and members of parliament accusing the government of being responsible for the disappearance of 380 people, among other alleged abuses (East African, May 5, 2018).

Mtwara is particularly vulnerable given the escalation of the conflict in nearby Cabo Delgado, Mozambique and those militants’ connections to Tanzanians. Multiple cross border attacks have already taken place and Tanzanian authorities have arrested upwards of a hundred Tanzanians for attempting to cross the border to fight in Mozambique or for attempting to establish training camps (The Citizen, November 13, 2019; East African, August 11, 2019). Tanzanian authorities have also stated that they believe individuals who fled security operations in Kibiti had relocated to Mtwara and fear that fighters will return from Mozambique. Mtwara has long been a peripheral region far removed from the government and has suffered significantly due to fluctuations in cashew yields. The region has increasingly become an opposition stronghold, particularly following harsh crackdowns in response to protests against a planned oil pipeline (Quartz, May 31, 2018). The neglected region of Mtwara, aside from sharing many linguistic and ethnic features with Cabo Delgado, is also facing a similar issue in that the discovery of natural gas reserves threatens to further the economic disparity between residents and those who will benefit from the boom.

The prevalence of radicalized networks in Tanzania and the connections to other militant groups in the region has created an outlet through which marginalized Muslim youth are likely to channel their resentment toward the government and mfumo Kristo, should Magufuli win. The generational religious conflict between younger Islamists and the Sufi community will continue to be amplified by the government’s restrictions on religious and political groups, police crackdowns, matters of land management, and the coming oil boom. Tanzania could be primed to experience an increase in violence directed inward as opposed to exporting its radicalized individuals elsewhere in the region. Meanwhile, the conflict in Mozambique continues to worsen and there is a likelihood that the violence will increasingly spill into Mtwara.

Notes
[1] Author’s interview with Dar es Salaam-based scholar on November 15, 2019.

Source: Magufuli’s Reign and Tanzania’s Creeping Radicalization Issue - Jamestown

Critical questions before responding to this
1-Why them? Kinawahusu nini?, Kinawauma nini? kwamba wanatupenda sana watanzania?
wanawapenda sana waislam? Marekani hakuna waislam? wanauchukia sana mfumo kristu?, wa kwao ni mfumo gani?
2-Why Now? Wameyaona haya lini? Kwa nini wanatuletea leo? mwaka jana hayakuwepo? mwaka juzi je?
3-Why this way? wanmeona wapitie alshabab na alquada ndio mkakati wao kutuvuruga? wameona njia rahisi ni kutumia dini kwa sababu wanajua watapata support ya watu fulani?

 

[FaizaFoxy]

Kuna mtu mwingine hapo nimemwbia anakwepa kwepa zaidi yako? Ni WEWE NDIO.

Umesoma jinsi Waislam walivyotoka Marekani na kwenda kuuwa kwa mabomu Wakristo 2,400,000 (million mbili laki nne) huko Iraq? Na hesabu bado inaendelea. Watakoma tu.

 

[Sijijui]

Critical questions before responding to this
1-Why them? Kinawahusu nini?, Kinawauma nini? kwamba wanatupenda sana watanzania?
wanawapenda sana waislam? Marekani hakuna waislam? wanauchukia sana mfumo kristu?, wa kwao ni mfumo gani?
2-Why Now? Wameyaona haya lini? Kwa nini wanatuletea leo? mwaka jana hayakuwepo? mwaka juzi je?
3-Why this way? wanmeona wapitie alshabab na alquada ndio mkakati wao kutuvuruga? wameona njia rahisi ni kutumia dini kwa sababu wanajua watapata support ya watu fulani?

whether wanatupenda au hawatupendi lakini pia hata hawa viongozi wetu hawatupendi ndo maa na wanatuua,wanatuteka na kutukandamiza kwa mgogo wa wasiojulikana as if wasiojulikana wana nguvu kuliko serikali