USA yaendelea kuichimba Tanzania

[Phillipo Bukililo]

Usilete habari za vijiweni. Watu wanajadili mambobya maana hapa.

Usilete ujuaji wa kisomi ukadhani mawazo yako ni ya maana kuliko kila mtu.

Hao wazungu kisu kimegusa mfupa. Hakuna tena masuala ya mikataba ya kipuuzi yenye kupendelea upande mmoja.

 

[FaizaFoxy]

Critical questions before responding to this
1-Why them? Kinawahusu nini?, Kinawauma nini? kwamba wanatupenda sana watanzania?
wanawapenda sana waislam? Marekani hakuna waislam? wanauchukia sana mfumo kristu?, wa kwao ni mfumo gani?
2-Why Now? Wameyaona haya lini? Kwa nini wanatuletea leo? mwaka jana hayakuwepo? mwaka juzi je?
3-Why this way? wanmeona wapitie alshabab na alquada ndio mkakati wao kutuvuruga? wameona njia rahisi ni kutumia dini kwa sababu wanajua watapata support ya watu fulani?

Maswali mazuri sana hayo.

Historia ya karibuni inaonesha Wamarekani wakitumia dini na "democracy" kit kiza.malengo yao.

Ukiwasoma hao Jamestown kwenye hii "article" yao utaona kuwa wanatumia vishawishi vyote hivyo viwili kutuvuruga.

Wenye uchu wa madaraka na wenye uchu wa Mali na wenye njaa na wajinga wanaoweza kutumiwa kwa dini zao ni wengi kwetu huku.
Njia pekee ya kuushinda
mkakati wao huu kwetu, ni sisi wote bila kujali itikadi zetu za kidini wala kisiasa tuwe makini sana kuzitambua tusije tukaingizwa kwenye majanga na hawa watu.

Wao wanatazama maslahi yao tu, hawajali kabisa kuhusu sisi ni kina nani.

"You are either with us or you're against us"

 

[Mfiaukweli]

Leo katika pitapita zangu (browsing) YouTube nimekutana na hii habari ya Tanzanite TV.

Jionee na jisikilizie mwenyewe...



Baada ya kuisikiliza habari hiyo, nikatafuta chanzo walichokielezea, nikakipata na kuipata habari hii...

Magufuli’s Reign and Tanzania’s Creeping Radicalization Issue - Jamestown

By: Brian M. Perkins
January 28, 2020 03:36 PM

Over the past several years, Tanzania has served as an origin and transit point for radicalized individuals fighting alongside terrorist groups operating in nearby countries, particularly al-Shabaab in Somalia and Ansar al-Sunna in Mozambique. Tanzania has not been as internally affected by jihadist groups as nearby Mozambique, Kenya, and Somalia, but it is likely only a matter of time before the threat increasingly turns inward. Following contentious local elections in late 2019 that saw the ruling party run mostly unopposed and with the 2020 presidential elections likely to continue the status quo, Islamist groups in the country are likely to become more active.

A sizeable number of radicalized Tanzanians have historically left the country to join terrorist groups elsewhere, rather than turning their violence toward the state. Similarly, networks of radicalized groups in Tanzania have also facilitated the training and transfer of non-Tanzanians through the country to fight alongside terrorist groups outside of Tanzania. Most recently, Kenyan police confirmed in December that Kenyans radicalized by an al-Shabaab recruitment cell in western Kenya’s Siaya county were using Tanzania as a gateway to Somalia, likely using well-established networks in Tanzania to circumvent Kenya’s more stringent security controls by traveling from Tanzania’s coast. Tanzanian security forces confirmed they had captured and returned several individuals but others remained on the loose (Garowe, December 11, 2019). The structures that facilitate radicalization and recruitment are clearly present and resentment toward the government’s progressively authoritarian rule is growing. As such, it is easy to conceive that the country could see a rise in violent extremism if the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party and President John Magufuli continue their reign, hardening the narrative of mfumo Kristo (Christian dominance).

The threat of radicalization on Tanzania’s predominantly Muslim Zanzibar archipelago has been well-documented, but the rising threat on the country’s more homogenous mainland has flown more under the radar. Understanding the nature of violent extremism in Tanzania’s mainland is challenging as Tanzanian police have chronically downplayed the threat and characterized numerous attacks over the past several years as being linked to criminal groups rather than radicalized armed groups, much like the Mozambican government did during the early days of the conflict in Cabo Delgado. Also similar to Mozambique, reporting in many areas is scant due to media restrictions and reporters’ own self-censorship, particularly following the disappearance of multiple journalists (East African, January 18).

Thus far, the government’s increasingly authoritarian tendencies have not explicitly targeted or galvanized Muslim communities, but they have riled other groups. However, restrictions on political and religious organizations, alleged extrajudicial killings and detentions, and unequal economic policies, particularly relating to land management, have only contributed to a further loss of legitimacy for the state’s National Muslim Council of Tanzania (Baraza Kuu la Waislamu Tanzania—BAKWATA). These factors have helped facilitate the advent of fundamentalist challengers who are particularly adept at recruiting vulnerable Muslim youth by playing into the generational conflict between the younger generation of Wahhabi-leaning Muslims and their Sufi-oriented elders, whom they view as complicit in the government, and by association, BAKWATA’s marginalization of certain Muslim communities. [1] The perception of Sufi elders’ pro-government stance is compounded by young fundamental Islamists’ rejection of Sufi practices, particularly relating to burial rituals.

The threat of violent extremism is most prevalent in the coastal regions of Tanga, Pwani, and Mtwara, all of which have seen a rise in militant attacks and activity over the past five years and are uniquely vulnerable to such activity due to a variety of political, economic, and geographic factors. The current political climate and the likelihood of President Magufuli winning the presidential election will exacerbate the factors that contribute to radicalization as he continues to clamp down on alleged Islamists and closes political space for any meaningful opposition or dissent through actions such as banning political rallies, which will increasingly force individuals toward actions outside of the political system.

Tanga, which shares a border with Kenya and has a large coastline, has served as an epicenter of more radical interpretations of Islam since the 1970s with networks of mosques linked to Ansar Youth Centre cropping up across the region. Tanga has also been a hub for radicalized individuals fleeing crackdowns in Kenya as well as militants seeking to join al-Shabaab in Somalia (East African, January 19, 2019). Between 2015 and 2017, a series of violent incidents linked to a well-armed organization police tracked to the Amboni Caves renewed concerns of radicalized youths from nearby mosques joining shadowy armed groups in the area (The Citizen, May 31, 2016). It is also worth noting the prominence of political opposition in Tanga, which was one of three regions that did not hold polling in the 2019 local elections due to the opposition boycott.

In Pwani Region, the district of Kibiti has particularly experienced a similar rise in radicalization as well as targeted attacks against ruling CCM party members and police officials reportedly connected to youths from mosques erected after Islamists clashed with worshippers at preexisting mosques, with dozens being killed since 2017. Kibiti has also historically exported a significant number of fighters to al-Shabaab and Ansar al-Sunna. Security forces responded to the spate of violence in Kibiti by launching a significant crackdown on alleged Islamists in the broader Pwani region, with locals and members of parliament accusing the government of being responsible for the disappearance of 380 people, among other alleged abuses (East African, May 5, 2018).

Mtwara is particularly vulnerable given the escalation of the conflict in nearby Cabo Delgado, Mozambique and those militants’ connections to Tanzanians. Multiple cross border attacks have already taken place and Tanzanian authorities have arrested upwards of a hundred Tanzanians for attempting to cross the border to fight in Mozambique or for attempting to establish training camps (The Citizen, November 13, 2019; East African, August 11, 2019). Tanzanian authorities have also stated that they believe individuals who fled security operations in Kibiti had relocated to Mtwara and fear that fighters will return from Mozambique. Mtwara has long been a peripheral region far removed from the government and has suffered significantly due to fluctuations in cashew yields. The region has increasingly become an opposition stronghold, particularly following harsh crackdowns in response to protests against a planned oil pipeline (Quartz, May 31, 2018). The neglected region of Mtwara, aside from sharing many linguistic and ethnic features with Cabo Delgado, is also facing a similar issue in that the discovery of natural gas reserves threatens to further the economic disparity between residents and those who will benefit from the boom.

The prevalence of radicalized networks in Tanzania and the connections to other militant groups in the region has created an outlet through which marginalized Muslim youth are likely to channel their resentment toward the government and mfumo Kristo, should Magufuli win. The generational religious conflict between younger Islamists and the Sufi community will continue to be amplified by the government’s restrictions on religious and political groups, police crackdowns, matters of land management, and the coming oil boom. Tanzania could be primed to experience an increase in violence directed inward as opposed to exporting its radicalized individuals elsewhere in the region. Meanwhile, the conflict in Mozambique continues to worsen and there is a likelihood that the violence will increasingly spill into Mtwara.

Notes
[1] Author’s interview with Dar es Salaam-based scholar on November 15, 2019.

Source: Magufuli’s Reign and Tanzania’s Creeping Radicalization Issue - Jamestown

Kuna wakati huwa unanilazimisha niamini maneno ya mtume wenu kuhusu intelligence ya wanawake. Trouble is: nawafahamu wanawake wengi tu ambao IQ zao ni kubwa kuliko za huyo mtume wenu.
Seriously; na intelligence yako unamtumia Musiba na hasa analysis yake kama source ya kuleta habari?

 

[Sijijui]

Tusikimbilie kwenye sababu za kijinga. Hivi hata kabla ya Magufuli, makampuni ya US yalikuwa yamewekeza kwenye nini?

Tanzania, hakujawahi kuwepo kampuni hata moja ya US ya madini. Ghana wana Newmont.

Tanzania hakujawahi kuwa na kampuni ua Marekani kwenye miradi ya gas.

Barrick ni kampuni ya Canada lakini inatrade pia kwenye soko la hisa la New York. Lakini kampuni hii kuja kuwekeza hapa Tanzania, serikali ilihangaika sana kuwavembeleza. Walikuwa hawataki. Na walisema kuwa hawana sera ya kuwekeza Afrika kwa sababu Waafrika hawaheshimu mikataba. Tulitumia mpaka watu wenye ushawishi, na wakatuwejea masharti, kama tunataka waje. Hata baada ya kuwekeza wakati wote wamekuwa wanatafuta namna ya kuondoka Tanzania, kinachowasumbua hawapati mnunuzi wa assets zao.

Ni vema tunapoambiwa jambo fulani, tusikimbilie sana kusema eti wanatafuta mali za asili zetu. Tuyatafakari kwanza yanayosemwa kama yana uwezekano wa ukweli au hapana. Na kama ni sahihi au uwongo, tunaenda hatua ya pili.

Dhahabu ipo mataifa mengi. Gas ipo mataifa mengi, na sasa Msumbiji wanatuzidi.

Nchi zinazoongoza kwa natural resources Duniani ni China, Marekani, Urusi, Australia, DRC, Saudi Arabia, Venezuela, Canada, Brazil na India siyo Tanzania.

Mkuu hawa watu wa ccm wanaakili tu za kuiba kura ,kuvukia barabara na kuwalaghai wadanganyika walionyimwa elimu.ila uwezo wa kutafakari mambo makubwa kama haya hawana

 

[Sijijui]

Usilete ujuaji wa kisomi ukadhani mawazo yako ni ya maana kuliko kila mtu.

Hao wazungu kisu kimegusa mfupa. Hakuna tena masuala ya mikataba ya kipuuzi yenye kupendelea upande mmoja.

Unadhani kwa nini mpaka hivi leo mikataba ni siri?Magufuli atawadanganya sana

 

[X-bar]

Makala hii iliyochapishwa na Jamestown na uchambuzi wake uliotolewa na Tanzanite TV zote ni propaganda zilizoandaliwa na watanzania wenyewe lakini kwa maslahi tofauti ya "mabwana" wawili. Lakini kutokana na mgongano wa kimaslahi uliopo baina ya propaganda hizi mbili, na kutokana na jinsi mada hii ilivyopokewa na wana JF, kuna "bahati nzuri (relief)" fulani ambayo inapatikana "kwa bahati mbaya (accidentally)".

Tukianza na madai yaliyochapishwa na Jamestown kuhusu uwepo wa vikundi vya siasa kali vya kiislam, ugaidi na hujuma dhidi ya utawala wa Magufuli si jambo jipya kama wachangiaji wengi wanavyoonesha. Wala asilaumiwe "wakala" aliyetoa taarifa hii kwa "mabwana" zake. Nasema asilaumiwe kwasababu makusudio yake si "kuichafua" Tanzania au serikal kwa maslahi ya hao mabwana zake Wamarekani. Malengo yake ni kuwachafua na kuwachongea waislam wa nchi hii ili wapate misuko suko kutokana na oparesheini za Wamarekani ambao wamejipambanua kupambana na ugaidi popote duniani.

Nasema malengo ya taarifa hii si kuichafua Tanzania au sekali bali ni waislam kwavile kwenye taarifa hii imeoneshwa kuwa serikali yenyewewe inalengwa kuhujumiwa na waislam wa siasa kali kutokana na kuendesha nchi kwa mfumo kristo. Kiufupi makala hii inaitetea serikali dhidiya waislam magaidi. Kama nilivyosema hapo juu kuwa madai ya uwepo wa shughuli za waislam wa siasa kali/magaidi hapa nchini hayajaanza kutolewa na mawakala wa Jamestown bali ni serikali yenyewe kupitia maofisa wake wa vyombo vya usalama wamekuwa wakisema hivyo na kuna waislam wengi "wameshughulikiwa" kwa tuhuma za ugaidi. Mathalani hapa JF kuna uzi ambao ulitolewa Juni 29, 2019 ukimnukuu IGP Siro akisema kuwa magaidi waliofanya mauji kwenye vijiji vya mpakani mwa Tanzania na Msumbiji wanakusudia kupandisha dola ya kiislam. Kiufupi ni kwamba madai ya ugaidi na waislam wa siasa kali yameanzishwa na kukuzwa na serikali yenyewe bali serikali kwa kufanya hivyo haichukuliwi kuwa inajichafua yenyewe eti kwavile wanaoathirika ni waislam.

Kwa upande mwingine, kwa kuwa serikali ya Magufuli kwa sasa haipo katika mahusiano mazuri na Marekani, imeamua kutumia propaganda dhidi ya Marekani kwa kutumia mawakala wake, Tanzanite TV, kufanya uchambuzi wa taarifa ya Jamestown ili kuonesha njama zao dhidi ya taifa letu. Leo mawakala wa serikali wanatafuta huruma ya wananchi (wakiwemo waislam) dhidi ya wamarekani kwa kuyageukia madai ambayo yanayowachongea waislamu kwa wamarekani ambayo serikali yenyewe ndo imeyaanzisha na kuyakuza miaka yao. Matokeo yake kutapatapa kwa serikali na mawakali wake dhidi ya wamerekali kunaleta nafuu (relief) kwa waislam kwavile sasa inakunushwa kuwa hakuna waislam wa siasa kali au magaidi hapa nchini bali kusema hivyo ni kuichafua serikali.

 

[Wo shi niubi]

Mungu atatunusuru na hili. Mimi nahisi tatizo lao kubwa hawa jamaa juu ya hii issue mi kutaka sisi tutowe majeshi yaende Somalia. Kenya na allies wengine naona washachoka kupokea masanduku ya maiti. Hawa vichaa Alshabab na Alqaeeda tuwaachie kama walivyo. Lakini kwa dalili hizi nahisi kama hawa jamaa wanataka kutuletea zengwe kiaina!

Mimi siamini kama Waislam Tanzania kuwa wako institutionally radicalised. Wako tu individuals ambao wataendelea kuexist duniani kote kutoka kila dini. Suala la Bakwata ni kuwa kuna wasema kweli kina Shehe Ponda ambaye yuko vocalist rather than radicalised na naamini anayo right ya kujieleza.

Wewe at least umetambua lengo la USA &Co towards Tanzania, sio kuhusu mfumo christo wala mikusanyiko ya dini wala siasa, wanataka tushiriki kikamilifu somalia, tufanye yote lakini tusije tukajidangaya kupeleka wana jeshi somalia,tutalipuliwa hapa na kufa kama nzinge,Al- Shabaab mziki wake sio wakitoto tuacheni mchezo wakutaka kumfurahisha marekani.

Hivi jamani kuzuia mikusanyiko ya siasa inaweza kusababisha radicalization? Waislam wanazuiwa kufanya ibada zao popote nchini kwa sababu ya mfumo christo? wamarekani wajanja sana wao hawafanyi siasa na mikusanyiko kila wakati, ni taifa ambalo watu wake wanafanya kazi kwa bidii huku wanasisitiza mataifa changa watu wake washinde kwenye political rally wakipigana na kuuana.

 

[ikipendaroho]

Wewe at least umetambua lengo la USA &Co towards Tanzania, sio kuhusu mfumo christo wala mikusanyiko ya dini wala siasa, wanataka tushiriki kikamilifu somalia, tufanye yote lakini tusije tukajidangaya kupeleka wana jeshi somalia,tutalipuliwa hapa na kufa kama nzinge,Al- Shabaab mziki wake sio wakitoto tuacheni mchezo wakutaka kumfurahisha marekani.

Hivi jamani kuzuia mikusanyiko ya siasa inaweza kusababisha radicalization? Waislam wanazuiwa kufanya ibada zao popote nchini kwa sababu ya mfumo christo? wamarekani wajanja sana wao hawafanyi siasa na mikusanyiko kila wakati, ni taifa ambalo watu wake wanafanya kazi kwa bidii huku wanasisitiza mataifa changa watu wake washinde kwenye political rally wakipigana na kuuana.

Hivi unaongea nafikiria mwendo kasi! Hawa jamaa Alshabaab tuachane nao.

 

[FaizaFoxy]

Kuna wakati huwa unanilazimisha niamini maneno ya mtume wenu kuhusu intelligence ya wanawake. Trouble is: nawafahamu wanawake wengi tu ambao IQ zao ni kubwa kuliko za huyo mtume wenu.
Seriously; na intelligence yako unamtumia Musiba na hasa analysis yake kama source ya kuleta habari?

Acha uongo. Sijawahi kukulazimisha, wala siwezi kukulazimisha chochote.

Kama una hamu ya kuwatukana Waislam wewe tukana tu. Usiogope, si wewe wa mwanzo wala hautakuwa wa mwisho, lakini hauna sababu yoyote ya msingi ya kututukana.

Uislam ni kwa wenye akili, wenye kufikiri na wenye imani. Sikushangai.

Kwa kukujuza tu, Mtume Muhammad Salla Allahu Alayhi Wasalaam ni kwa walimwengu wote, na wewe umo. Ukipenda msikilize usipopenda hakulazimishi mtu wala hakuna Muislam ataekulazimisha. Hakuna mafundisho ya kukazimishana katika Uislam. Soma...

Qur'an 9:

107. Nasi hatukukutuma ila uwe ni Rehema kwa walimwengu wote. 107

Na...

Qur'an 2:256
"Hakuna kulazimishana katika dini"

 

[chase amante]

Too bad

Sent using Jamii Forums mobile app

 

[Course Coordinator]

Duh...!., Mkuu mpenzi Faiza (NB. Mtu kuwa mpenzi ni ukimpenda tuu, yatosha kumuita mpenzi na sii lazima na yeye akupende au muwe wapenzi), kwanza asante kutuletea hii taarifa, pili kwa ruhusa yako nitaomba kutumia hoja za bandiko lako hili kupandisha bandiko la kutoa angalizo kwa serikali yetu kuhusu haya. Na tatu hiyo conclusion ya Tanzanite TV kuhusu mabeberu hawa Wamarekani wanataka nini Tanzania, hata akina sisi hayo tuliishayasema sana humu

US/EU Walimtoa Saadam, Ghadafi na Mugabe? Je, wanapanga kumtoa Rais Magufuli madarakani? Watanzania wazalendo tutakubali?

Wanabodi, Hili ni bandiko la swali, kama ni kweli US/EU walimtoa Saadam Hussein kwa uongo wa kusaka WMD, kisha wakamtoa Ghadafi madarakani kufuatia kuwaunganisha Waafrika, na Mugabe wakamtoa kwa ku over stay?, kufuatia JPM anavyotetea rasilimali za nchi yetu tusiendelee kunyonywa, kufisadiwa...

www.jamiiforums.com

Ila baada ya wewe kusikiliza hiyo taarifa ya Tanzanite TV, umefanya jambo la maana sana kuitafuta source yao na kutuwekea maana hivi vyuma vya Magufuli vilivyokaza kwa baadhi yetu, hata bundle ni issue, hivyo angalau umetusaidia wengi kujua, maana siku hizi hapa Bongo baada ya kushamiri kwa magazeti ya makorokocho, sasa kumeibuka TV nyingi za mitandaoni ambazo ni TV za makorokocho, mimi niliihesabu hata Tanzanite TV pia ni TV ya makorokocho kutokana na yule kichaa mmiliki wake, ila kitendo cha kuleta mada serious kama hii na kuichambua kwa makini vile kwa kuonyesha mchele na pumba, sasa naichukulia hiyo TV ni serious I can watch.

Kwangu the most intresting thing kuhusu hii article the primary source wa article hii, mtu aliyehojiwa akaeleza hayo yote. Japo wenyewe hawajamtaja kwa jina, zaidi ya kumuelezea tuu kuwa ni
" Author’s interview with Dar es Salaam-based scholar" kwa sisi wenye jicho la tatu, kupitia kitu kinachoitwa "graphology" ni sayansi ya maandishi, ukisoma andiko fulani ambalo mwandishi ni anonymous, kupitia andishi hilo, unaweza kumjua mwandishi ni nani, hivyo kupitia makala hii, huyo Dar es Salaam based scholar aliyehojiwa hivyo hoja kama Mfumo Kristu, na kuidogosha Bakwata, then wanye ufahamu wa hoja tayari tumeisha wajua watu wa aina hii baada ya kumchezea sana Jakaya, wakataka kuendelea kumchezea Yohana, walipomgundua kuwa Yohana ni noma, anaweza kuwa fykelea mbali, sasa ndio hawa wenye hoja hizi za urongo wa kidini kwa kufanya mahojiano na vyombo vya mabeberu na kutoa habari za kuitisha, kuifedhehesha na kuibagaza serikali yetu kwa media za kibeberu.

Kwenye bandiko lako mimi nime note oja 33 za mabeberu Wamarekani hawa ambazo ni hoja za msingi sana, japo sio za kuzingatiwa sana kivile lakini sio za kuzipuuzia.

1. Jee ni kweli "Over the past several years, Tanzania has served as an origin and transit point for radicalized individuals fighting alongside terrorist groups operating in nearby countries, particularly al-Shabaab in Somalia and Ansar al-Sunna in Mozambique?".
2. Je ni kweli kuwa Tanzania tuna vikundi vya kigaidi, Jihadist groups, vinazotumika Mozambique, Kenya, and Somalia, bila kufanya ugaidi nchini, lakini baada ya ushindi wa kishindo wa rais Magufuli kwenye uchaguzi wa 2020 presidential elections, Islamist groups in the country are likely to become more active na kufanya kweli!. Why?!.
3. Jee ni kweli Tanzania tuna Watanzania ma ma radicas ambao ambao wameondoka nchini na kujiungana vikundi vya kigaidi, "A sizeable number of radicalized Tanzanians have historically left the country to join terrorist groups elsewhere, rather than turning their violence toward the state"
4. Jee ni kweli Tanzania tuna mitandao wa kigaidi, " networks of radicalized groups in Tanzania have also facilitated the training and transfer of non-Tanzanians through the country to fight alongside terrorist groups outside of Tanzania"?.
5. Jee ni kweli magaidi wa Kenya "Kenyans radicalized by an al-Shabaab recruitment cell in western Kenya’s Siaya county were using Tanzania as a gateway to Somalia, likely using well-established networks in Tanzania to circumvent Kenya’s more stringent security controls by traveling from Tanzania’s coast"?.
6. Jee ni kweli TISS wetu walifanikiwa kuwakamata baadhi na kuwarejesha ila wengine wakawatoroka "Tanzanian security forces confirmed they had captured and returned several individuals but others remained on the loose"?.
7. Jee ni kweli "The structures that facilitate radicalization and recruitment are clearly present"?, ziko wapi?.
8. Jee ni kweli chanzo cha radicalism ni kuupinga "udikiteta? "resentment toward the government’s progressively authoritarian rule is growing?. Ni kweli Tanzania tuna udikiteta?.
9. Jee ni kweli Tanzania tuna Mfumo Kristu? na kuwa rais Magufuli anatumia Mfumo Kristu, hivyo nchi itaingia kwenye machafuko! "As such, it is easy to conceive that the country could see a rise in violent extremism if the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party and President John Magufuli continue their reign, hardening the narrative of mfumo Kristo (Christian dominance)?.
10. Jee ni kweli ugaidi Tanzania unaanzia Zanzibar? "The threat of radicalization on Tanzania’s predominantly Muslim Zanzibar archipelago has been well-documented, but the rising threat on the country’s more homogenous mainland has flown more under the radar".
11. Jee ni kweli "Understanding the nature of violent extremism in Tanzania’s mainland is challenging"?.
12. Jee ni kweli jeshi letu la polisi linavipuuza matukio ya kigaidi na kuyahesabu ni uhalifu tuu wa kawaida?. "Tanzanian police have chronically downplayed the threat and characterized numerous attacks over the past several years as being linked to criminal groups rather than radicalized armed groups"?.
13. Jee Tanzania tuna "galvanized Muslims communities", "Thus far, the government’s increasingly authoritarian tendencies have not explicitly targeted or galvanized Muslim communities, but they have riled other groups".
14. Japo ni kweli Tanzania tuna "restrictions on political" jee ni kweli kuna anye restrictions on "religious organizations"?.
15. Jee Tanzania kweli tuna "alleged extrajudicial killings and detentions"?, kuna watu wowote wameshikwa wakauliwa bila kufikishwa mahakamani?., au kuna mahabusu wowote wako kizuizini bila kufikishwa mahakamani?.
16. Jee ni kweli Tanzania, tuna "unequal economic policies, particularly relating to land management"?.
17. Jee ni kweli Bakwata imepoteza legitimacy "have only contributed to a further loss of legitimacy for the state’s National Muslim Council of Tanzania (Baraza Kuu la Waislamu Tanzania—BAKWATA)"?.
18. Jee Tanzania tuna makundi mawili kinzani ya Waislamu?, yaani kuna Wahhabbi ns wa Sufi? "These factors have helped facilitate the advent of fundamentalist challengers who are particularly adept at recruiting vulnerable Muslim youth by playing into the generational conflict between the younger generation of Wahhabi-leaning Muslims and their Sufi-oriented elders, whom they view as complicit in the government, and by association".
19. Jee ni kweli "BAKWATA’s marginalization of certain Muslim communities"?.
20. Jee ni kweli Tanzania tuna Muslim extremist mikoa ya Tanga, Pwani na Mtwara?, "The threat of violent extremism is most prevalent in the coastal regions of Tanga, Pwani, and Mtwara, all of which have seen a rise in militant attacks and activity over the past five years and are uniquely vulnerable to such activity due to a variety of political, economic, and geographic factors".
21. Jee ni kweli "The current political climate and the likelihood of President Magufuli winning the presidential election will exacerbate the factors that contribute to radicalization as he continues to clamp down on alleged Islamists and closes political space for any meaningful opposition or dissent through actions such as banning political rallies, which will increasingly force individuals toward actions outside of the political system?.
22. Jee ni kweli hili kuhusu Tanga? "Tanga, which shares a border with Kenya and has a large coastline, has served as an epicenter of more radical interpretations of Islam since the 1970s with networks of mosques linked to Ansar Youth Centre cropping up across the region. Tanga has also been a hub for radicalized individuals fleeing crackdowns in Kenya as well as militants seeking to join al-Shabaab in Somalia".
23. Jee huu ni ukweli kuhusu lile tukio la mapango ya Handeni?. "Between 2015 and 2017, a series of violent incidents linked to a well-armed organization police tracked to the Amboni Caves renewed concerns of radicalized youths from nearby mosques joining shadowy armed groups in the area"
24. Jee ni kweli Tanga kuna prominence of political opposition?, "It is also worth noting the prominence of political opposition in Tanga, which was one of three regions that did not hold polling in the 2019 local elections due to the opposition boycott".
25. Jee ni kweli mauaji ya Kibiti ni ya kigaidi? "In Pwani Region, the district of Kibiti has particularly experienced a similar rise in radicalization as well as targeted attacks against ruling CCM party members and police officials reportedly connected to youths from mosques erected after Islamists clashed with worshippers at preexisting mosques, with dozens being killed since 2017".
26. Jee ni kweli Kibiti ndio chungu cha kuwapika Al Shabaab na kuwa export? " Kibiti has also historically exported a significant number of fighters to al-Shabaab and Ansar al-Sunna".
27. Jee ni kweli kuna wakazi 380 wa Kibiti wamepotea na ni vyombo vyetu vya usalama ndio vimewapoteza?, "Security forces responded to the spate of violence in Kibiti by launching a significant crackdown on alleged Islamists in the broader Pwani region, with locals and members of parliament accusing the government of being responsible for the disappearance of 380 people, among other alleged abuses". NB. Mwandishi wa Habari wa Citizen Mwananchi, Azory Gwanda alipotea katika kuufuatilia ukweli wa tuhuma hii na hakuna mwandishi au chombo kingine cha habari kimefuatilia!.
28. Jee ni kweli kuna mamia ya Watanzania wameshikili na polisi huko kwa kuanzisha kambi ya ugaidi?. "Mtwara is particularly vulnerable given those militants’ connections to Tanzanians. Multiple cross border attacks have already taken place and Tanzanian authorities have arrested upwards of a hundred Tanzanians for attempting to cross the border to fight in Mozambique or for attempting to establish training camps"
29. Jee ni kweli magaidi wa Kibiti wamekimbilia Mtwara?, "Tanzanian authorities have also stated that they believe individuals who fled security operations in Kibiti had relocated to Mtwara".
30. Jee ni kweli mkoa wa Mtwara umetengwa na unabaguliwa?, "Mtwara has long been a peripheral region far removed from the government and has suffered significantly due to fluctuations in cashew yields. The region has increasingly become an opposition stronghold, particularly following harsh crackdowns in response to protests against a planned oil pipeline".
31. Jee ni kweli Mtwara ni neglected?, "The neglected region of Mtwara, is also facing a similar issue in that the discovery of natural gas reserves threatens to further the economic disparity between residents and those who will benefit from the boom".
32. Kuna hoja kuwa Magufuli akishashinda awamu ya pili, Mtwara watalianzisha!. Huu ni uchochezi "The prevalence of radicalized networks in Tanzania and the connections to other militant groups in the region has created an outlet through which marginalized Muslim youth are likely to channel their resentment toward the government and mfumo Kristo, should Magufuli win
33. The generational religious conflict between younger Islamists and the Sufi community will continue to be amplified by the government’s restrictions on religious and political groups, police crackdowns, matters of land management, and the coming oil boom. Tanzania could be primed to experience an increase in violence directed inward as opposed to exporting its radicalized individuals elsewhere in the region.
    Hoja hizi 33, au maswali hayo 33 ni maswali ya msingi sana, japo kuna hoja za urongo humu sio za kuzizingatia, lakini kuna hoja za ukweli, sio za kuzipuuzi.
    P

The Rising Terrorist Threat in Tanzania: Domestic Islamist Militancy and Regional Threats by Andre LeSage

Kuna hii report unaweza kuipitia pia imeelezea viasharia vya ugaidi nchini kwetu...ukweli ni Kwamba toka lile tukio la kuripua ubaloz wa Marekani hapa Tz 1998 vijana wengi wamejiunga na vikundi vya kigaidi sana sana kutoka visiwani Zanzibar .

 

[minyoo]

huyu musiba ataleta mafarakano ama vita nchi hii, ngoja waendelee kumlea lea!

Msiba mda si mrefu CIA watampa alichopanda mpaka ajutie ufala wake milele yote

 

[Mfiaukweli]

Acha uongo. Sijawahi kukulazimisha, wala siwezi kukulazimisha chochote.

Kama una hamu ya kuwatukana Waislam wewe tukana tu. Usiogope, si wewe wa mwanzo wala hautakuwa wa mwisho, lakini hauna sababu yoyote ya msingi ya kututukana.

Uislam ni kwa wenye akili, wenye kufikiri na wenye imani. Sikushangai.

Kwa kukujuza tu, Mtume Muhammad Salla Allahu Alayhi Wasalaam ni kwa walimwengu wote, na wewe umo. Ukipenda msikilize usipopenda hakulazimishi mtu wala hakuna Muislam ataekulazimisha. Hakuna mafundisho ya kukazimishana katika Uislam. Soma...

Qur'an 9:

107. Nasi hatukukutuma ila uwe ni Rehema kwa walimwengu wote. 107

Na...

Qur'an 2:256
"Hakuna kulazimishana katika dini"

View attachment 1352560

Hebu kiri kuwa kwa mwajibu wa imani

Acha uongo. Sijawahi kukulazimisha, wala siwezi kukulazimisha chochote.

Kama una hamu ya kuwatukana Waislam wewe tukana tu. Usiogope, si wewe wa mwanzo wala hautakuwa wa mwisho, lakini hauna sababu yoyote ya msingi ya kututukana.

Uislam ni kwa wenye akili, wenye kufikiri na wenye imani. Sikushangai.

Kwa kukujuza tu, Mtume Muhammad Salla Allahu Alayhi Wasalaam ni kwa walimwengu wote, na wewe umo. Ukipenda msikilize usipopenda hakulazimishi mtu wala hakuna Muislam ataekulazimisha. Hakuna mafundisho ya kukazimishana katika Uislam. Soma...

Qur'an 9:

107. Nasi hatukukutuma ila uwe ni Rehema kwa walimwengu wote. 107

Na...

Qur'an 2:256
"Hakuna kulazimishana katika dini"

View attachment 1352560

Leo hii umeamua rasmi kuacha kuandika ukweli.

 

[FaizaFoxy]

Hebu kiri kuwa kwa mwajibu wa imani


Leo hii umeamua rasmi kuacha kuandika ukweli.

Umeshushuka shuu na huna jipya.

Garbage in garbage out.

 

[Mfiaukweli]

Umeshushuka shuu na huna jipya.

Garbage in garbage out.

Maneno tu hayo. Hata kwenye kanga huandikwa, lakini moyoni mwako mwenyewe unajua ukweli halisi.

 

[Mnasihi]

Usilete ujuaji wa kisomi ukadhani mawazo yako ni ya maana kuliko kila mtu.

Hao wazungu kisu kimegusa mfupa. Hakuna tena masuala ya mikataba ya kipuuzi yenye kupendelea upande mmoja.

Hakuna unalolielewa kwenye hiyo hoja ya bi Faiza! Na au hiyo lugha imekutenga ndio maana unawaka! Tafuta comments za kimatumbi uungeunge huenda ukaja tofauti! Siwaoni wenzako wa lumumba humu! Au mnaomboleza kuachwa na Kinana na Makamba? Na bado, the long list to follow!

 

[kweleakwelea]

Duh...!., Mkuu mpenzi Faiza (NB. Mtu kuwa mpenzi ni ukimpenda tuu, yatosha kumuita mpenzi na sii lazima na yeye akupende au muwe wapenzi), kwanza asante kutuletea hii taarifa, pili kwa ruhusa yako nitaomba kutumia hoja za bandiko lako hili kupandisha bandiko la kutoa angalizo kwa serikali yetu kuhusu haya. Na tatu hiyo conclusion ya Tanzanite TV kuhusu mabeberu hawa Wamarekani wanataka nini Tanzania, hata akina sisi hayo tuliishayasema sana humu

US/EU Walimtoa Saadam, Ghadafi na Mugabe? Je, wanapanga kumtoa Rais Magufuli madarakani? Watanzania wazalendo tutakubali?

Wanabodi, Hili ni bandiko la swali, kama ni kweli US/EU walimtoa Saadam Hussein kwa uongo wa kusaka WMD, kisha wakamtoa Ghadafi madarakani kufuatia kuwaunganisha Waafrika, na Mugabe wakamtoa kwa ku over stay?, kufuatia JPM anavyotetea rasilimali za nchi yetu tusiendelee kunyonywa, kufisadiwa...

www.jamiiforums.com

Ila baada ya wewe kusikiliza hiyo taarifa ya Tanzanite TV, umefanya jambo la maana sana kuitafuta source yao na kutuwekea maana hivi vyuma vya Magufuli vilivyokaza kwa baadhi yetu, hata bundle ni issue, hivyo angalau umetusaidia wengi kujua, maana siku hizi hapa Bongo baada ya kushamiri kwa magazeti ya makorokocho, sasa kumeibuka TV nyingi za mitandaoni ambazo ni TV za makorokocho, mimi niliihesabu hata Tanzanite TV pia ni TV ya makorokocho kutokana na yule kichaa mmiliki wake, ila kitendo cha kuleta mada serious kama hii na kuichambua kwa makini vile kwa kuonyesha mchele na pumba, sasa naichukulia hiyo TV ni serious I can watch.

Kwangu the most intresting thing kuhusu hii article the primary source wa article hii, mtu aliyehojiwa akaeleza hayo yote. Japo wenyewe hawajamtaja kwa jina, zaidi ya kumuelezea tuu kuwa ni
" Author’s interview with Dar es Salaam-based scholar" kwa sisi wenye jicho la tatu, kupitia kitu kinachoitwa "graphology" ni sayansi ya maandishi, ukisoma andiko fulani ambalo mwandishi ni anonymous, kupitia andishi hilo, unaweza kumjua mwandishi ni nani, hivyo kupitia makala hii, huyo Dar es Salaam based scholar aliyehojiwa hivyo hoja kama Mfumo Kristu, na kuidogosha Bakwata, then wanye ufahamu wa hoja tayari tumeisha wajua watu wa aina hii baada ya kumchezea sana Jakaya, wakataka kuendelea kumchezea Yohana, walipomgundua kuwa Yohana ni noma, anaweza kuwa fykelea mbali, sasa ndio hawa wenye hoja hizi za urongo wa kidini kwa kufanya mahojiano na vyombo vya mabeberu na kutoa habari za kuitisha, kuifedhehesha na kuibagaza serikali yetu kwa media za kibeberu.

Kwenye bandiko lako mimi nime note oja 33 za mabeberu Wamarekani hawa ambazo ni hoja za msingi sana, japo sio za kuzingatiwa sana kivile lakini sio za kuzipuuzia.

1. Jee ni kweli "Over the past several years, Tanzania has served as an origin and transit point for radicalized individuals fighting alongside terrorist groups operating in nearby countries, particularly al-Shabaab in Somalia and Ansar al-Sunna in Mozambique?".
2. Je ni kweli kuwa Tanzania tuna vikundi vya kigaidi, Jihadist groups, vinazotumika Mozambique, Kenya, and Somalia, bila kufanya ugaidi nchini, lakini baada ya ushindi wa kishindo wa rais Magufuli kwenye uchaguzi wa 2020 presidential elections, Islamist groups in the country are likely to become more active na kufanya kweli!. Why?!.
3. Jee ni kweli Tanzania tuna Watanzania ma ma radicas ambao ambao wameondoka nchini na kujiungana vikundi vya kigaidi, "A sizeable number of radicalized Tanzanians have historically left the country to join terrorist groups elsewhere, rather than turning their violence toward the state"
4. Jee ni kweli Tanzania tuna mitandao wa kigaidi, " networks of radicalized groups in Tanzania have also facilitated the training and transfer of non-Tanzanians through the country to fight alongside terrorist groups outside of Tanzania"?.
5. Jee ni kweli magaidi wa Kenya "Kenyans radicalized by an al-Shabaab recruitment cell in western Kenya’s Siaya county were using Tanzania as a gateway to Somalia, likely using well-established networks in Tanzania to circumvent Kenya’s more stringent security controls by traveling from Tanzania’s coast"?.
6. Jee ni kweli TISS wetu walifanikiwa kuwakamata baadhi na kuwarejesha ila wengine wakawatoroka "Tanzanian security forces confirmed they had captured and returned several individuals but others remained on the loose"?.
7. Jee ni kweli "The structures that facilitate radicalization and recruitment are clearly present"?, ziko wapi?.
8. Jee ni kweli chanzo cha radicalism ni kuupinga "udikiteta? "resentment toward the government’s progressively authoritarian rule is growing?. Ni kweli Tanzania tuna udikiteta?.
9. Jee ni kweli Tanzania tuna Mfumo Kristu? na kuwa rais Magufuli anatumia Mfumo Kristu, hivyo nchi itaingia kwenye machafuko! "As such, it is easy to conceive that the country could see a rise in violent extremism if the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party and President John Magufuli continue their reign, hardening the narrative of mfumo Kristo (Christian dominance)?.
10. Jee ni kweli ugaidi Tanzania unaanzia Zanzibar? "The threat of radicalization on Tanzania’s predominantly Muslim Zanzibar archipelago has been well-documented, but the rising threat on the country’s more homogenous mainland has flown more under the radar".
11. Jee ni kweli "Understanding the nature of violent extremism in Tanzania’s mainland is challenging"?.
12. Jee ni kweli jeshi letu la polisi linavipuuza matukio ya kigaidi na kuyahesabu ni uhalifu tuu wa kawaida?. "Tanzanian police have chronically downplayed the threat and characterized numerous attacks over the past several years as being linked to criminal groups rather than radicalized armed groups"?.
13. Jee Tanzania tuna "galvanized Muslims communities", "Thus far, the government’s increasingly authoritarian tendencies have not explicitly targeted or galvanized Muslim communities, but they have riled other groups".
14. Japo ni kweli Tanzania tuna "restrictions on political" jee ni kweli kuna anye restrictions on "religious organizations"?.
15. Jee Tanzania kweli tuna "alleged extrajudicial killings and detentions"?, kuna watu wowote wameshikwa wakauliwa bila kufikishwa mahakamani?., au kuna mahabusu wowote wako kizuizini bila kufikishwa mahakamani?.
16. Jee ni kweli Tanzania, tuna "unequal economic policies, particularly relating to land management"?.
17. Jee ni kweli Bakwata imepoteza legitimacy "have only contributed to a further loss of legitimacy for the state’s National Muslim Council of Tanzania (Baraza Kuu la Waislamu Tanzania—BAKWATA)"?.
18. Jee Tanzania tuna makundi mawili kinzani ya Waislamu?, yaani kuna Wahhabbi ns wa Sufi? "These factors have helped facilitate the advent of fundamentalist challengers who are particularly adept at recruiting vulnerable Muslim youth by playing into the generational conflict between the younger generation of Wahhabi-leaning Muslims and their Sufi-oriented elders, whom they view as complicit in the government, and by association".
19. Jee ni kweli "BAKWATA’s marginalization of certain Muslim communities"?.
20. Jee ni kweli Tanzania tuna Muslim extremist mikoa ya Tanga, Pwani na Mtwara?, "The threat of violent extremism is most prevalent in the coastal regions of Tanga, Pwani, and Mtwara, all of which have seen a rise in militant attacks and activity over the past five years and are uniquely vulnerable to such activity due to a variety of political, economic, and geographic factors".
21. Jee ni kweli "The current political climate and the likelihood of President Magufuli winning the presidential election will exacerbate the factors that contribute to radicalization as he continues to clamp down on alleged Islamists and closes political space for any meaningful opposition or dissent through actions such as banning political rallies, which will increasingly force individuals toward actions outside of the political system?.
22. Jee ni kweli hili kuhusu Tanga? "Tanga, which shares a border with Kenya and has a large coastline, has served as an epicenter of more radical interpretations of Islam since the 1970s with networks of mosques linked to Ansar Youth Centre cropping up across the region. Tanga has also been a hub for radicalized individuals fleeing crackdowns in Kenya as well as militants seeking to join al-Shabaab in Somalia".
23. Jee huu ni ukweli kuhusu lile tukio la mapango ya Handeni?. "Between 2015 and 2017, a series of violent incidents linked to a well-armed organization police tracked to the Amboni Caves renewed concerns of radicalized youths from nearby mosques joining shadowy armed groups in the area"
24. Jee ni kweli Tanga kuna prominence of political opposition?, "It is also worth noting the prominence of political opposition in Tanga, which was one of three regions that did not hold polling in the 2019 local elections due to the opposition boycott".
25. Jee ni kweli mauaji ya Kibiti ni ya kigaidi? "In Pwani Region, the district of Kibiti has particularly experienced a similar rise in radicalization as well as targeted attacks against ruling CCM party members and police officials reportedly connected to youths from mosques erected after Islamists clashed with worshippers at preexisting mosques, with dozens being killed since 2017".
26. Jee ni kweli Kibiti ndio chungu cha kuwapika Al Shabaab na kuwa export? " Kibiti has also historically exported a significant number of fighters to al-Shabaab and Ansar al-Sunna".
27. Jee ni kweli kuna wakazi 380 wa Kibiti wamepotea na ni vyombo vyetu vya usalama ndio vimewapoteza?, "Security forces responded to the spate of violence in Kibiti by launching a significant crackdown on alleged Islamists in the broader Pwani region, with locals and members of parliament accusing the government of being responsible for the disappearance of 380 people, among other alleged abuses". NB. Mwandishi wa Habari wa Citizen Mwananchi, Azory Gwanda alipotea katika kuufuatilia ukweli wa tuhuma hii na hakuna mwandishi au chombo kingine cha habari kimefuatilia!.
28. Jee ni kweli kuna mamia ya Watanzania wameshikili na polisi huko kwa kuanzisha kambi ya ugaidi?. "Mtwara is particularly vulnerable given those militants’ connections to Tanzanians. Multiple cross border attacks have already taken place and Tanzanian authorities have arrested upwards of a hundred Tanzanians for attempting to cross the border to fight in Mozambique or for attempting to establish training camps"
29. Jee ni kweli magaidi wa Kibiti wamekimbilia Mtwara?, "Tanzanian authorities have also stated that they believe individuals who fled security operations in Kibiti had relocated to Mtwara".
30. Jee ni kweli mkoa wa Mtwara umetengwa na unabaguliwa?, "Mtwara has long been a peripheral region far removed from the government and has suffered significantly due to fluctuations in cashew yields. The region has increasingly become an opposition stronghold, particularly following harsh crackdowns in response to protests against a planned oil pipeline".
31. Jee ni kweli Mtwara ni neglected?, "The neglected region of Mtwara, is also facing a similar issue in that the discovery of natural gas reserves threatens to further the economic disparity between residents and those who will benefit from the boom".
32. Kuna hoja kuwa Magufuli akishashinda awamu ya pili, Mtwara watalianzisha!. Huu ni uchochezi "The prevalence of radicalized networks in Tanzania and the connections to other militant groups in the region has created an outlet through which marginalized Muslim youth are likely to channel their resentment toward the government and mfumo Kristo, should Magufuli win
33. The generational religious conflict between younger Islamists and the Sufi community will continue to be amplified by the government’s restrictions on religious and political groups, police crackdowns, matters of land management, and the coming oil boom. Tanzania could be primed to experience an increase in violence directed inward as opposed to exporting its radicalized individuals elsewhere in the region.
    Hoja hizi 33, au maswali hayo 33 ni maswali ya msingi sana, japo kuna hoja za urongo humu sio za kuzizingatia, lakini kuna hoja za ukweli, sio za kuzipuuzi.
    P

Yaani umejibu vema. Wamemuonea magufuli sana kwenye eneo la mapabano dhidi ya ugaidi na vikundi vya kihuni.

Mazuri mengi ya magufuli yamefunikwa na vichache vya kuzusha.

Sema ndo dalili za kutakla kuanzisha kichapo. Na kuna kila dalili marekani kuanza fadhili ugaidi tanzania

 

[Eric Cartman]

https://jamestown.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/01/TM-Jan.-28-2020-Issue.pdf?x44765

Other stories zilizomo kwenye icho kijarida na ni matoleo ya kawaida tu kutokana na observation zao:

What the death of the Iranian commander in Yemen would have meant - Brian M Perkins

Is the ‘Bakura Faction’ Boko Haram’s new force enhancer around lake Chad? - Jacob Zenn

Magufuli’s reign and Tanzania’s creeping radicalisation issue - Brian M Perkins

Al - Qaeda in India subcontinent propaganda campaign continues despite digital disruption and stifled operational capability - Animesh Raul
.............................

Watu wanajiandikia observation zao wajue wanadhibiti vipi hayo mambo sie tunaanza kufikiria sijui wanataka kutuchafua kwa sababu sijui ni matajiri na tumewanyima madini etc with nonsense.

Kibiti was real, Mtwara was real na yule dogo wa Al-Shabab aliegwaya kujilipua Mombasa mall alikuwa ni mtanzania (na aijulikani kuna watanzania wangapi huko); sasa utasemaje unasingiziwa hakuna athari za radicalisation wakati watu wanakutahadharisha uchukue hatua zaidi.

 

[monde arabe]

Kwa kifupi wanasema kuna hatari ya hao jamaa kuanza kujilipua endapo Maghufuli atashinda urais kwa ngwe ya pili mwaka huu! wanadai amezidisha mfumo kristo. Dah!

Noma sana!

Sent using Jamii Forums mobile app

 

[Janjaweed]

Leo katika pitapita zangu (browsing) YouTube nimekutana na hii habari ya Tanzanite TV.

Jionee na jisikilizie mwenyewe...



Baada ya kuisikiliza habari hiyo, nikatafuta chanzo walichokielezea, nikakipata na kuipata habari hii...

Magufuli’s Reign and Tanzania’s Creeping Radicalization Issue - Jamestown

By: Brian M. Perkins
January 28, 2020 03:36 PM

Over the past several years, Tanzania has served as an origin and transit point for radicalized individuals fighting alongside terrorist groups operating in nearby countries, particularly al-Shabaab in Somalia and Ansar al-Sunna in Mozambique. Tanzania has not been as internally affected by jihadist groups as nearby Mozambique, Kenya, and Somalia, but it is likely only a matter of time before the threat increasingly turns inward. Following contentious local elections in late 2019 that saw the ruling party run mostly unopposed and with the 2020 presidential elections likely to continue the status quo, Islamist groups in the country are likely to become more active.

A sizeable number of radicalized Tanzanians have historically left the country to join terrorist groups elsewhere, rather than turning their violence toward the state. Similarly, networks of radicalized groups in Tanzania have also facilitated the training and transfer of non-Tanzanians through the country to fight alongside terrorist groups outside of Tanzania. Most recently, Kenyan police confirmed in December that Kenyans radicalized by an al-Shabaab recruitment cell in western Kenya’s Siaya county were using Tanzania as a gateway to Somalia, likely using well-established networks in Tanzania to circumvent Kenya’s more stringent security controls by traveling from Tanzania’s coast. Tanzanian security forces confirmed they had captured and returned several individuals but others remained on the loose (Garowe, December 11, 2019). The structures that facilitate radicalization and recruitment are clearly present and resentment toward the government’s progressively authoritarian rule is growing. As such, it is easy to conceive that the country could see a rise in violent extremism if the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party and President John Magufuli continue their reign, hardening the narrative of mfumo Kristo (Christian dominance).

The threat of radicalization on Tanzania’s predominantly Muslim Zanzibar archipelago has been well-documented, but the rising threat on the country’s more homogenous mainland has flown more under the radar. Understanding the nature of violent extremism in Tanzania’s mainland is challenging as Tanzanian police have chronically downplayed the threat and characterized numerous attacks over the past several years as being linked to criminal groups rather than radicalized armed groups, much like the Mozambican government did during the early days of the conflict in Cabo Delgado. Also similar to Mozambique, reporting in many areas is scant due to media restrictions and reporters’ own self-censorship, particularly following the disappearance of multiple journalists (East African, January 18).

Thus far, the government’s increasingly authoritarian tendencies have not explicitly targeted or galvanized Muslim communities, but they have riled other groups. However, restrictions on political and religious organizations, alleged extrajudicial killings and detentions, and unequal economic policies, particularly relating to land management, have only contributed to a further loss of legitimacy for the state’s National Muslim Council of Tanzania (Baraza Kuu la Waislamu Tanzania—BAKWATA). These factors have helped facilitate the advent of fundamentalist challengers who are particularly adept at recruiting vulnerable Muslim youth by playing into the generational conflict between the younger generation of Wahhabi-leaning Muslims and their Sufi-oriented elders, whom they view as complicit in the government, and by association, BAKWATA’s marginalization of certain Muslim communities. [1] The perception of Sufi elders’ pro-government stance is compounded by young fundamental Islamists’ rejection of Sufi practices, particularly relating to burial rituals.

The threat of violent extremism is most prevalent in the coastal regions of Tanga, Pwani, and Mtwara, all of which have seen a rise in militant attacks and activity over the past five years and are uniquely vulnerable to such activity due to a variety of political, economic, and geographic factors. The current political climate and the likelihood of President Magufuli winning the presidential election will exacerbate the factors that contribute to radicalization as he continues to clamp down on alleged Islamists and closes political space for any meaningful opposition or dissent through actions such as banning political rallies, which will increasingly force individuals toward actions outside of the political system.

Tanga, which shares a border with Kenya and has a large coastline, has served as an epicenter of more radical interpretations of Islam since the 1970s with networks of mosques linked to Ansar Youth Centre cropping up across the region. Tanga has also been a hub for radicalized individuals fleeing crackdowns in Kenya as well as militants seeking to join al-Shabaab in Somalia (East African, January 19, 2019). Between 2015 and 2017, a series of violent incidents linked to a well-armed organization police tracked to the Amboni Caves renewed concerns of radicalized youths from nearby mosques joining shadowy armed groups in the area (The Citizen, May 31, 2016). It is also worth noting the prominence of political opposition in Tanga, which was one of three regions that did not hold polling in the 2019 local elections due to the opposition boycott.

In Pwani Region, the district of Kibiti has particularly experienced a similar rise in radicalization as well as targeted attacks against ruling CCM party members and police officials reportedly connected to youths from mosques erected after Islamists clashed with worshippers at preexisting mosques, with dozens being killed since 2017. Kibiti has also historically exported a significant number of fighters to al-Shabaab and Ansar al-Sunna. Security forces responded to the spate of violence in Kibiti by launching a significant crackdown on alleged Islamists in the broader Pwani region, with locals and members of parliament accusing the government of being responsible for the disappearance of 380 people, among other alleged abuses (East African, May 5, 2018).

Mtwara is particularly vulnerable given the escalation of the conflict in nearby Cabo Delgado, Mozambique and those militants’ connections to Tanzanians. Multiple cross border attacks have already taken place and Tanzanian authorities have arrested upwards of a hundred Tanzanians for attempting to cross the border to fight in Mozambique or for attempting to establish training camps (The Citizen, November 13, 2019; East African, August 11, 2019). Tanzanian authorities have also stated that they believe individuals who fled security operations in Kibiti had relocated to Mtwara and fear that fighters will return from Mozambique. Mtwara has long been a peripheral region far removed from the government and has suffered significantly due to fluctuations in cashew yields. The region has increasingly become an opposition stronghold, particularly following harsh crackdowns in response to protests against a planned oil pipeline (Quartz, May 31, 2018). The neglected region of Mtwara, aside from sharing many linguistic and ethnic features with Cabo Delgado, is also facing a similar issue in that the discovery of natural gas reserves threatens to further the economic disparity between residents and those who will benefit from the boom.

The prevalence of radicalized networks in Tanzania and the connections to other militant groups in the region has created an outlet through which marginalized Muslim youth are likely to channel their resentment toward the government and mfumo Kristo, should Magufuli win. The generational religious conflict between younger Islamists and the Sufi community will continue to be amplified by the government’s restrictions on religious and political groups, police crackdowns, matters of land management, and the coming oil boom. Tanzania could be primed to experience an increase in violence directed inward as opposed to exporting its radicalized individuals elsewhere in the region. Meanwhile, the conflict in Mozambique continues to worsen and there is a likelihood that the violence will increasingly spill into Mtwara.

Notes
[1] Author’s interview with Dar es Salaam-based scholar on November 15, 2019.

Source: Magufuli’s Reign and Tanzania’s Creeping Radicalization Issue - Jamestown

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