Ukweli kuhusu ugomvi wa January Makamba na Lisa Rockefeller

Ukweli kuhusu ugomvi wa January Makamba na Lisa Rockefeller

The Rockefellers were very close to Mwalimu Nyerere. They were drawn to Tanzania by Nyerere's dedication and sense of duty. They still think or thought (after this experience) that the Tanzania leadership today is honest and dedicated as Mwalimu Nyerere was. They are finding out kumbe sivyo hivyo. Like Nyani Ngabu said pale juu viongozi wa sasa na viongozi wanabees wote ni mafisadi.
 
What can I say.... Its about time this people who donate their money to start asking for accountability..... There's a lot of SHiT going on
 
This is great. mtoto wa fisadi ni fisadi tu...Acha wawakamue hao wa nje maana huku ndani ya nchi wameshatuacha hoi bin taaban
 
Tuwekee link ya chanzo cha habari ili TUJANUARIKE huko :teeth:
Mijitu mingine ya ajabu kweli unataka link ipi tena, source ni yeye mwenyewe kama hutaki unaacha, unataka link gani email address ya Lisa au simu yake uongee naye hueleweki.
 
Kwani January ilikuwa apewe wizara gani? mbona kama hana hata sifa ya huo uwadhiri. au kwa kuwa alikuwa karani wa jeikei na kutoa hotuba mbofumbofu basi ndio anafaa kuwa muwaziri?
 
This is great. mtoto wa fisadi ni fisadi tu...Acha wawakamue hao wa nje maana huku ndani ya nchi wameshatuacha hoi bin taaban
Safi kabisa wameshatuona sisi mazoba wanafikiri wote wako kihivo wengine wanamind pesa zao ngoja wapelekwe wanavyotaka nasikia hata Donors wa bajeti nao wamekuja juu baada ya kudanganywa.
 
Kwani January ilikuwa apewe wizara gani? mbona kama hana hata sifa ya huo uwadhiri. au kwa kuwa alikuwa karani wa jeikei na kutoa hotuba mbofumbofu basi ndio anafaa kuwa muwaziri?
Kwani tanzania tunaangalia sifa ingekuwa hivo leo Sofia Simba asingekuwa waziri, kwanza January ana ubunge wa sandakalawe.
 
Sometimes I ask myself kama na mimi ninashare ya kuwa mtanzania...... it seems hawa watu wanajiamulia mambo, na kufanya kama hii nchi ni yao peke yao na sisi ni waamiaji
 
Kuna rafiki yangu lawyer kwenye NGO moja hapa NY ambayo yule dada Lisa Rockefeller ni board member, amenidokeza kuhusu issue ya huyu dada na yule kijana wa Bumbuli – January Makamba. Hii issue imemkera sana huyu dada na anaichukulia serious sana. January na Lisa walikuwa na uhusiano mzuri sana ambao ulishamiri zaidi wakati alipokuwa Marekani kwenye safari na JK ya kuonana na investors na donors. Lisa pia ndiye aliye-organize na rafiki yake wa “The Economist” kuandika ile piece ya January Makamba ambayo ilikuwa na objective ya kumsaidia kukuza profile yake kwenye kampeni. Kwa Lisa, January alionekana ni mtu progressive anayependa maendeleo na quite possibly future leader wa Tanzania. Wakati Lisa alipokuja Tanzania mara ya mwisho akakuta mradi aliotolea hela nyingi kule Mbeya haujafanyika, wakati alipewa guarantee na rafiki yake January kuwa hela hiyo itatumiwa kwenye huo mradi, alikuja juu na kudai accountability. January apparently akamjia juu na kumtishia kuwa yuko Bongo asilete ukoloni wa Kimarekani. Apparently, alimpa threats nyingi zaidi na kwa sababu ya hizo threats dada Lisa alizipeleka nyumbani na familia ikapiga simu Homeland Security. Ilibidi wamarekani wa-launch formal investigation ambayo mpaka sasa inaendelea. Kuna matisho aliyoyatoa January bila kufikiria madhara yake na huyu dada akayachukulia serious na kwa hasira sana. Kumbuka yeye alikuwa anategemea appreciation huku na quite honestly sidhani kama alikuwa na mambo mengine mengi zaidi ya kusaidia. Sasa hiyo ndiyo inasemekana imemfanya Mkulu ashindwe kumpa ule uwaziri ambao kijana alikuwa ana uhakika wa kuupata. Kuna habari pia kwamba kijana January amewekwa kwenye list mbaya ya Homeland Security na itakuwa vigumu sana kusafiri huku mpaka hii issue iwe cleared.

Unajua namhurumia sana January,hamjui Lisa vizuri.Ukweli ni kwamba kaingia choo cha kiume.Familia ya Roekefeller ni kati ya zile familia kumi na tatu zinazoitawala dunia.Akikuwekea no kwenye world issues, ni no.Kama anaweza kusuluhisha mambo afanye,vinginevyo mambo yatakua magumu sana kwake.
 
The Rockefellers were very close to Mwalimu Nyerere. They were drawn to Tanzania by Nyerere's dedication and sense of duty. They still think or thought (after this experience) that the Tanzania leadership today is honest and dedicated as Mwalimu Nyerere was. They are finding out kumbe sivyo hivyo. Like Nyani Ngabu said pale juu viongozi wa sasa na viongozi wanabees wote ni mafisadi.

Nyerere and his people are drug (aid) addicts, and the Rockefellers are drug (aid) pushers. The two groups are a match made in heaven.
 
Kwani tanzania tunaangalia sifa ingekuwa hivo leo Sofia Simba asingekuwa waziri, kwanza January ana ubunge wa sandakalawe.


"Hatuwezi kuwaachia nguruwe (CCM) wale shamba peke yao lazima tule wote" Hamad Rashid. ha ha ha ha aaaaaa mkuu nimeipenda hii aliitoa wapi? nataka niiweke kwenye archives zangu
 
Kwani tanzania tunaangalia sifa ingekuwa hivo leo Sofia Simba asingekuwa waziri, kwanza January ana ubunge wa sandakalawe.
Siyo huyo tu na Nyalandu je? Huyu ana kesi Marekani lakini naona UWT hawana habari hizo.
 
Nyerere and his people are drug (aid) addicts, and the Rockefellers are drug (aid) pushers. The two groups are a match made in heaven.
Zakumi,
Mwalimu hakuwa aid addict. Soma tena falsafa yake. Alijua tunahitaji misaada lakini lengo la hatima ni kujitegemea. Akina Rockefeller ni philanthropists. Huwezi leo kumwita Bill Gates na mkewe Melinda kuwa aid pushers. Try again.
 
Men, it is not only the January Makamba on the black-book with the US but rather the list could be growing a little longer over time with the entire international community.

The list could be longer than most us could imagine. With every foot-print they leave behind a magnifying glass is thoroughly scrutinising their schemes against Tanzanians for own good. It is NOT ONLY Makamba Junior but more so to do with his larger group of closer compatriots whod badly seeks to promote the Islamic Extremism in East Africa, syndicate of drug dealers, and traders in Uranium at best. Indeed, the blackbook will be soon catching up with every other person who may have directly or indirectly assisted the course could sooner be in for major suprises.

For those who have had a hand in offering the Iranian Rostam Azizi luxuries of state-protection as he plunder natural wealth of the nation and furthers the LARGER IRANIAN INTERESTS to promote Islam by force and engage in SECRET EXPORTING of URANIUM. The rather too elaborate under-the-table deals in which DAR ES SALAAM is vigourously seen to be CLANDESTINELY ASSISTING TEHRAN to grow her MOST DANGEROUS NUCLEAR Capabilities yet on another hand, as it offers the Western World a false smile on another face is just so deeply hypocritical of the whole scene here.

More still, it is very interesting to see a country as poor as our taking the business to sponsor nuclear projects in other nations against the expectations of many, exporting capital to build in other nations as a lot other keep buying buildings in the west.

Sure, the black list may not so long from now cause REAL CONCERNS and reason to take practical action to permanently put the Rostam-Aziz-and -State rat-race under our pittiful glare to an unceremonious halt. The black business of trading in wrong frontiers and the suprising concerted urge since early 1990 to fast-track extention of Islamic Etremism and instances of terrorist activities along the larger COASTAL STRIP of African Continent (from Mozambique to Somalia) is much drawing closer interests at unravelling the bigger underlying motive.

The major plans courtesy help of Rostam Aziz and assisted by the selfish extremist Islamic sections of State-organs of our country that seeks to Sponsor his Terrorist Mastermind activities under the FALACIOUS HOPE of getting financial assistance to BUY every other election to stay in power forever and enjoy inreased influence over other religions is just so disgusting to note.

The world is also fast becoming impatient with Dar es Salaam's siphoning of public funds to build the most glittering city of Dubai as poverty levels escalates in our midsts.
 
Tanzania's election
Promises, promises
Tanzania is still a backwater compared with its Kenyan neighbour to the
north

Oct 28th 2010 | *BUMBULI*
Makamba (right) networks on the mount

THE parliamentary campaign in Bumbuli, a constituency of 167,000 souls in
the mountainous Lushoto district of Tanzania, is a mixture of ancient and
modern. January Makamba, the candidate of the ruling party, Chama Cha
Mapinduzi (CCM), stands for the modernists. In designer shirt and shoes, he
hikes half way up a mountain to a remote village to solicit votes. The
villagers are demoralised, with no electricity or road and a poor crop. Down
below, a volunteer updates Mr Makamba's Facebook page on a wireless internet
connection.

Within the CCM, Mr Makamba is in a minority. Educated in the United States,
the son of a CCM power broker, he recently quit his job as a speechwriter
for Tanzania's president, Jakaya Kikwete, to run in Bumbuli. He wants
Tanzania to enter the world market. He hobnobs with Western philanthropists.
A copy of "The Rational Optimist", a booster of global capitalism, lies on
the back seat of his campaign truck.

But now he must prove himself on the ground. He showed his steel by ousting
a long-serving CCM parliamentarian. It helps that he comes from the main
town, Lushoto, and lived there as a boy. Up in the village he promises
fertilisers, medicine, more teachers. Electricity? No, too costly.

Bumbuli is among Tanzania's most densely populated constituencies. Most of
its people farm tiny plots too small to be subdivided further. But Mr
Makamba has a plan. He wants to borrow $10m from Wall Street
philanthropists, to be repaid in ten years. The sum, he says, will be
invested in east African treasury bonds and stocks, in the hope of dividends
producing $700,000 a year to invest in Bumbuli.

Some of the cash would help farmers package their fruits and vegetables. Mr
Makamba dreams of refrigerated lorries owned by the community leaving daily
at dawn for Dar es Salaam and Nairobi with "Fresh from Lushoto" produce.
Another project aims to parcel a scenic bit of the constituency and sell it
to a university to set up a campus for 5,000-odd students. Turkish
investors, he claims, are interested.

It is early days, but a youthful tilt at the presidency in 2015 by Mr
Makamba, or someone like-minded, is conceivable. If he took Tanzania's helm,
the country might sail ahead. As it is, its economy has been breezing along
at 6% this year, faster than Kenya's to the north, yet it still feels
slothful by comparison. It has been sliding downwards in the rankings as a
spot for investors. Corruption is rife. Crime is up. Dubious businessmen
enjoy positions of influence in the ruling party.

Though he has failed to fulfil his early promise, President Kikwete will
almost certainly get another five years in the job. Fond of technology and
foreign travel, he is known among his ministers as "Mr Beep" for his habit
of texting them to show he cares. But he has seemed wary of radical reform.
He is sentimental about Tanzania's socialist past. Most foreign aid-givers,
on whom the country still depends for half its budget, are still prepared to
give him the benefit of the doubt.

In his expected second term, Mr Kikwete is likely to promote gas exploration
in the south, expand mining, and try, as ever, to improve services. "Despite
a tripling in the education budget, large majorities of children remain
illiterate and innumerate," says Rakesh Rajani, a Tanzanian who has
researched the performance of primary schools. The country still has far
fewer skilled workers than neighbouring Kenya.

The opposition may do a bit better than before but is fragmented. Moreover,
the army, which thinks it is must protect the ruling CCM, has tried to bully
it-and independent journalists. Two opposition parties stand out. Chadema is
strong among richer smallholders, most of whom belong to the Chagga people
around Mount Kilimanjaro. The Civic United Front is backed by quite a few
Muslims on the coast and in the autonomous island of Zanzibar.

But they are too weak to topple the all-powerful CCM. Mr Kikwete and
Tanzania will gently potter along. If the likes of Mr Makamba managed to
take over the CCM, things might pick up a lot faster. But not, it seems,
just yet.

Source: The Economist
 
Naamini January Makamba yuko Jf anatakiwi kueleza umma wa watanzania juu ya habari hii kama ni ya kutengeneza itambomoa kama hataitolea ufafanuzi

hawezi kuwa humu eti kwa sababu huu ni mtandao wa wachaga, chadema na wakatoliki. hivyo ndo asemavyo.. sijui kuna ukweli wowote
 
Tanzania's election
Promises, promises
Tanzania is still a backwater compared with its Kenyan neighbour to the
north

Oct 28th 2010 | *BUMBULI*
Makamba (right) networks on the mount

THE parliamentary campaign in Bumbuli, a constituency of 167,000 souls in
the mountainous Lushoto district of Tanzania, is a mixture of ancient and
modern. January Makamba, the candidate of the ruling party, Chama Cha
Mapinduzi (CCM), stands for the modernists. In designer shirt and shoes, he
hikes half way up a mountain to a remote village to solicit votes. The
villagers are demoralised, with no electricity or road and a poor crop. Down
below, a volunteer updates Mr Makamba's Facebook page on a wireless internet
connection.

Within the CCM, Mr Makamba is in a minority. Educated in the United States,
the son of a CCM power broker, he recently quit his job as a speechwriter
for Tanzania's president, Jakaya Kikwete, to run in Bumbuli. He wants
Tanzania to enter the world market. He hobnobs with Western philanthropists.
A copy of "The Rational Optimist", a booster of global capitalism, lies on
the back seat of his campaign truck.

But now he must prove himself on the ground. He showed his steel by ousting
a long-serving CCM parliamentarian. It helps that he comes from the main
town, Lushoto, and lived there as a boy. Up in the village he promises
fertilisers, medicine, more teachers. Electricity? No, too costly.

Bumbuli is among Tanzania's most densely populated constituencies. Most of
its people farm tiny plots too small to be subdivided further. But Mr
Makamba has a plan. He wants to borrow $10m from Wall Street
philanthropists, to be repaid in ten years. The sum, he says, will be
invested in east African treasury bonds and stocks, in the hope of dividends
producing $700,000 a year to invest in Bumbuli.

Some of the cash would help farmers package their fruits and vegetables. Mr
Makamba dreams of refrigerated lorries owned by the community leaving daily
at dawn for Dar es Salaam and Nairobi with "Fresh from Lushoto" produce.
Another project aims to parcel a scenic bit of the constituency and sell it
to a university to set up a campus for 5,000-odd students. Turkish
investors, he claims, are interested.

It is early days, but a youthful tilt at the presidency in 2015 by Mr
Makamba, or someone like-minded, is conceivable. If he took Tanzania's helm,
the country might sail ahead. As it is, its economy has been breezing along
at 6% this year, faster than Kenya's to the north, yet it still feels
slothful by comparison. It has been sliding downwards in the rankings as a
spot for investors. Corruption is rife. Crime is up. Dubious businessmen
enjoy positions of influence in the ruling party.

Though he has failed to fulfil his early promise, President Kikwete will
almost certainly get another five years in the job. Fond of technology and
foreign travel, he is known among his ministers as "Mr Beep" for his habit
of texting them to show he cares. But he has seemed wary of radical reform.
He is sentimental about Tanzania's socialist past. Most foreign aid-givers,
on whom the country still depends for half its budget, are still prepared to
give him the benefit of the doubt.

In his expected second term, Mr Kikwete is likely to promote gas exploration
in the south, expand mining, and try, as ever, to improve services. "Despite
a tripling in the education budget, large majorities of children remain
illiterate and innumerate," says Rakesh Rajani, a Tanzanian who has
researched the performance of primary schools. The country still has far
fewer skilled workers than neighbouring Kenya.

The opposition may do a bit better than before but is fragmented. Moreover,
the army, which thinks it is must protect the ruling CCM, has tried to bully
it-and independent journalists. Two opposition parties stand out. Chadema is
strong among richer smallholders, most of whom belong to the Chagga people
around Mount Kilimanjaro. The Civic United Front is backed by quite a few
Muslims on the coast and in the autonomous island of Zanzibar.

But they are too weak to topple the all-powerful CCM. Mr Kikwete and
Tanzania will gently potter along. If the likes of Mr Makamba managed to
take over the CCM, things might pick up a lot faster. But not, it seems,
just yet.

Source: The Economist

A lot of pampering in here... bygones by now?
 

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