Aliahidi mwaka 2006 wakati anazindua Bunge, mpaka leo sijaona chochote kilichofanyika. Pamoja na hayo, swala la nyumba za serikali haliwagusi walalahoi wa vijijini na wengine hata hawaelewi zinafananaje maana hawajawahi kuziona. Ngoja tuendelee kufuatilia ahadi za JK ambazo hazitekelezeki.
Public Debate on Land Grabbing in Tanzania
Public Debate on Land Grabbing in Tanzania
- Thread starter Augustine Moshi
- Start date
Aliahidi mwaka 2006 wakati anazindua Bunge, mpaka leo sijaona chochote kilichofanyika. Pamoja na hayo, swala la nyumba za serikali haliwagusi walalahoi wa vijijini na wengine hata hawaelewi zinafananaje maana hawajawahi kuziona. Ngoja tuendelee kufuatilia ahadi za JK ambazo hazitekelezeki.
Steve Dii
JF-Expert Member
- Jun 25, 2007
- 6,402
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Hii ni angle nyingine ya kuangalia hili swala. Sawa sawa tu na nyumba za serikali... ziliuzwa kwa bei mbuzi, lakini zitanunuliwa kwa bei ya ajabu. Nionavyo kama yatakuwa yameuzwa, itakuwa kati ya 1998 na 2006. Maaana kipindi hiki ndimo kumekuwepo grand corruption ya Taifa letu.
Kwenye hayo mashamba nadhani Shamte (wa Katani Limited) anaweza kuwa na orodha kamili ya walioyanunua. Pia humo ndani wako walioyapata zama za Chavda, sijui kama bado wanayamiliki au waliyauza, so some of them ni pamoja Dr. Idriss Rashid na Peter Noni (hawa walikuwa nayo maeneo ya Kabuku).
Njilembera
JF-Expert Member
- May 10, 2008
- 1,496
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Mzee umenena! Si unajua hata Sumaye na kale kamgogoro ka shamba kule Morogoro, na Mh BWM kule Mtibwa na Kilombero nako nasikia aligusagusa pia. Tena kule Kilombero alifanya kama huyu anavyotaka kufanya, walitangaza shamba likauzwa bahati mbaya sio kwa waliyemtaka. Sasa baadae wakamnyang'anya wakasema wanampa wananchi. Wapi bwana! akakatiwa Mh mmoja wa Ikulu ekari 500 na zingine zimebaki hivi tangu enzi hizo 1997 au hivyo. Huyu mwekezaji amekuwa akidai arejeshewe ile hela aliyolipia hilo shamba hadi leo, kesi iko mahakama kuu. Lakini huyu mkulu ndio supplier mkubwa wa miwa kule Kilo Sugar kwa sasa hivi, anaongoza outgrowers (oh ngoja nimeshanganya michuzi hapa! lakini ndio demokrasia na utawala bora wetu)
Mahali pengine kule Moshi, yuko njemba mmoja ilipewa sehemu ya shamba iwekeze mradi wa hotel, tangu 1992, lakini hadi leo hajalipa kodi kwa chama cha ushirika ambacho ndio mmiliki wa shamba lile, na zaidi ya hapo, serikali yenyewe kupitia waziri wakati ule Rita walifanya kila mbinu ili apewe hati amiliki kasehemu kale ka shamba, bila ridhaa ya wananchi wale. Bado hii ni kesi inayoendelea. CCM ndio wamekuwa watetezi wakubwa wa huyu mwekezaji. Mwekezaji anadai alikuwa analipa kodi, kwani kila mara viongozi walimletea shida zao kama ada za watoto wa shule na alilipa. Utawala bora hapa bado...
Nimetoka sana kwenye mada lakini watakaokuwa wanamiliki haya mashamba ni hao na watalipwa cha juu zaidi. Kama yule Bw pale Kilombero akiambiwa awaachie wananchi lile shamba afidiwe, atakuwa amefaidi sana maana kwa sasa hivi ni tajiri, na shamba lile likithaminiwa sio haba kwake hata kidogo.
MMJ nimekuunga mkono kwa kwenda kando, mbele, nyuma na mbele, ndio mwondoko wa siku hizi mzee!
Nyambala
JF-Expert Member
- Oct 10, 2007
- 4,465
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Du!!!! kweli Tanzania tuna kazi, this guy is just a joke............... well hata kama wananchi wanaona kuna lazima na umuhimu CCM iendelee kuongoza kuna haja basi ya kumchomoa huyu mgombea jokeri. I can't imagine eti nchi itakuwa tena chini ya huyu jamaa for the next five years!!!!!!
Kila siku nazidi kuchoka na kuichoka kuhusu hilo linchi, and funny enough waathirika wakubwa wa these jokers (common men, average Joes) ndiyo washabiki wakubwa wa huyu msanii.And as usual they think u n me tunawaonea wivu!
Kitila Mkumbo
JF-Expert Member
- Feb 25, 2006
- 3,355
- 1,990
Wengi wao ni wao wenyewe!
Ruge Opinion
JF-Expert Member
- Mar 22, 2006
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Kweli kipindi cha pili cha urais ni kizuri sana. Kikwete ataahidi hata kushusha mbingu kwa sababu anajua akiishamaliza miaka yake mitano hakuna atakayemuwajibisha. CHADEMA wajitahidi kuwaelimisha wapiga kura kuhusu hizi ahadi hewa. Serikali ambayo miezi michache ilisema haina pesa ya kuongeza kima cha chini cha mishahara leo inahidi dunia ya maziwa na asali hizo pesa itapata wapi?
Ruge Opinion
JF-Expert Member
- Mar 22, 2006
- 1,838
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Kuongea na so-called wawekezaji hili wakuuzie ardhi ni porojo tupu haiwezi kufanikiwa. Rais Mugabe kule Zimbabwe alijaribu wazungu wakamugomea. Akafanya uamuzi mgumu ambao umeigharimu Zimbabwe lakini unaanza kuleta matokeo mazuri. Huko South Afrika wamejaribu hiyo approach haijazaa matunda yoyote ya maana. Hata jirani zetu Kenya waliahidi kufanya hivyo lakini badala ya kuwapa ardhi walalahoi Mafisadi wakajigawia. Matokeo yake tunayajua. Kikwete ana ubavu wa kuchukua ardhi ya Jitu Patel, Mohamed Dewji, Karimjees, etc. Hao sasa hivi ndio big landowners katika Tanzania pamoja na ukweli kwamba hawana asili yoyote na ardhi hiyo.
Ruge Opinion
JF-Expert Member
- Mar 22, 2006
- 1,838
- 707
Kuongea na so-called wawekezaji hili wakuuzie ardhi ni porojo tupu haiwezi kufanikiwa. Rais Mugabe kule Zimbabwe alijaribu wazungu wakamugomea. Akafanya uamuzi mgumu ambao umeigharimu Zimbabwe lakini unaanza kuleta matokeo mazuri. Huko South Afrika wamejaribu hiyo approach haijazaa matunda yoyote ya maana. Hata jirani zetu Kenya waliahidi kufanya hivyo lakini badala ya kuwapa ardhi walalahoi Mafisadi wakajigawia. Matokeo yake tunayajua. Kikwete ana ubavu wa kuchukua ardhi ya Jitu Patel, Mohamed Dewji, Karimjees, etc. Hao sasa hivi ndio big landowners katika Tanzania pamoja na ukweli kwamba hawana asili yoyote na ardhi hiyo.
Ntemi Kazwile
JF-Expert Member
- May 14, 2010
- 2,182
- 309
Kikwete alikuwa madarakani miaka mitano iliyopita na kwa bahati nzuri amekuwa ni rais aliyesafiri kuliko watangulizi wake kwa kipindi cha miaka mitano, je katika safari zake zote hakuwahi kujua tatizo hili la ardhi? Je hao ambao hawakuyaendeleza kwa nini wasinyang'anywe kwa kukiuka mikataba?
Ununuzi wa mashamba haya itakuwa ni scandal nyingine kubwa baada ya EPA, Deep Green Finance, Twin Towers, etc. Inaweza kuwa kubwa kuliko zote zilizotangulia kwa ajiri ya kuandaa timu itakayoingia madarakani 2015 kuwalinda watawala wahalifu waliotangulia.
Ununuzi wa mashamba haya itakuwa ni scandal nyingine kubwa baada ya EPA, Deep Green Finance, Twin Towers, etc. Inaweza kuwa kubwa kuliko zote zilizotangulia kwa ajiri ya kuandaa timu itakayoingia madarakani 2015 kuwalinda watawala wahalifu waliotangulia.
PatPending
JF-Expert Member
- Aug 17, 2007
- 493
- 110
Ahadi nyingine hiyo ambayo itakuwa kama ile ya mikataba ya madini. Kwa kifupi ni kwamba kutokana na kwamba kuna sheria za nchi na za kimataifa zinazolinda maslahi na haki za watu binafsi kumiliki mali na amana mbalimbali, haya anayoyasema ndugu Kikwete si rahisi kama anavyotaka watu waamini. Ukishapeleka umilikaji wa mali kwa sekta biinafsi basi inatokeapo serikali ikataka kurudishiwa umiliki ni lazima miliki binafsi akubali kuuza la sivyo mtaishia kupelekana mahakamani miaka nenda rudi na kwa gharama kubwa sana.
Maadam mheshimiwa bado yupo Tanga, kwa nini asimuite Abdallah Kigoda aje awaeleze wananchi sababu na tija za kuuza vitu chee
Maadam mheshimiwa bado yupo Tanga, kwa nini asimuite Abdallah Kigoda aje awaeleze wananchi sababu na tija za kuuza vitu chee
MAMA POROJO
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- Nov 22, 2007
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- 793
Wambugani
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- Dec 8, 2007
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Atarudisha na KIA, Reli, Kiwira, Minjingu n.k.?
_____________________________________________
"Wars are caused by undefended wealth."-- Ernest Hemingway
Geza Ulole
Platinum Member
- Oct 31, 2009
- 75,736
- 107,182
23rd October 10
Ani Jozen
Prominent University of Dar es Salaam activist and former land commission chairman Prof. Issa Shivji has lately been on record as making pertinent observations on current land policy and outlook for foreign investment and regional integration.
Speaking from his venerable position as titleholder of the Mwalimu Nyerere Professorial Chair in the social sciences, he castigated authorities with ‘lack of patriotism' when they deny rights of establishment for citizens of East African Community member states, and continue giving large tracts of land to foreign companies. Is the policy tied to self interest, or how is it unpatriotic?
The point of departure of Prof. Shivji's remarks in a critical sense would be his conception of patriotism, which seems to be tied to Pan-African rather than national identity, which however is disputable. There has never been a ‘regional patriotism,' as regional identities constitute in self-denial for a higher cause, that is, for instance Europe's unforgettable experience of devastating world wars, and a firm resolution not to go back to that state of affairs. Thus it is one thing for the venerable professor to be critical of the discrimination exercised on East Africans as different from foreign firms, without residue of ‘patriotism.'
What is at issue therefore is whether land should be allocated to foreign investors especially for biofuels on the one hand, and whether or not it is right to deny ‘right of establishment' to citizens of member states of the EAC. That way there is a series of questions rather than one compound question, whereas it was from this compound character – unpatriotic discrimination against EAC citizens, as it were – that the logic of the criticism was anchored. Trying to retrieve it runs a few risks, for instance how far would Prof. Shivji enthuse with East African patriotism if foreigners were not being allocated land for biofuels?
The solution to this problem is no longer political economy per se but psychoanalysis, of reading hidden messages in how an issue is presented or rather the sentiment depicted, quite distinctly from showing what it says. The key to this aspect is the arrangement of the argument in a wider picture, what is called ‘mind mapping,' to recover the sequence of argument or sentimentality that brings about the specific view of things, or problem as constituted in the formulation of the observation. For one thing, the don did not complain about allocating land to investors and then later about East Africans being denied land.
What came up was a compound sentiment, that ‘if you are allocating land to foreign companies, would you not rather allow East Africans to take land, instead of discriminating against them,' implying that the latter comes about due to the former. Put differently, Prof. Shivji has started defending rights of citizens of EAC partner states to land in Tanzania because the land is being given to foreign companies, whereas it would be better to give it to EAC zone citizens as we are partners already. That is what comes up as a regional version of patriotism, but it is hard for the don to say that this is also in basic national interest.
It can be rapidly admitted that if what is at hand is ‘national interest' as it ties up with ‘patriotism,' there is scarcely anything important that the venerable don could possibly teach the policy makers at various quarters of the state. Especially because the don isn't marked out with an explicit policy of creation of private property out of the land – which, Praise the Lord – he is now approaching when he welcomes East African citizens to Tanzania – the government's method is more ‘patriotic.' Foreign companies are contracted for a commercial project needing land, whereas East African immigrants permanently settle.
But especially because Prof. Shivji holds a Mwalimu Nyerere chair at the university, this matter should otherwise have been primary in his comprehension of Mwalimu, anchoring discussion on development prospects and the land issue. Prof. Shivji has scarcely ever noticed the issue, for like other activists at HakiElimu and his own band at HakiArdhi, they see land issues in terms of equity and not as regards the capacity for capital flows that consequently constitutes the basis for rapid economic growth. Only on these parameters can the matter of East African immigration be realistically raised, not as ‘patriotism.'
What the don should have singled out before criticising the government's method is that there is less likelihood of creation of durable and inheritable property out of companies being allocated land for biofuel investments, than with East African citizens settling here. Thus with foreign companies the state is engaged in renting out land for commercial purposes but the land remains with the state, and can be reversed when the need arises, and then, it also fetches maximum benefits for the state. None of these aspects can be assured with regional immigration; it only becomes a matter of demographic ‘remixing.'
Incidentally, the most pertinent argument for facilitating East African or regional immigration should have singularly been on absorbing ethnic tensions on the basis of population mixtures, when land is privately owned and can be exchanged, all over. That would however put the cap and lid on the chair as it is organized, as it is still for all intents and purposes a Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation sort of extension, that it seeks to defend ‘the rational choice,' that is socialism – which was rational once, and should thus remain rational forever. How does Shivji reject private property on land and applaud regional migration?
What though is evident is that what Marx observed in The Communist Manifesto in 1848 – and Prof. Shivji and his kaleidoscope of fellow late 20th century revolutionaries have never sought to comprehend its implication for Africa, save that it ‘extolled colonialism,' perhaps – is about to be realized. The radical German philosopher noted that ‘at the pain of extinction, the native adopts the ways of the foreigner,' and if Prof. Shivji is now drawing closer to ‘right of establishment' for citizens of East Africa, something can indeed change 'under the sun.' The French sometimes say you never live to see change in a lifetime!
Tanzania needs ‘ways of foreigners' in its land ownership structure, to obtain the rights to the value of the land that people and especially peasants are now roundly denied, so they live and die poorly while they could have created capital out of the land. At the same time lack of a land market where land can be bought and sold without let or hindrance denies large segments of society the chance of improving their lives by credit tied to ability to transfer the land or as employees in productive activities created by those who purchase land. This is elementary to rapid economic growth but Nyerere patriotism rejects it, and thus Prof. Shivji urges East African migration into existing communal settlements – an irrelevance.
On the basis of an underlying sentiment of the communal ownership of land in Prof. Shivji, he will have to admit that the government's method is more efficient in retaining the public ownership of that land and without creating immigrants of a settler kind of persons.
Mwalimu told the UN Fourth Committee in 1955 that ‘independent Tanganyika will be ready to accept immigrants who want to open factories, not those who want to start farms.' Companies taking up land for biofuels are like industrial ventures that also seek local raw materials, whereas regional migration cedes land for good to – foreigners, is it not?
THE GUARDIAN
Prof Shivji on allocating land to foreign investors, denying it to East Africans
Ani Jozen
Prominent University of Dar es Salaam activist and former land commission chairman Prof. Issa Shivji has lately been on record as making pertinent observations on current land policy and outlook for foreign investment and regional integration.
Speaking from his venerable position as titleholder of the Mwalimu Nyerere Professorial Chair in the social sciences, he castigated authorities with ‘lack of patriotism' when they deny rights of establishment for citizens of East African Community member states, and continue giving large tracts of land to foreign companies. Is the policy tied to self interest, or how is it unpatriotic?
The point of departure of Prof. Shivji's remarks in a critical sense would be his conception of patriotism, which seems to be tied to Pan-African rather than national identity, which however is disputable. There has never been a ‘regional patriotism,' as regional identities constitute in self-denial for a higher cause, that is, for instance Europe's unforgettable experience of devastating world wars, and a firm resolution not to go back to that state of affairs. Thus it is one thing for the venerable professor to be critical of the discrimination exercised on East Africans as different from foreign firms, without residue of ‘patriotism.'
What is at issue therefore is whether land should be allocated to foreign investors especially for biofuels on the one hand, and whether or not it is right to deny ‘right of establishment' to citizens of member states of the EAC. That way there is a series of questions rather than one compound question, whereas it was from this compound character – unpatriotic discrimination against EAC citizens, as it were – that the logic of the criticism was anchored. Trying to retrieve it runs a few risks, for instance how far would Prof. Shivji enthuse with East African patriotism if foreigners were not being allocated land for biofuels?
The solution to this problem is no longer political economy per se but psychoanalysis, of reading hidden messages in how an issue is presented or rather the sentiment depicted, quite distinctly from showing what it says. The key to this aspect is the arrangement of the argument in a wider picture, what is called ‘mind mapping,' to recover the sequence of argument or sentimentality that brings about the specific view of things, or problem as constituted in the formulation of the observation. For one thing, the don did not complain about allocating land to investors and then later about East Africans being denied land.
What came up was a compound sentiment, that ‘if you are allocating land to foreign companies, would you not rather allow East Africans to take land, instead of discriminating against them,' implying that the latter comes about due to the former. Put differently, Prof. Shivji has started defending rights of citizens of EAC partner states to land in Tanzania because the land is being given to foreign companies, whereas it would be better to give it to EAC zone citizens as we are partners already. That is what comes up as a regional version of patriotism, but it is hard for the don to say that this is also in basic national interest.
It can be rapidly admitted that if what is at hand is ‘national interest' as it ties up with ‘patriotism,' there is scarcely anything important that the venerable don could possibly teach the policy makers at various quarters of the state. Especially because the don isn't marked out with an explicit policy of creation of private property out of the land – which, Praise the Lord – he is now approaching when he welcomes East African citizens to Tanzania – the government's method is more ‘patriotic.' Foreign companies are contracted for a commercial project needing land, whereas East African immigrants permanently settle.
But especially because Prof. Shivji holds a Mwalimu Nyerere chair at the university, this matter should otherwise have been primary in his comprehension of Mwalimu, anchoring discussion on development prospects and the land issue. Prof. Shivji has scarcely ever noticed the issue, for like other activists at HakiElimu and his own band at HakiArdhi, they see land issues in terms of equity and not as regards the capacity for capital flows that consequently constitutes the basis for rapid economic growth. Only on these parameters can the matter of East African immigration be realistically raised, not as ‘patriotism.'
What the don should have singled out before criticising the government's method is that there is less likelihood of creation of durable and inheritable property out of companies being allocated land for biofuel investments, than with East African citizens settling here. Thus with foreign companies the state is engaged in renting out land for commercial purposes but the land remains with the state, and can be reversed when the need arises, and then, it also fetches maximum benefits for the state. None of these aspects can be assured with regional immigration; it only becomes a matter of demographic ‘remixing.'
Incidentally, the most pertinent argument for facilitating East African or regional immigration should have singularly been on absorbing ethnic tensions on the basis of population mixtures, when land is privately owned and can be exchanged, all over. That would however put the cap and lid on the chair as it is organized, as it is still for all intents and purposes a Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation sort of extension, that it seeks to defend ‘the rational choice,' that is socialism – which was rational once, and should thus remain rational forever. How does Shivji reject private property on land and applaud regional migration?
What though is evident is that what Marx observed in The Communist Manifesto in 1848 – and Prof. Shivji and his kaleidoscope of fellow late 20th century revolutionaries have never sought to comprehend its implication for Africa, save that it ‘extolled colonialism,' perhaps – is about to be realized. The radical German philosopher noted that ‘at the pain of extinction, the native adopts the ways of the foreigner,' and if Prof. Shivji is now drawing closer to ‘right of establishment' for citizens of East Africa, something can indeed change 'under the sun.' The French sometimes say you never live to see change in a lifetime!
Tanzania needs ‘ways of foreigners' in its land ownership structure, to obtain the rights to the value of the land that people and especially peasants are now roundly denied, so they live and die poorly while they could have created capital out of the land. At the same time lack of a land market where land can be bought and sold without let or hindrance denies large segments of society the chance of improving their lives by credit tied to ability to transfer the land or as employees in productive activities created by those who purchase land. This is elementary to rapid economic growth but Nyerere patriotism rejects it, and thus Prof. Shivji urges East African migration into existing communal settlements – an irrelevance.
On the basis of an underlying sentiment of the communal ownership of land in Prof. Shivji, he will have to admit that the government's method is more efficient in retaining the public ownership of that land and without creating immigrants of a settler kind of persons.
Mwalimu told the UN Fourth Committee in 1955 that ‘independent Tanganyika will be ready to accept immigrants who want to open factories, not those who want to start farms.' Companies taking up land for biofuels are like industrial ventures that also seek local raw materials, whereas regional migration cedes land for good to – foreigners, is it not?
THE GUARDIAN
Prof Shivji on allocating land to foreign investors, denying it to East Africans
The Quonquerer
JF-Expert Member
- May 14, 2009
- 777
- 111
Land should be our bargaining chip, afterall it's the only one we are left with. As for 'east africans', kenyans included should forget Tanzanian land, unless if they come as bona fide investors!
Wawekezaji wapitie TIC, sheria ziko wazi! He is simply sympathysing with his fellow foreigners, he came the same way, he is trying to clear the way for them maan Tanzanians aren't supposed to be where they are!
Wawekezaji wapitie TIC, sheria ziko wazi! He is simply sympathysing with his fellow foreigners, he came the same way, he is trying to clear the way for them maan Tanzanians aren't supposed to be where they are!
LoyalTzCitizen
JF-Expert Member
- Sep 15, 2010
- 2,320
- 1,085
Sorry! mlivyokuwa mnamchagua mlitegemea nini! you will get what you planted! we warned you lot na hamkutaka kusikia sasa mnalia nini??? i am afraid it's too late! KILIO CHA MACHOZI YA SAMAKI!
:A S-omg:you will walk alone!
:A S-omg:you will walk alone!
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