Nimemkaribisha kwa furaha rafiki yangu Kelby pamoja na ndugu yake, Kheri, nchini Tanzania. Hii ni ishara kuwa ni mara ya tatu kwa Kelby kuja Tanzania, ingawa anasema imepita takriban miaka kumi tangu mara ya mwisho alipokuja.
UNA FORCE KUTENGENEZA DHANA YA UDINI KATIKA HISTORIA YA TAIFA HILI HASWA KUMFAIDISHA NANI? UISLAMU WAKO AMBAO ILIBIDI BABU YAKO ACHAPWE MBOKO NDIO AUPOKEEE AU CHUKI BINAFSI ULIZONAZO JUU YA UKRISTO?.
Huu utawala nimeona wengi nufarahaa kwenu .Ila mfahamu kuwa siku vizazi vyenu vitawalaumu maana mnaisi mlipo hapa kama mkifa na huko huko mtakuta .Kuwa mkweli mzee umebakisha bonus za mungu hata wakiamua kuua si wamekup grean viza ya mungu kabisa ulisema ukweli
UNA FORCE KUTENGENEZA DHANA YA UDINI KATIKA HISTORIA YA TAIFA HILI HASWA KUMFAIDISHA NANI? UISLAMU WAKO AMBAO ILIBIDI BABU YAKO ACHAPWE MBOKO NDIO AUPOKEEE AU CHUKI BINAFSI ULIZONAZO JUU YA UKRISTO?.
Eli Cohen,
Historia hii niliyotafiti na kuandika ni hivyo ndivyo ilivyokuwa.
Angalia picha hizo hapo chini:
View attachment 3623484
Baraza la Wazee wa TANU Mwenyekiti Sheikh Suleiman Takadir 1957 View attachment 3623486
Mkutano wa ndani Tawi la Ali Msham Magomeni Mapipa miaka ya mwanzo 1950 wa kwanza kushoto ni Ali Msham aliyekuwa Mwenyekiti wa tawi.
Karatasi hii inaangazia maeneo ya ndani ya Tanzania ya leo katika karne ya 19. Sehemu za kwanza zimejitolea kwa uchambuzi wa sifa ambazo zinaweza kuchukuliwa kuwa za kipekee kwa uelewa wa ubepari katika eneo hilo: maendeleo ya biashara na maisha ya mijini, kuibuka kwa tabaka la wafanyakazi wa mishahara na ushawishi wa mamlaka za kisiasa za mitaa kwenye biashara. Sehemu ya mwisho inatoa muhtasari wa ushahidi unaopatikana kuhusu waongofu wa mapema zaidi kwa Uislamu katika mambo ya ndani, kwa kurejelea hasa vituo muhimu zaidi vya mijini vilivyoendelea kando ya barabara kuu ya msafara, ikiunganisha Bagamoyo, pwani, na maziwa Tanganyika na Victoria.
Utangulizi
Karne ya 19 ilikuwa hatua muhimu katika maendeleo ya ubepari wa kimataifa [Inikori 2007]. Kwa bara la Afrika hii ilimaanisha uzalishaji na uuzaji wa bidhaa mpya za usafirishaji pamoja na uagizaji wa bidhaa mpya kutoka sehemu mbalimbali za dunia. Kwa ujumla, hii iliweka msingi wa ujumuishaji wa shughuli za kiuchumi za ndani katika mitandao ya kibiashara ya kimataifa na ilikuwa chanzo cha "biashara" ya taratibu ya uchumi wa kikanda [Glassman 1995, 36]. Matokeo ambayo hii ilikuwa nayo kwa jamii za Kiafrika yalitegemea kiwango ambacho uhusiano wa kibiashara wa awali ulikuwa umeanzishwa na masoko ya kimataifa, na pia aina za bidhaa zilizosafirishwa.
Tanzania, Soko la Tabora, mwanzoni mwa karne ya 20. Soko la Tabora, mwanzoni mwa karne ya 20, Koloniales Bildarchiv, Universitätsbibliothek Frankfurt am Main.
Karatasi hii inalenga katika moja ya maeneo ya bara ambayo, kutokana na maendeleo ya ubepari wa kimataifa wa karne ya kumi na tisa, yaliunganishwa na pwani na masoko ya kimataifa kwa njia isiyo ya kawaida: maeneo ya ndani ya kile ambacho leo ni Tanzania. Maendeleo ya kimataifa ya ubepari yalisababisha mahitaji ya bidhaa za Afrika Mashariki, kama vile pembe za ndovu, kopala na ngozi, yalidumisha uchumi wa mashamba makubwa wa Zanzibar na Pemba ambao uliwaajiri watumwa kutoka bara, na kubadilisha kabisa masharti ya ushiriki wa Waafrika Mashariki hadi uchumi wa dunia. Mchakato huu haukuwa mabadiliko ya ghafla kutoka kwa kilimo na uzalishaji wa ufundi hadi njia mpya za uzalishaji wa kibepari, bali ulikuwa ni mchanganyiko wa mabadiliko ya kiuchumi ya taratibu yaliyoamuliwa na nguvu za soko, yanayoendeshwa na ubepari wa kimataifa na kwa kuibuka kwa vikundi vya ujasiriamali vya ndani, yaani wafanyabiashara Waislamu, wafadhili wa India na wafanyabiashara wa Afrika.
Makala haya yanatokana na karatasi iliyowasilishwa katika jopo la "Dini na Ubepari barani Afrika", lililoitishwa na Tekeste Negash katika Mkutano wa Masomo ya Afrika barani Ulaya huko Uppsala mnamo 2011. Tekeste aliponiomba kwa mara ya kwanza kuwasilisha karatasi, nilidhani kwamba nafasi ndogo ilikuwa inapatikana kwa ajili ya kuchambua dini na ubepari katika eneo hilo na kwa kipindi nilichokuwa nikifanyia kazi, yaani Magharibi mwa Tanzania katika karne ya kumi na tisa.
Bila shaka, wafanyabiashara Waislamu walikaa katika eneo hili kwa mara ya kwanza katika miaka ya 1840, lakini kwa muda mrefu athari ya Uislamu ilibaki kuwa ndogo. Hata hivyo, kuanzishwa kwa wafanyabiashara Waislamu katika miji ya misafara ya ndani kuliunda vitovu vya utamaduni wa pwani ambavyo vikawa msingi ambao Uislamu baadaye uliendelezwa kama nguvu kubwa ya mabadiliko katika Tanzania ya karne ya ishirini [Austen 1971, 650]. Uislamu haukuendelea katika maeneo ya ndani tu kama matokeo ya ukoloni na matumizi ya Wazungu ya mawakala Waislamu, wakalimani, makarani, n.k.[1] Ilikuwa mchakato mgumu zaidi ulioanza katika karne ya kumi na tisa na ulihusiana na ushiriki wa eneo hilo katika uchumi wa dunia.
Kwa hivyo, karatasi hii inalenga uhusiano ulioanzishwa katika karne ya kumi na tisa kati ya maendeleo ya mifumo mipya ya biashara na Uislamu, kutokana na kuanzishwa kwa wafanyabiashara Waislamu katika miji ya kibiashara iliyoendelea kando ya barabara za misafara ya ndani. Kinyume na kipindi cha ukoloni, wakati njia za uzalishaji wa kibepari zilipoendelea hasa katika maeneo ya vijijini, ubepari wa karne ya kumi na tisa ulionekana zaidi katika vituo vya mijini. Katika mambo ya ndani ya Tanzania vituo vya mijini vilianzishwa kama matokeo ya maendeleo ya biashara ya masafa marefu [Burton 2002] na ilikuwa katika miji hii ambapo mabadiliko yaliyoletwa na mifumo mipya ya kiuchumi yalionekana zaidi. Hii inafanya utafiti wa maisha yao ya kisiasa na kiuchumi kuwa lenzi ya kuchunguza matokeo ya ukuaji wa mahusiano thabiti ya kibiashara na pwani kuhusiana na maendeleo ya ubepari wa kimataifa, pamoja na jukumu la watendaji wapya wa kiuchumi katika kutawanya mbegu za utamaduni wa pwani, miongoni mwao ni Uislamu.
Sehemu za kwanza za karatasi hii zimejitolea kwa uchambuzi wa sifa ambazo zinaweza kuchukuliwa kuwa za kipekee kwa uelewa wa ubepari katika eneo hilo: maendeleo ya biashara na maisha ya mijini, kuibuka kwa tabaka la wafanyakazi wa mishahara na ushawishi wa mamlaka za kisiasa za mitaa kwenye biashara [Iliffe 1979, 19]. Sehemu ya mwisho inatoa muhtasari wa ushahidi unaopatikana kuhusu waongofu wa kwanza kabisa kwa Uislamu katika mambo ya ndani, kwa kurejelea hasa vituo muhimu zaidi vya mijini vilivyoendelea kando ya barabara kuu ya msafara, ikiunganisha Bagamoyo, pwani, na maziwa Tanganyika na Victoria.
Biashara ya kimataifa na uzalishaji wa ndani nchini Tanzania ya karne ya kumi na tisa
Bahari ya Hindi ni mojawapo ya mifumo ya kiuchumi na kitamaduni ya zamani zaidi duniani: kutokana na uwepo wa pepo za monsoon, nguvu inayoendesha biashara ya bahari ya Hindi, India na rasi ya Arabia zilianzisha uhusiano wa karibu wa kibiashara na Afrika Mashariki [Gilbert 2004, 25]. Hata hivyo, hadi mwanzoni mwa karne ya kumi na tisa, pwani ya Afrika Mashariki ilibaki kuwa sehemu kubwa ya ulimwengu wa kibiashara wa Bahari ya Hindi Magharibi kuliko Afrika Mashariki, ikiwa karibu imetenganishwa kabisa na mambo ya ndani. Bidhaa zilizosafirishwa kutoka bandari za Afrika Mashariki zingeweza kupatikana kwa urahisi karibu na sehemu ya ndani ya pwani na kwa hivyo hakukuwa na haja ya kupanga safari za gharama kubwa na hatari katika mambo ya ndani ili kupata bidhaa za kuuza nje. Wakati huo huo maeneo ya ndani yalijulikana kwa uwepo wa mtandao mkubwa wa biashara za ndani na za kikanda za Kiafrika, hasa katika chumvi, chuma, shaba, vyakula na bidhaa za misitu, ambazo ziliunganishwa mara kwa mara na pwani [Gray, Birmingham 1970].
Kwa hivyo, mahusiano ya kibiashara yalikuwepo kabla ya karne ya 19. Lakini ilikuwa tu kuanzia miongo ya kwanza ya karne ya kumi na tisa, kutokana na ongezeko kubwa la mahitaji ya pembe za ndovu na watumwa, ndipo mahusiano ya kibiashara ya mara kwa mara yalianzishwa [Sheriff 1987]. Pembe za ndovu za Afrika Mashariki zilikuwa zinafaa zaidi kuchongwa kuliko pembe za ndovu za Afrika Magharibi au India na katika karne ya kumi na tisa zilianza kutumika sana Ulaya na Amerika kutengeneza bidhaa za anasa, kama vile sanamu zilizochongwa, sehemu za vyombo, vitambaa vya kuchana na mipira ya biliadi, ambayo ikawa ishara ya tabaka la kati la Magharibi lililokuwa likiongezeka [Beachey 1967]. Watumwa walikuwa kitu kingine muhimu cha biashara. Katika karne ya kumi na nane watumwa walisafirishwa kutoka Afrika Mashariki hadi Mashariki ya Kati na Visiwa vya Mascarene, lakini mtiririko huu wa biashara ulipungua kutokana na vita vya Napoleon na harakati za kukomesha biashara barani Ulaya [Glassman 1995, 29].
Katika karne ya kumi na tisa, ongezeko la mahitaji ya watumwa wa Afrika Mashariki lilichochewa zaidi na uchumi unaokua wa mashamba makubwa ya Zanzibar na Pemba [Cooper 1977; Sheriff 1987]. Katika nusu ya pili ya karne, watumwa walizidi kukamatwa Katanga na Manyema - Jamhuri ya Kidemokrasia ya Kongo ya leo - na kusini mwa Tanzania ya leo (Deutsch 2007, 4). Hadi miaka ya 1870, Kilwa ilibaki kuwa bandari muhimu zaidi ya usafirishaji wa watumwa, ilhali pembe za ndovu zilitoka hasa ziwa Tanganyika na eneo la interlacustrine na kwa sehemu kutoka nchi za Chagga na Masai na zilisafirishwa hadi Zanzibar kupitia Bagamoyo [Smith 1963, 273-274]. Copal pia ilihitajika sana, ikitumika Marekani kutengeneza varnishi zenye thamani kubwa kwa tasnia ya samani. Copal ya Afrika Mashariki ilizingatiwa kuwa bora zaidi duniani na ilichimbwa katika misitu ya pwani ya Afrika Mashariki [Sunseri 2007, 202].
Wakati wa karne ya kumi na tisa, bei zote za bidhaa hizi zilipata ongezeko la bei katika masoko ya kimataifa. Kwa mfano, tukichukua pembe za ndovu, bei yake Zanzibar iliongezeka maradufu kati ya 1826 na 1857, na ikaongezeka maradufu tena katika miaka thelathini iliyofuata [Sheriff 1987]. Tangu wakati huo, ikawa rahisi sana kwa wafanyabiashara wa India na pwani wanaofanya kazi pwani kupenya ndani ya nchi wakitafuta meno ya thamani ya tembo, watumwa na gum copal, ambayo walipata kwa nguo zilizoagizwa kutoka nje, shanga za kioo na waya za chuma. Kuongezeka kwa bei ya bidhaa za Afrika Mashariki kuliambatana na kupungua kwa bei ya bidhaa zinazoagizwa kutoka nje, ambazo, kutokana na uundaji wa mitambo ya mchakato wa uzalishaji Amerika na Ulaya, zingeweza kuingizwa kwa wingi ndani ya Afrika Mashariki. Shanga za kioo zilizalishwa zaidi huko Venice, ilhali nguo zilitoka India, Uingereza na Amerika. Mapinduzi ya viwanda yalipunguza kwa kiasi kikubwa gharama za uzalishaji wa nguo Amerika na Ulaya na uagizaji wa nguo za India Afrika Mashariki ulipungua polepole, ukibadilishwa zaidi na nguo zisizo na rangi zilizozalishwa huko Massachusetts, zinazoitwa merikani [Glassman 1995, 56; Prestholdt 2008]. Upanuzi unaoendelea wa biashara katika karne ya kumi na tisa uliendelezwa na bei zinazoongezeka za bidhaa za Afrika Mashariki, hasa pembe za ndovu, katika soko la kimataifa ambalo lilisababisha mkusanyiko wa mitaji ya wafanyabiashara pwani. Shukrani kwa mji mkuu huu, wafanyabiashara wa pwani waliweza kuweka misafara mikubwa na iliyofadhiliwa vyema kwa ajili ya mambo ya ndani [Sheriff 1987, 181].
Kama ilivyotajwa tayari, biashara ya pembe za ndovu na watumwa ilihitaji mtaji zaidi kuliko ule wa chumvi na chuma, ambazo zilikuwa bidhaa za kawaida za biashara ya Afrika ya kikanda na kikanda. Mtaji huu ulitolewa kwa wafanyabiashara wa gharama kubwa na wafadhili wa India, ambao waliendeleza rasilimali zinazohitajika kusafiri na kufanya biashara kwa wafanyabiashara wa pwani wanaoingia ndani ya nchi. Badala yake, walipata sehemu ya bidhaa za usafirishaji nje, kwa ujumla pembe za ndovu, wakati msafara uliporudi kutoka ndani. Muunganisho wa ndani wa Afrika Mashariki na soko la kimataifa katika karne ya kumi na tisa bila shaka ulichochewa na wafanyabiashara Waislamu kutoka pwani ya Swahili. Hata hivyo, maendeleo ya mifumo hii mipya ya kiuchumi hayakuwa mchakato wa njia moja na Waafrika Mashariki walidumisha nguvu ya kuunda uhusiano wao na ulimwengu wa nje, katika mfumo wa uchumi mpya wa soko [Koponen 1988].
Kundi muhimu zaidi la wafanyabiashara katikati mwa Tanzania walikuwa Wanyamwezi kutoka eneo la Unyamwezi. Kabla ya maendeleo ya biashara ya masafa marefu na pwani, wafanyabiashara wa Nyamwezi walikuwa tayari wapatanishi wa mtandao mpana wa biashara kati ya kikanda, ambapo chumvi, chuma, shaba, ng'ombe na bidhaa za kilimo zilibadilishwa. Shukrani kwa shughuli hizi za kibiashara, walianzisha barabara ya misafara hadi pwani na rekodi za uwepo wao katika bandari za pwani zinapatikana kuanzia 1811 [Roberts 1968; 1970]. Wafanyabiashara wa Nyamwezi kwa ujumla walikuwa wanachama wa tabaka la juu la wenyeji ambao walikuwa wameweza kutumia fursa zilizotolewa na biashara hiyo na pwani na walikuwa wamekusanya utajiri katika bidhaa za kuuza nje, kama vile pembe za ndovu, au sarafu za bidhaa, haswa nguo na shanga. Hii iliwaruhusu kufadhili biashara zao wenyewe na pwani na, kulingana na vyanzo vingi vya kisasa, walidumisha nafasi maarufu kando ya barabara ya kati ya misafara angalau hadi miaka ya 1870 [Pallaver 2006]. Wafanyabiashara wa Nyamwezi pia walifurahia mamlaka ya kisiasa, kwani machifu wa eneo hilo waliwateua wengi wao kuwa wakuu wa wilaya za eneo hilo, kile kinachoitwa gunguli. Walikuwa na haki ya kushiriki katika uchaguzi wa mtemi, chifu wa eneo hilo, na hii iliwapa ushawishi mkubwa katika maisha ya kiuchumi na kisiasa ya miji ya ndani [Unomah 1970, 5]. Kwa sababu ya utamaduni wao mrefu katika biashara ya kikanda, wafanyabiashara wa eneo hilo waliweza kuzoea haraka mifumo mipya ya biashara, huku wafanyabiashara Waislamu wakiwa watumiaji na waboreshaji wa mifumo ya kibiashara iliyopo tayari [Médard 2007, 115].
Waafrika wanaoishi katika maeneo ya ndani hawakushiriki tu katika biashara ya masafa marefu kama wafanyabiashara, bali pia kama wafanyakazi wa mshahara. Wanyamwezi, haswa, walikuwa wabebaji walioombwa sana na walikuza uwezo maalum wa kubeba bidhaa kwenda na kutoka pwani. Walikuwa kundi la kwanza la wafanyakazi wa mshahara waliokua katika eneo hilo na kuwa uti wa mgongo wa biashara ya masafa marefu na pwani.
Biashara ya masafa marefu, wafanyakazi wa Kiafrika na maendeleo ya makazi ya mijini kando ya barabara za misafara
Kama Coquery-Vidrovitch na Lovejoy wanavyosema, «katika jamii zilizokuwa zimezuiliwa na kiwango cha chini cha teknolojia, kazi muhimu ilitegemea kwa kiasi kikubwa sana nishati ya binadamu» [Coquery-Vidrovitch, Lovejoy 1985, 9]. Makundi ya wafanyakazi walioajiriwa hayakuwa ya kawaida katika Afrika ya kabla ya ukoloni, lakini yaliendelezwa katika hali fulani maalum za kihistoria, hasa wakati ombi la aina fulani ya kazi lilikuwa likiongezeka haraka sana kutoshelezwa na aina nyingine za kazi. Katika Afrika ya kabla ya ukoloni, kazi ya mshahara kwa ujumla ilikuwa imepunguzwa kwa sekta fulani: usafiri, ubadilishanaji na pengine uzalishaji wa ufundi, na, miongoni mwa hizi, usafiri wa binadamu kwa kawaida ulikuwa aina ya kwanza ya wafanyakazi walioajiriwa [Iliffe 1983, 8].
Katika karne ya kumi na tisa Afrika Mashariki, maendeleo ya biashara ya pembe za ndovu, kopala na watumwa yaliunda mazingira ya maendeleo ya kundi la wafanyakazi wanaolipwa mishahara katika sekta ya usafiri, wabebaji wa binadamu. Jukumu lao katika biashara ya masafa marefu ya Afrika Mashariki limechunguzwa kwa undani [Cummings 1973; Rockel 2006]. Utafiti wa hivi karibuni umeonyesha jinsi wabebaji hawakuwa watumwa, kama ilivyoaminika kwa kawaida, bali kundi la wafanyakazi maalum na wenye ujuzi waliopokea mshahara badala ya kazi yao [Rockel 2006, 19-23]. Waliendeleza uwezo maalum wa kusafirisha bidhaa zote zinazohitajika kwa ajili ya matengenezo ya misafara wakati wa safari zao za ndani na walibeba bidhaa za kibiashara kurudi pwani. Kama kundi la wafanyakazi wa mshahara, wabebaji walifanya kazi mmoja mmoja na kwa pamoja kutetea maslahi yao ya pamoja. Wakati mishahara haikuzingatiwa kuwa inafaa walikataa kuendelea na maandamano yao hadi masharti ya ajira yatakapojadiliwa upya. Wabebaji wa Kiafrika walifanikiwa kusafirisha bidhaa kupitia mitandao ya biashara yenye mizizi mirefu na walicheza jukumu muhimu katika kuunda mazingira ya ushiriki wa Afrika Mashariki katika uchumi wa dunia. Kama Stephen Rockel alivyosema, «wabeba mizigo wa masafa marefu wa mishahara waliunda mazingira ya kuibuka kwa usasa wa Kiafrika, unaokubalika kuwa na utata wake na mapungufu yake makubwa, ambapo nguvu za soko, ujasiriamali na mabadiliko ya kitamaduni ya ubunifu yalikuwa huru kwa muda kupata njia yao» [Rockel 2006, 23].
Pamoja na wabeba mizigo, watu wengine wa kitaalamu waliibuka kuhusiana na biashara ya misafara. Kirangozi alikuwa kiongozi ambaye alikuwa msimamizi wa kuongoza msafara. Alikuwa na ujuzi wa kina wa njia bora za kufuata ili kupata chakula na maji wakati wa safari. Mbali na ki-swahili, alikuwa na ujuzi katika lugha zinazohitajika kwa biashara katika maeneo ya ndani. Mara nyingi alikuwa msimamizi wa mazungumzo ya heshima, hongo, ambayo ilipaswa kulipwa kwa machifu wa eneo hilo kando ya barabara za misafara [Beidelman 1982, 618-619]. Nyampara alikuwa mkuu wa magenge madogo ya wabeba mizigo, kwa ujumla yaliyoundwa na watu kumi na tano. Aliajiri kundi lake la wabeba mizigo katika bandari za pwani, akajadili mishahara yao na alikuwa na jukumu lao wakati wa safari [Burdo 1886, 306]. Kulikuwa na nyampara kadhaa katika msafara huo huo, lakini kirangozi mmoja tu . [2] Ndiyo maana kirangozi pia alijulikana kama mkuu wa jeshi. Walinzi wenye silaha, askari, walisafiri kila mara na msafara. Walikuwa na jukumu la kulinda msafara na pia kudumisha utaratibu katika safu za mabawabu. Idadi ya askari walioajiriwa kwa ujumla ilitegemea jumla ya wabebaji; kwa kawaida kulikuwa na mlinzi mmoja kwa kila mabawabu kumi. [3] Askari walikuwa na asili kubwa ya pwani na wengi wao waliishi katika miji ya kibiashara ya ndani .
Aina tofauti za wafanyakazi ziliajiriwa katika biashara ya misafara na wote walipokea mshahara badala ya kazi yao. Hii ilichangia pakubwa katika upanuzi wa uchumi wa kifedha katika maeneo ya ndani. Pesa, katika mfumo wa kitambaa na shanga, zilikuwa za kawaida katika malipo ya mishahara na zilitumika kununua chakula kando ya barabara za misafara. Wafanyakazi wa misafara walipokea mgao wa chakula wa kila siku, kinachoitwa posho , ambacho kingeweza kulipwa kwa nafaka (kwa ujumla mtama au mtama) au kwa bidhaa za kubadilishana, haswa shanga. Kwa kuwa na thamani ndogo sana ya kitengo, shanga za glasi zilifaa sana kutumika katika miamala hii midogo, na wabeba mizigo wakawa mawakala wakuu katika kueneza matumizi ya njia hizi za malipo kando ya barabara za misafara katika eneo la kibiashara la Zanzibar [Pallaver 2009].
Porterage ilikuwa kazi yenye mizizi mizuri hasa miongoni mwa Wanyamwezi wa Magharibi mwa Tanzania. Kabla ya maendeleo ya uhusiano thabiti wa kibiashara na pwani, Wanyamwezi walikuwa wameajiriwa kama wabeba mizigo katika biashara za ndani na za kikanda, wakibeba chuma, chumvi na shaba kwenye njia za misafara zilizounganisha Unyamwezi na Ziwa Tanganyika, Ziwa Victoria na maeneo ya kusini ya Ufipa na Ruemba. Muda mrefu kabla ya kuwasiliana na wafanyabiashara kutoka pwani, utaalamu wa wafanyakazi ulikuwa umeibuka kutokana na usambazaji usio sawa wa bidhaa [Holmes 1971, 478-479].
Katika sehemu ya kwanza ya karne ya kumi na tisa, Wanyamwezi walifanya kazi kama wabebaji wakati wa kiangazi pekee. Kwa kweli, wabebaji walikuwa pia wakulima, na msimu wa mvua ulipoanza walikataa kwenda zaidi ya Unyamwezi na kurudi mashambani mwao [Deutsch 2006, 24]. Kwa hivyo, misafara ililazimika kusimama Unyamwezi ili kuajiri magenge mapya ya wabebaji ambayo yangeweza kufika ufukweni mwa maziwa ya kati au maeneo ya Mashariki mwa Kongo. Muda uliohitajika wa kupata na kuwashirikisha wabebaji wapya uliunda hitaji la kuwa na maghala madogo ambapo bidhaa zingeweza kuhifadhiwa na kulindwa [Brown, Brown 1976]. Baadhi ya maghala haya, haswa yale yaliyoko katika maeneo ambapo chakula na maji vingeweza kupatikana kwa urahisi, polepole yalibadilika na kuwa makazi madogo na baadaye kuwa miji ya kibiashara. Maendeleo ya mijini katika mambo ya ndani ya Tanzania yalihusiana sana na ukuaji wa biashara ya masafa marefu na kuanzishwa kwa wafanyabiashara wa pwani katika maeneo ambapo mamlaka za kisiasa za mitaa zilikuwa zinapendelea kufanya biashara. Katika maeneo ambayo kulikuwa na koloni la kudumu la biashara la Waislamu, kama vile Ujiji au Tabora, jukumu la wafanyabiashara wa pwani lilikuwa wazi zaidi kuliko kando ya barabara za misafara au katika maeneo ya biashara ambapo hawakuishi; ndiyo maana uchambuzi wa shughuli zao za kibiashara na kisiasa katika vituo vya mijini vya ndani unaweza kutoa picha kamili zaidi ya jukumu lao.
Wafanyabiashara, Uislamu na maisha ya kisiasa huko Tabora na Ujiji
Wafanyabiashara wa pwani hawakuwa na nguvu au ushawishi wa kutawala siasa za mitaa katika miji ya ndani. Kwa hivyo, kwa ujumla walishirikiana na mamlaka za kisiasa za mitaa ili kulinda na kuunga mkono biashara zao. Katika mji wa Ujiji, kwa mfano, kiongozi wa jumuiya ya wafanyabiashara wa pwani wakazi alishirikiana na chifu wa eneo hilo katika kuhakikisha utoaji wa mara kwa mara wa kodi kutoka kwa misafara. Masuala tofauti, kama vile migogoro ya soko na masuala ya ardhi, yalishughulikiwa kwa pamoja na mwakilishi wa jumuiya ya pwani, wazee na chifu wa eneo hilo [Brown 1971, 627]. Mahusiano ya kibinafsi yalianzishwa ili kuimarisha ushirikiano wa kibiashara. Kiongozi wa jumuiya ya wafanyabiashara wa pwani ya Ujiji, Mwinyi Heri, alimwoa binti wa Mfalme wa Bujiji, akipata hadhi ya chifu na katika miaka ya 1860 na 1870 alikuwa na ushawishi mkubwa huko Uvira na Ujiji [Sperling 2000, 288-289; Brown 1971, 628]. Vile vile vilitokea Tabora, ambapo katika miaka ya 1840 Muhammad bin Juma, mfanyabiashara kutoka Oman aliyeishi Tabora, alimwoa binti wa Fundikira, chifu wa Unyamwezi. Baada ya ndoa hii, jamii ya Waislamu ilimuunga mkono Fundikira na familia yake katika migogoro na majirani zake.
Kabla ya kuanzishwa kwa utawala wa kikoloni wa Ujerumani, mamlaka za kisiasa za mitaa zilikuwa na mamlaka ya kudhibiti biashara na hivyo shughuli za wafanyabiashara wa pwani. Kulikuwa na njia mbili ambazo watawala wa mitaa wangeweza kushawishi biashara: kwa kodi na kwa kutoruhusu wabeba mizigo kujiandikisha katika misafara. [4] Huko Tabora, baada ya kifo cha chifu Fundikira mnamo 1859, mrithi wake, Mnywa Sere, alitoza kodi kwa faida iliyopatikana kutokana na biashara [Speke 1863, 77]. Hii ilisababisha upinzani mkubwa kutoka kwa wafanyabiashara wa pwani na Nyamwezi wa eneo hilo. Walitangaza vita dhidi ya chifu wa eneo hilo, wakimsaidia mmoja wa ndugu zake, Mkasiwa, kurithi kiti cha enzi. Mnywa Sere alishindwa na Mkasiwa akawa chifu mpya [Bennett 1968, 222]. Hata hivyo, Mnywa Sere aliendelea kupigana na wafanyabiashara wa Tabora hadi kifo chake, mnamo 1865, na kusababisha uharibifu mkubwa kwa maendeleo ya biashara. Kutokana na ushindani huu, sultani wa Zanzibar alimteua wali, mjumbe wa mamlaka yake katika jumuiya ya pwani ya Tabora, ambaye ilibidi awe mpatanishi kati ya jumuiya ya pwani na chifu wa eneo hilo. [5] Licha ya kuteuliwa kwa mwakilishi wake huko Tabora - na karibu wa kisasa pia huko Ujiji -, ushawishi wa Sultani wa Zanzibar kwenye miji ya ndani ulibaki mdogo sana, angalau hadi miaka ya 1880 alipoingilia kati kulinda maslahi ya biashara ya Ulaya katika mambo ya ndani [Pallaver 2006, 518; Brown 1971, 628].
Wakati wa sehemu kubwa zaidi ya karne ya kumi na tisa, idadi ya wafanyabiashara wa pwani katika maeneo ya ndani ilibaki kuwa ndogo. Kulingana na Richard F. Burton, mnamo 1857 kulikuwa na wakazi 25 wa Kiarabu huko Tabora, ambapo mnamo 1872 David Livingstone alihesabu jumla ya idadi ya wafanyabiashara wa pwani kuwa 80 katika jumla ya idadi ya watu 5,000 [Burton 1859; Livingstone 1874]. Kwa ujumla, wafanyabiashara walisafiri katika maeneo ya ndani na waliishi mjini kwa muda tu. Hata hivyo, sehemu ya jamii ya pwani iliishi Tabora na Ujiji kwa kudumu na iliwaajiri watumwa wao kulima nafaka na chakula kwa misafara inayopita. Katika miaka ya 1890 uzalishaji mzima wa mihogo katika eneo la Tabora ulikuwa mikononi mwa mfanyabiashara wa pwani ambaye alikuwa ameacha kabisa biashara [Becker 1887 juz. II, 30]. Wakati wa uvamizi wa Wajerumani, Waislamu wa Tabora waligawanyika katika vikundi viwili kulingana na uvamizi wao mkuu: kikundi kimoja kiliundwa na wamiliki wa mashamba, waliowaunga mkono Wajerumani, na kimoja kiliundwa na wafanyabiashara, ambao, wakishirikiana na chifu wa eneo hilo Isike, walipinga uvamizi huo wakiogopa kwamba uwepo wa Wajerumani ungeweza kuharibu biashara yao. [6]
Wafanyabiashara wa pwani walioishi katika miji ya kibiashara hawakuwa matajiri "walioishi katika anasa" walioelezwa na wasafiri wa kisasa [tazama kwa mfano Burton 1860, I, 328]. Kwa ujumla walikuwa na deni kubwa kutoka kwa wafadhili wa India wa pwani, ambao waliongeza bidhaa muhimu kwa safari zao za ndani kwa viwango vya riba vya ajabu. Padre Hauttecoeur wa White Fathers, akiwalinganisha Waislamu wanaoishi Tabora na wale walioko Algeria, ambapo makao makuu ya jamii yake yalikuwa, aliwaelezea kama ifuatavyo:
Waarabu wote hapa wako mbali sana na kujivunia kama wale wa Kaskazini; wote ni mashetani maskini wanaojaribu kupata utajiri na ambao hawana kitu zaidi ya madeni. Waarabu matajiri hapa Tabora, isipokuwa wawili au watatu, wako tayari kwa madeni na hata kama wangeweza kuuza bidhaa zao zote hapa hawangeweza kuzilipa. Wanafanya biashara yao kwa niaba ya Waarabu na Wahindi pwani ambao wanawalazimisha kulipa kwa haraka. Mwarabu mmoja aliniambia mara moja: Unawaona Waarabu wote wa Tabora hapa na unafikiri kwamba nyumbani kwao ni matajiri kama walivyo hapa: […] hapa wana watumwa, wanawake, na kila kitu wanachotaka, lakini huko Muscat hawatakuwa na chochote cha hiki”. Mmoja wao hajatembelea pwani kwa miaka kumi na sita. [7]
Kwa kweli, kilichotokea mara nyingi ni kwamba wafanyabiashara wa pwani, baada ya kununua pembe za ndovu na watumwa ndani ya nchi, bado hawakuwa katika nafasi ya kulipa madeni yao pwani. Kwa hivyo walibaki katika miji ya ndani ambapo walituma misafara yao pwani na mawakala wao wa kibiashara kwenda maeneo ya jirani. [8]
Uwepo uliotawanyika wa wafanyabiashara wa pwani katika sehemu za ndani ulikuwa mojawapo ya sababu za ushawishi mdogo wa Uislamu katika eneo hilo katika kipindi hiki . Kwa ujumla, Uislamu ulikuwa na athari ndogo ndani ya nchi hata kama tuna ufahamu wa mabadiliko ya awali katika baadhi ya maeneo ambayo yalikuwa na uhusiano wa kina na wafanyabiashara wa pwani [Iliffe 1979, 79]. Mfano unaojulikana zaidi wa mabadiliko ya karne ya kumi na tisa ni ule wa Wayao, ambao katika nusu ya pili ya karne ya kumi na tisa walihama kutoka Msumbiji na kuanzisha makazi yao Malawi na kusini mwa Tanzania. Wafanyabiashara wa Yao walihusika zaidi katika biashara ya utumwa na kusafirisha mateka wao hadi bandari ya pwani ya Kilwa. Katika eneo hili maendeleo ya biashara ya masafa marefu yalikuwa chanzo cha maendeleo ya miji mipya, ambayo ilitawaliwa na machifu wakubwa wa biashara. Kulingana na Alpers, machifu hawa walikuwa miongoni mwa watu wa kwanza kuathiriwa na dini ya wafanyabiashara wa pwani, ambao walifika katika sehemu za ndani katikati ya karne [Alpers 1969, 417]. Machifu wawili muhimu wa Yao, Makanjila III Banali na Mataka II Nyenje, walibadili dini na kuwa Waislamu, wa kwanza mwaka wa 1870, wa mwisho mwaka wa 1880 na walikuwa waanzilishi wa upanuzi mkubwa wa Uislamu ulioanza miaka ya 1890 [Alpers 1969, 419]. Kesi zingine chache za ubadilishaji zimerekodiwa Afrika Mashariki, kama vile kesi ya Mumias karibu na Mlima Elgon, miaka ya 1880 [Glassman 1995, 69] au mtawala wa Ubungu, kusini-magharibi mwa Tanzania, ambaye alijulikana katika miaka ya 1850 na 1860 kama "Muislamu mzito" [Iliffe 1979, 78]. Machifu waliounganishwa na wafanyabiashara Waislamu na waliohusika katika biashara mara nyingi walitafuta aina mpya za uhalali ambazo ziliwaweka karibu na washirika wao wa kibiashara Waislamu. Hii ilikuwa kweli pia kwa somo la utafiti huu. Isike, chifu wa Unyanyembe kuanzia yapata mwaka 1877 hadi 1893, alikuwa akisherehekea Ramadhan mwanzoni mwa miaka ya 1880, hata kama labda hakuwa amejitolea sana kwa Uislamu kuliko machifu wengine [Iliffe 1979, 78].
Hata hivyo, katika miji ya misafara ya ndani, mabadiliko yalikuwa machache sana. Kulingana na Padri Mènard, wa Mababa Weupe, huko Tabora «Ushawishi wa Uislamu, kuhusu imani na desturi za kidini, siku hizi haujaenea sana miongoni mwa Wanyamouesis [Nyamwezi] na hata kidogo miongoni mwa Watousis [Tutsi], jamii inayotunza ng'ombe. Ni watumwa wa Waarabu na Wangwana pekee walio Waislamu». [9] Alifikia hatua ya kusema kwamba "Waarabu wa Tabora wamejikita kabisa katika biashara na hawajali hata kidogo kuhusu dini […]; ushabiki wa kidini si miongoni mwa kasoro zao". [10] Tukizingatia kwamba barua hii iliandikwa Tabora, mahali pa ndani pa jumuiya kubwa zaidi ya Waislamu, na ikaandikwa na mmisionari Mkatoliki, ambaye wakati huo kwa kawaida aliogopa ushindani wa Waislamu, tunaweza kusema kwa ujasiri kwamba ushawishi wa Uislamu katika eneo hilo ulikuwa mdogo sana wakati huo. Kwa kweli, idadi ya Waafrika waliokubali Uislamu ilikuwa ndogo sana, na ilikuwa imepunguzwa kwa wasaidizi wa wafanyabiashara Waislamu. Sehemu kubwa zaidi iliandikwa na wangwana,[11] watu wa pwani ambao walikuwa Waislamu na walizungumza ki-swahili, na kwa ujumla walikuwa wamefika ndani ya nchi pamoja na misafara ya kibiashara, na Manyema waliwaachilia huru watumwa [Iliffe 1979, 214].
Kipindi cha ukoloni wa Ujerumani kilishuhudia kuenea kwa Uislamu katika miji, na pia mashambani, ndani ya Afrika Mashariki ya Ujerumani pamoja na ongezeko kubwa la kwanza la watu wa ndani kuingia katika Uislamu. [12] Tafiti za hivi karibuni [tazama kwa mfano Reese 2004] zimeonyesha kwa kushawishi jinsi Uislamu haukuendelea katika mambo ya ndani tu kama matokeo ya ukoloni na matumizi ya Wazungu ya mawakala, makarani au wakalimani Waislamu [Trimingham 1964; Sperling 2000, 295]. Kinyume chake, mchakato huo ulianza zamani sana, kutokana na shughuli za walimu Waislamu kutoka pwani na kwa kufuata Uislamu kibinafsi na watu binafsi waliowasiliana na makazi ya biashara ya ndani [Iliffe 1979, 214]. Kabla ya ushindi wa Wajerumani, katika sehemu ya ndani ya Bagamoyo na Dar es Salaam, kulikuwa na ongezeko kubwa la waongofu wa Uislamu, kutokana na kuanzishwa katika eneo la Waarabu wa Hadhrami [Glassman 136; Le Guennec-Coppens 1997].
Wakati wa karne ya kumi na tisa, jamii za Kiislamu zilizoanzishwa kando ya barabara za misafara zilipendezwa zaidi na biashara - na siasa, wakati ilikuwa muhimu kwa biashara - lakini sio kueneza dini yao. Hii inathibitishwa na kutokuwepo kwa maeneo ya ibada katika miji ya kibiashara ya ndani. Waangalizi wa Ulaya waliotembelea Tabora na Ujiji walishangazwa na kutokuwepo kabisa kwa maeneo ya umma ya sala na mafundisho ya kidini. Hata hivyo, uwepo wa pwani katika miji hii ukawa kiini ambacho utamaduni wa pwani ulipanuka katika mambo ya ndani. Miji hii ilikuwa njia panda ya kueneza mawazo kote Afrika Mashariki [Brown, Brown 1976, 198]. Wafanyabiashara wa pwani walizungumza ki-swahili, wakiwa wamevaa kama pwani, walianzisha matumizi ya bidhaa mpya na kilimo cha mimea mipya na walikuwa Waislamu. Vipengele vya dini ya pwani viliingizwa polepole katika desturi na utamaduni wa kidini wa ndani - kama, kwa mfano, desturi za uponyaji - na vilipitishwa katika mambo ya ndani kwa kasi zaidi kuliko dini yenyewe [Glassman 1995, 134-135]. Kasi ya mchakato huu kwa asili yake haiwezekani kuipima au kuitambua wazi, lakini asili yake inaweza kufuatiliwa hadi karne ya kumi na tisa na kuanzishwa kwa mawasiliano ya moja kwa moja na endelevu na wafanyabiashara wa pwani na utamaduni wa pwani.
Hitimisho
Wakati wa karne ya 19, maeneo ya ndani ya Tanzania yaliunganishwa na soko la kimataifa lililokuwa likiongezeka. Kutokana na uwepo wa wafanyabiashara wa pwani na pia kutokana na shughuli za wafanyabiashara na wapagazi wa Kiafrika ambao walitembelea pwani mara kwa mara, aina mpya za mkusanyiko, utajiri na ubadilishanaji ziliibuka katika maeneo ya ndani na mawazo mapya yaliyoingizwa nchini yakawa sehemu ya maisha ya kila siku ya Waafrika wengi. Maeneo ambayo wafanyabiashara Waislamu walikaa yalikuwa machache sana ikilinganishwa na eneo kubwa walilokuwa wakifanya biashara na hii inaelezea kwa kiasi fulani kwa nini uwepo wa Waislamu ulikuwa na athari kidogo ya kidini kwa wakazi wa eneo hilo, kinyume na mabadiliko ya kiuchumi na kisiasa yaliyotokana na uhusiano wa kibiashara na pwani. Bila shaka, miji iliyoanzishwa kando ya barabara za misafara, kama Tabora na Ujiji, ikawa vituo vya nje ambapo mawazo mapya yalipanuka na polepole yakachukua mizizi katika mambo ya ndani, si Uislamu tu bali pia Ukristo. Ukosefu wa tafiti za jumla kuhusu kuenea kwa Uislamu katika eneo la ndani la kibiashara la Zanzibar katika karne ya kumi na tisa hufanya iwe vigumu kutoa picha ya jumla ya uhusiano wa moja kwa moja kati ya maendeleo ya njia za uzalishaji wa kibepari na mifumo mipya ya kidini. Kama ilivyoelezwa, historia ya Uislamu katika kipindi hiki lazima iwe imefichwa nyuma ya shughuli za kidunia na kibiashara za wafanyabiashara wa pwani ambazo zinajulikana zaidi [Sperling 2000, 288-9].
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— (wahariri) 2000, Historia ya Uislamu barani Afrika, Oxford: James Currey, 273-302.
Prestholdt J. 2008, Kuifanya Dunia Kuwa ya Kigeni. Ulaji wa Kiafrika na Nasaba za Utandawazi, Berkeley na Los Angeles: Chuo Kikuu cha California Press.
Reese SS (mhariri) 2004, Uwasilishaji wa Kujifunza katika Afrika ya Kiislamu, Leiden, Boston: Brill.
Roberts AD 1968, The Nyamwezi, katika Roberts AD (mhariri) 1968, Tanzania kabla ya 1900: Historia Saba za Maeneo, Nairobi: Jumba la Uchapishaji la Afrika Mashariki, 117-150.
— 1970, Nyamwezi Trade, katika Gray R., Birmingham D. (wahariri) 1970, Biashara ya Afrika ya Kabla ya Ukoloni: Insha kuhusu Biashara katika Afrika ya Kati na Mashariki kabla ya 1900, London: Oxford University Press: 39-74.
Rockel S. 2006, Wabebaji wa Utamaduni. Kazi Barabarani katika Afrika Mashariki ya karne ya kumi na tisa, Portsmouth: Heinemann.
Rollingher L. 2005, Kujenga Uislamu na Utambulisho wa Kiswahili: Historia na Nadharia, «Jarida la Kielektroniki la MIT la Mafunzo ya Mashariki ya Kati», 5: 9-20.
Sheriff A. 1987, Watumwa, Viungo na Pembe za Ndovu huko Zanzibar. Ujumuishaji wa Milki ya Biashara ya Afrika Mashariki katika Uchumi wa Dunia, 1700-1873, London: James Currey.
Simpson E., Kresse K. 2008, Kupambana na Historia: Uislamu na Ukoloni katika Bahari ya Hindi Magharibi, New York: Columbia University Press.
Smith A. 1963, Sehemu ya Kusini ya Mambo ya Ndani 1840-1884, katika Oliver R., Matthew G. (wahariri) 1963, Historia ya Afrika Mashariki, Oxford: Clarendon Press, (1): 253-296.
Speke JH 1863, Jarida la Ugunduzi wa Chanzo cha Mto Nile, London: Blackwood na Wana.
Sperling DC 2000, Sehemu ya Pwani ya Kati na Mambo ya Ndani ya Afrika Mashariki , katika Levtzion N., Pouwels RL (wahariri) 2000, Historia ya Uislamu barani Afrika , Oxford: James Currey, 273-302.
Sunseri T. 2007, Ikolojia ya Kisiasa ya Biashara ya Copal katika Pwani ya Tanzania, karibu 1820-1850, «Jarida la Historia ya Afrika», 48: 201-220.
Trimingham JS 1964, Uislamu katika Afrika Mashariki, Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Unomah AC 1970, Vbandevba na Mabadiliko ya Kisiasa katika Ufalme wa Nyamwezi Unyanyembe wakati wa 1840 hadi 1890, Karatasi iliyowasilishwa katika Mkutano wa Vyuo Vikuu vya Sayansi ya Jamii vya Afrika Mashariki, Dar es Salaam, 27-31 Desemba.
Vidokezo
[1] Kwa muhtasari muhimu wa hivi karibuni kuhusu machapisho yanayopatikana kuhusu upanuzi wa Uislamu nchini Tanzania, tazama Rollingher 2005, 9-12; kwa majadiliano kuhusu aina za Uislamu zilizoenea katika sehemu za ndani za pwani, tazama Glassman 1995, 137-145. [2] Père Livinhac, Sainte Marie près de Roubaga, 9/9/1879, White Fathers Archive, Roma (baadaye WF) C 11-12. [3] Père Charmetant, Notes à consulter sur l'organization et la marche de la caravane, 1878 WF C 11-2. [4] Jarida de Père Deniaud, 03/12/1879, WF C 11-18; P. Combarieu hadi Maison Mère, Tabora, 27/12/1879, WF C 14-282. [5] L. Henri, Notes sur Tabora(particulierment sur les Arabes) 1924-25, manuscript, WF. [6] Lt. Hermann, Tabora, 2/4/1892, Reichskolonialamt, Berlin, 1001/1030-6381. [7] Père Hauttecoeur, Tabora, 25/12/1882, WF C 20-104.; tafsiri yangu. [8] Meja Bridoux, Mpala, 9/6/1889, WF C 16-179. [9] P. Guillet hadi MM, Tabora, 20/08/1881, WF C 16-73; tafsiri yangu. [10] P. Mènard, Tabora, 25/12/1882, WF C 20-103, tafsiri yangu. [11] Katika miji ya ndani, wangwana walifanya shughuli ndogo za kibiashara; miongoni mwao walikuwa wanaume wa Baluchi wakitoka Makran na Oman [McDow 2005]; kwa ufafanuzi wa wangwana, tazama Glassman 1995, 62. [12] Kwa utafiti wa hivi karibuni kuhusu mada hii unaolenga Kusini-mashariki mwa Tanzania, tazama Becker 2008.
Karatasi hii inaangazia maeneo ya ndani ya Tanzania ya leo katika karne ya 19. Sehemu za kwanza zimejitolea kwa uchambuzi wa sifa ambazo zinaweza kuchukuliwa kuwa za kipekee kwa uelewa wa ubepari katika eneo hilo: maendeleo ya biashara na maisha ya mijini, kuibuka kwa tabaka la wafanyakazi wa mishahara na ushawishi wa mamlaka za kisiasa za mitaa kwenye biashara. Sehemu ya mwisho inatoa muhtasari wa ushahidi unaopatikana kuhusu waongofu wa mapema zaidi kwa Uislamu katika mambo ya ndani, kwa kurejelea hasa vituo muhimu zaidi vya mijini vilivyoendelea kando ya barabara kuu ya msafara, ikiunganisha Bagamoyo, pwani, na maziwa Tanganyika na Victoria.
Utangulizi
Karne ya 19 ilikuwa hatua muhimu katika maendeleo ya ubepari wa kimataifa [Inikori 2007]. Kwa bara la Afrika hii ilimaanisha uzalishaji na uuzaji wa bidhaa mpya za usafirishaji pamoja na uagizaji wa bidhaa mpya kutoka sehemu mbalimbali za dunia. Kwa ujumla, hii iliweka msingi wa ujumuishaji wa shughuli za kiuchumi za ndani katika mitandao ya kibiashara ya kimataifa na ilikuwa chanzo cha "biashara" ya taratibu ya uchumi wa kikanda [Glassman 1995, 36]. Matokeo ambayo hii ilikuwa nayo kwa jamii za Kiafrika yalitegemea kiwango ambacho uhusiano wa kibiashara wa awali ulikuwa umeanzishwa na masoko ya kimataifa, na pia aina za bidhaa zilizosafirishwa.
Tanzania, Soko la Tabora, mwanzoni mwa karne ya 20. Soko la Tabora, mwanzoni mwa karne ya 20, Koloniales Bildarchiv, Universitätsbibliothek Frankfurt am Main.
Karatasi hii inalenga katika moja ya maeneo ya bara ambayo, kutokana na maendeleo ya ubepari wa kimataifa wa karne ya kumi na tisa, yaliunganishwa na pwani na masoko ya kimataifa kwa njia isiyo ya kawaida: maeneo ya ndani ya kile ambacho leo ni Tanzania. Maendeleo ya kimataifa ya ubepari yalisababisha mahitaji ya bidhaa za Afrika Mashariki, kama vile pembe za ndovu, kopala na ngozi, yalidumisha uchumi wa mashamba makubwa wa Zanzibar na Pemba ambao uliwaajiri watumwa kutoka bara, na kubadilisha kabisa masharti ya ushiriki wa Waafrika Mashariki hadi uchumi wa dunia. Mchakato huu haukuwa mabadiliko ya ghafla kutoka kwa kilimo na uzalishaji wa ufundi hadi njia mpya za uzalishaji wa kibepari, bali ulikuwa ni mchanganyiko wa mabadiliko ya kiuchumi ya taratibu yaliyoamuliwa na nguvu za soko, yanayoendeshwa na ubepari wa kimataifa na kwa kuibuka kwa vikundi vya ujasiriamali vya ndani, yaani wafanyabiashara Waislamu, wafadhili wa India na wafanyabiashara wa Afrika.
Makala haya yanatokana na karatasi iliyowasilishwa katika jopo la "Dini na Ubepari barani Afrika", lililoitishwa na Tekeste Negash katika Mkutano wa Masomo ya Afrika barani Ulaya huko Uppsala mnamo 2011. Tekeste aliponiomba kwa mara ya kwanza kuwasilisha karatasi, nilidhani kwamba nafasi ndogo ilikuwa inapatikana kwa ajili ya kuchambua dini na ubepari katika eneo hilo na kwa kipindi nilichokuwa nikifanyia kazi, yaani Magharibi mwa Tanzania katika karne ya kumi na tisa.
Bila shaka, wafanyabiashara Waislamu walikaa katika eneo hili kwa mara ya kwanza katika miaka ya 1840, lakini kwa muda mrefu athari ya Uislamu ilibaki kuwa ndogo. Hata hivyo, kuanzishwa kwa wafanyabiashara Waislamu katika miji ya misafara ya ndani kuliunda vitovu vya utamaduni wa pwani ambavyo vikawa msingi ambao Uislamu baadaye uliendelezwa kama nguvu kubwa ya mabadiliko katika Tanzania ya karne ya ishirini [Austen 1971, 650]. Uislamu haukuendelea katika maeneo ya ndani tu kama matokeo ya ukoloni na matumizi ya Wazungu ya mawakala Waislamu, wakalimani, makarani, n.k.[1] Ilikuwa mchakato mgumu zaidi ulioanza katika karne ya kumi na tisa na ulihusiana na ushiriki wa eneo hilo katika uchumi wa dunia.
Kwa hivyo, karatasi hii inalenga uhusiano ulioanzishwa katika karne ya kumi na tisa kati ya maendeleo ya mifumo mipya ya biashara na Uislamu, kutokana na kuanzishwa kwa wafanyabiashara Waislamu katika miji ya kibiashara iliyoendelea kando ya barabara za misafara ya ndani. Kinyume na kipindi cha ukoloni, wakati njia za uzalishaji wa kibepari zilipoendelea hasa katika maeneo ya vijijini, ubepari wa karne ya kumi na tisa ulionekana zaidi katika vituo vya mijini. Katika mambo ya ndani ya Tanzania vituo vya mijini vilianzishwa kama matokeo ya maendeleo ya biashara ya masafa marefu [Burton 2002] na ilikuwa katika miji hii ambapo mabadiliko yaliyoletwa na mifumo mipya ya kiuchumi yalionekana zaidi. Hii inafanya utafiti wa maisha yao ya kisiasa na kiuchumi kuwa lenzi ya kuchunguza matokeo ya ukuaji wa mahusiano thabiti ya kibiashara na pwani kuhusiana na maendeleo ya ubepari wa kimataifa, pamoja na jukumu la watendaji wapya wa kiuchumi katika kutawanya mbegu za utamaduni wa pwani, miongoni mwao ni Uislamu.
Sehemu za kwanza za karatasi hii zimejitolea kwa uchambuzi wa sifa ambazo zinaweza kuchukuliwa kuwa za kipekee kwa uelewa wa ubepari katika eneo hilo: maendeleo ya biashara na maisha ya mijini, kuibuka kwa tabaka la wafanyakazi wa mishahara na ushawishi wa mamlaka za kisiasa za mitaa kwenye biashara [Iliffe 1979, 19]. Sehemu ya mwisho inatoa muhtasari wa ushahidi unaopatikana kuhusu waongofu wa kwanza kabisa kwa Uislamu katika mambo ya ndani, kwa kurejelea hasa vituo muhimu zaidi vya mijini vilivyoendelea kando ya barabara kuu ya msafara, ikiunganisha Bagamoyo, pwani, na maziwa Tanganyika na Victoria.
Biashara ya kimataifa na uzalishaji wa ndani nchini Tanzania ya karne ya kumi na tisa
Bahari ya Hindi ni mojawapo ya mifumo ya kiuchumi na kitamaduni ya zamani zaidi duniani: kutokana na uwepo wa pepo za monsoon, nguvu inayoendesha biashara ya bahari ya Hindi, India na rasi ya Arabia zilianzisha uhusiano wa karibu wa kibiashara na Afrika Mashariki [Gilbert 2004, 25]. Hata hivyo, hadi mwanzoni mwa karne ya kumi na tisa, pwani ya Afrika Mashariki ilibaki kuwa sehemu kubwa ya ulimwengu wa kibiashara wa Bahari ya Hindi Magharibi kuliko Afrika Mashariki, ikiwa karibu imetenganishwa kabisa na mambo ya ndani. Bidhaa zilizosafirishwa kutoka bandari za Afrika Mashariki zingeweza kupatikana kwa urahisi karibu na sehemu ya ndani ya pwani na kwa hivyo hakukuwa na haja ya kupanga safari za gharama kubwa na hatari katika mambo ya ndani ili kupata bidhaa za kuuza nje. Wakati huo huo maeneo ya ndani yalijulikana kwa uwepo wa mtandao mkubwa wa biashara za ndani na za kikanda za Kiafrika, hasa katika chumvi, chuma, shaba, vyakula na bidhaa za misitu, ambazo ziliunganishwa mara kwa mara na pwani [Gray, Birmingham 1970].
Kwa hivyo, mahusiano ya kibiashara yalikuwepo kabla ya karne ya 19. Lakini ilikuwa tu kuanzia miongo ya kwanza ya karne ya kumi na tisa, kutokana na ongezeko kubwa la mahitaji ya pembe za ndovu na watumwa, ndipo mahusiano ya kibiashara ya mara kwa mara yalianzishwa [Sheriff 1987]. Pembe za ndovu za Afrika Mashariki zilikuwa zinafaa zaidi kuchongwa kuliko pembe za ndovu za Afrika Magharibi au India na katika karne ya kumi na tisa zilianza kutumika sana Ulaya na Amerika kutengeneza bidhaa za anasa, kama vile sanamu zilizochongwa, sehemu za vyombo, vitambaa vya kuchana na mipira ya biliadi, ambayo ikawa ishara ya tabaka la kati la Magharibi lililokuwa likiongezeka [Beachey 1967]. Watumwa walikuwa kitu kingine muhimu cha biashara. Katika karne ya kumi na nane watumwa walisafirishwa kutoka Afrika Mashariki hadi Mashariki ya Kati na Visiwa vya Mascarene, lakini mtiririko huu wa biashara ulipungua kutokana na vita vya Napoleon na harakati za kukomesha biashara barani Ulaya [Glassman 1995, 29].
Katika karne ya kumi na tisa, ongezeko la mahitaji ya watumwa wa Afrika Mashariki lilichochewa zaidi na uchumi unaokua wa mashamba makubwa ya Zanzibar na Pemba [Cooper 1977; Sheriff 1987]. Katika nusu ya pili ya karne, watumwa walizidi kukamatwa Katanga na Manyema - Jamhuri ya Kidemokrasia ya Kongo ya leo - na kusini mwa Tanzania ya leo (Deutsch 2007, 4). Hadi miaka ya 1870, Kilwa ilibaki kuwa bandari muhimu zaidi ya usafirishaji wa watumwa, ilhali pembe za ndovu zilitoka hasa ziwa Tanganyika na eneo la interlacustrine na kwa sehemu kutoka nchi za Chagga na Masai na zilisafirishwa hadi Zanzibar kupitia Bagamoyo [Smith 1963, 273-274]. Copal pia ilihitajika sana, ikitumika Marekani kutengeneza varnishi zenye thamani kubwa kwa tasnia ya samani. Copal ya Afrika Mashariki ilizingatiwa kuwa bora zaidi duniani na ilichimbwa katika misitu ya pwani ya Afrika Mashariki [Sunseri 2007, 202].
Wakati wa karne ya kumi na tisa, bei zote za bidhaa hizi zilipata ongezeko la bei katika masoko ya kimataifa. Kwa mfano, tukichukua pembe za ndovu, bei yake Zanzibar iliongezeka maradufu kati ya 1826 na 1857, na ikaongezeka maradufu tena katika miaka thelathini iliyofuata [Sheriff 1987]. Tangu wakati huo, ikawa rahisi sana kwa wafanyabiashara wa India na pwani wanaofanya kazi pwani kupenya ndani ya nchi wakitafuta meno ya thamani ya tembo, watumwa na gum copal, ambayo walipata kwa nguo zilizoagizwa kutoka nje, shanga za kioo na waya za chuma. Kuongezeka kwa bei ya bidhaa za Afrika Mashariki kuliambatana na kupungua kwa bei ya bidhaa zinazoagizwa kutoka nje, ambazo, kutokana na uundaji wa mitambo ya mchakato wa uzalishaji Amerika na Ulaya, zingeweza kuingizwa kwa wingi ndani ya Afrika Mashariki. Shanga za kioo zilizalishwa zaidi huko Venice, ilhali nguo zilitoka India, Uingereza na Amerika. Mapinduzi ya viwanda yalipunguza kwa kiasi kikubwa gharama za uzalishaji wa nguo Amerika na Ulaya na uagizaji wa nguo za India Afrika Mashariki ulipungua polepole, ukibadilishwa zaidi na nguo zisizo na rangi zilizozalishwa huko Massachusetts, zinazoitwa merikani [Glassman 1995, 56; Prestholdt 2008]. Upanuzi unaoendelea wa biashara katika karne ya kumi na tisa uliendelezwa na bei zinazoongezeka za bidhaa za Afrika Mashariki, hasa pembe za ndovu, katika soko la kimataifa ambalo lilisababisha mkusanyiko wa mitaji ya wafanyabiashara pwani. Shukrani kwa mji mkuu huu, wafanyabiashara wa pwani waliweza kuweka misafara mikubwa na iliyofadhiliwa vyema kwa ajili ya mambo ya ndani [Sheriff 1987, 181].
Kama ilivyotajwa tayari, biashara ya pembe za ndovu na watumwa ilihitaji mtaji zaidi kuliko ule wa chumvi na chuma, ambazo zilikuwa bidhaa za kawaida za biashara ya Afrika ya kikanda na kikanda. Mtaji huu ulitolewa kwa wafanyabiashara wa gharama kubwa na wafadhili wa India, ambao waliendeleza rasilimali zinazohitajika kusafiri na kufanya biashara kwa wafanyabiashara wa pwani wanaoingia ndani ya nchi. Badala yake, walipata sehemu ya bidhaa za usafirishaji nje, kwa ujumla pembe za ndovu, wakati msafara uliporudi kutoka ndani. Muunganisho wa ndani wa Afrika Mashariki na soko la kimataifa katika karne ya kumi na tisa bila shaka ulichochewa na wafanyabiashara Waislamu kutoka pwani ya Swahili. Hata hivyo, maendeleo ya mifumo hii mipya ya kiuchumi hayakuwa mchakato wa njia moja na Waafrika Mashariki walidumisha nguvu ya kuunda uhusiano wao na ulimwengu wa nje, katika mfumo wa uchumi mpya wa soko [Koponen 1988].
Kundi muhimu zaidi la wafanyabiashara katikati mwa Tanzania walikuwa Wanyamwezi kutoka eneo la Unyamwezi. Kabla ya maendeleo ya biashara ya masafa marefu na pwani, wafanyabiashara wa Nyamwezi walikuwa tayari wapatanishi wa mtandao mpana wa biashara kati ya kikanda, ambapo chumvi, chuma, shaba, ng'ombe na bidhaa za kilimo zilibadilishwa. Shukrani kwa shughuli hizi za kibiashara, walianzisha barabara ya misafara hadi pwani na rekodi za uwepo wao katika bandari za pwani zinapatikana kuanzia 1811 [Roberts 1968; 1970]. Wafanyabiashara wa Nyamwezi kwa ujumla walikuwa wanachama wa tabaka la juu la wenyeji ambao walikuwa wameweza kutumia fursa zilizotolewa na biashara hiyo na pwani na walikuwa wamekusanya utajiri katika bidhaa za kuuza nje, kama vile pembe za ndovu, au sarafu za bidhaa, haswa nguo na shanga. Hii iliwaruhusu kufadhili biashara zao wenyewe na pwani na, kulingana na vyanzo vingi vya kisasa, walidumisha nafasi maarufu kando ya barabara ya kati ya misafara angalau hadi miaka ya 1870 [Pallaver 2006]. Wafanyabiashara wa Nyamwezi pia walifurahia mamlaka ya kisiasa, kwani machifu wa eneo hilo waliwateua wengi wao kuwa wakuu wa wilaya za eneo hilo, kile kinachoitwa gunguli. Walikuwa na haki ya kushiriki katika uchaguzi wa mtemi, chifu wa eneo hilo, na hii iliwapa ushawishi mkubwa katika maisha ya kiuchumi na kisiasa ya miji ya ndani [Unomah 1970, 5]. Kwa sababu ya utamaduni wao mrefu katika biashara ya kikanda, wafanyabiashara wa eneo hilo waliweza kuzoea haraka mifumo mipya ya biashara, huku wafanyabiashara Waislamu wakiwa watumiaji na waboreshaji wa mifumo ya kibiashara iliyopo tayari [Médard 2007, 115].
Waafrika wanaoishi katika maeneo ya ndani hawakushiriki tu katika biashara ya masafa marefu kama wafanyabiashara, bali pia kama wafanyakazi wa mshahara. Wanyamwezi, haswa, walikuwa wabebaji walioombwa sana na walikuza uwezo maalum wa kubeba bidhaa kwenda na kutoka pwani. Walikuwa kundi la kwanza la wafanyakazi wa mshahara waliokua katika eneo hilo na kuwa uti wa mgongo wa biashara ya masafa marefu na pwani.
Biashara ya masafa marefu, wafanyakazi wa Kiafrika na maendeleo ya makazi ya mijini kando ya barabara za misafara
Kama Coquery-Vidrovitch na Lovejoy wanavyosema, «katika jamii zilizokuwa zimezuiliwa na kiwango cha chini cha teknolojia, kazi muhimu ilitegemea kwa kiasi kikubwa sana nishati ya binadamu» [Coquery-Vidrovitch, Lovejoy 1985, 9]. Makundi ya wafanyakazi walioajiriwa hayakuwa ya kawaida katika Afrika ya kabla ya ukoloni, lakini yaliendelezwa katika hali fulani maalum za kihistoria, hasa wakati ombi la aina fulani ya kazi lilikuwa likiongezeka haraka sana kutoshelezwa na aina nyingine za kazi. Katika Afrika ya kabla ya ukoloni, kazi ya mshahara kwa ujumla ilikuwa imepunguzwa kwa sekta fulani: usafiri, ubadilishanaji na pengine uzalishaji wa ufundi, na, miongoni mwa hizi, usafiri wa binadamu kwa kawaida ulikuwa aina ya kwanza ya wafanyakazi walioajiriwa [Iliffe 1983, 8].
Katika karne ya kumi na tisa Afrika Mashariki, maendeleo ya biashara ya pembe za ndovu, kopala na watumwa yaliunda mazingira ya maendeleo ya kundi la wafanyakazi wanaolipwa mishahara katika sekta ya usafiri, wabebaji wa binadamu. Jukumu lao katika biashara ya masafa marefu ya Afrika Mashariki limechunguzwa kwa undani [Cummings 1973; Rockel 2006]. Utafiti wa hivi karibuni umeonyesha jinsi wabebaji hawakuwa watumwa, kama ilivyoaminika kwa kawaida, bali kundi la wafanyakazi maalum na wenye ujuzi waliopokea mshahara badala ya kazi yao [Rockel 2006, 19-23]. Waliendeleza uwezo maalum wa kusafirisha bidhaa zote zinazohitajika kwa ajili ya matengenezo ya misafara wakati wa safari zao za ndani na walibeba bidhaa za kibiashara kurudi pwani. Kama kundi la wafanyakazi wa mshahara, wabebaji walifanya kazi mmoja mmoja na kwa pamoja kutetea maslahi yao ya pamoja. Wakati mishahara haikuzingatiwa kuwa inafaa walikataa kuendelea na maandamano yao hadi masharti ya ajira yatakapojadiliwa upya. Wabebaji wa Kiafrika walifanikiwa kusafirisha bidhaa kupitia mitandao ya biashara yenye mizizi mirefu na walicheza jukumu muhimu katika kuunda mazingira ya ushiriki wa Afrika Mashariki katika uchumi wa dunia. Kama Stephen Rockel alivyosema, «wabeba mizigo wa masafa marefu wa mishahara waliunda mazingira ya kuibuka kwa usasa wa Kiafrika, unaokubalika kuwa na utata wake na mapungufu yake makubwa, ambapo nguvu za soko, ujasiriamali na mabadiliko ya kitamaduni ya ubunifu yalikuwa huru kwa muda kupata njia yao» [Rockel 2006, 23].
Pamoja na wabeba mizigo, watu wengine wa kitaalamu waliibuka kuhusiana na biashara ya misafara. Kirangozi alikuwa kiongozi ambaye alikuwa msimamizi wa kuongoza msafara. Alikuwa na ujuzi wa kina wa njia bora za kufuata ili kupata chakula na maji wakati wa safari. Mbali na ki-swahili, alikuwa na ujuzi katika lugha zinazohitajika kwa biashara katika maeneo ya ndani. Mara nyingi alikuwa msimamizi wa mazungumzo ya heshima, hongo, ambayo ilipaswa kulipwa kwa machifu wa eneo hilo kando ya barabara za misafara [Beidelman 1982, 618-619]. Nyampara alikuwa mkuu wa magenge madogo ya wabeba mizigo, kwa ujumla yaliyoundwa na watu kumi na tano. Aliajiri kundi lake la wabeba mizigo katika bandari za pwani, akajadili mishahara yao na alikuwa na jukumu lao wakati wa safari [Burdo 1886, 306]. Kulikuwa na nyampara kadhaa katika msafara huo huo, lakini kirangozi mmoja tu . [2] Ndiyo maana kirangozi pia alijulikana kama mkuu wa jeshi. Walinzi wenye silaha, askari, walisafiri kila mara na msafara. Walikuwa na jukumu la kulinda msafara na pia kudumisha utaratibu katika safu za mabawabu. Idadi ya askari walioajiriwa kwa ujumla ilitegemea jumla ya wabebaji; kwa kawaida kulikuwa na mlinzi mmoja kwa kila mabawabu kumi. [3] Askari walikuwa na asili kubwa ya pwani na wengi wao waliishi katika miji ya kibiashara ya ndani .
Aina tofauti za wafanyakazi ziliajiriwa katika biashara ya misafara na wote walipokea mshahara badala ya kazi yao. Hii ilichangia pakubwa katika upanuzi wa uchumi wa kifedha katika maeneo ya ndani. Pesa, katika mfumo wa kitambaa na shanga, zilikuwa za kawaida katika malipo ya mishahara na zilitumika kununua chakula kando ya barabara za misafara. Wafanyakazi wa misafara walipokea mgao wa chakula wa kila siku, kinachoitwa posho , ambacho kingeweza kulipwa kwa nafaka (kwa ujumla mtama au mtama) au kwa bidhaa za kubadilishana, haswa shanga. Kwa kuwa na thamani ndogo sana ya kitengo, shanga za glasi zilifaa sana kutumika katika miamala hii midogo, na wabeba mizigo wakawa mawakala wakuu katika kueneza matumizi ya njia hizi za malipo kando ya barabara za misafara katika eneo la kibiashara la Zanzibar [Pallaver 2009].
Porterage ilikuwa kazi yenye mizizi mizuri hasa miongoni mwa Wanyamwezi wa Magharibi mwa Tanzania. Kabla ya maendeleo ya uhusiano thabiti wa kibiashara na pwani, Wanyamwezi walikuwa wameajiriwa kama wabeba mizigo katika biashara za ndani na za kikanda, wakibeba chuma, chumvi na shaba kwenye njia za misafara zilizounganisha Unyamwezi na Ziwa Tanganyika, Ziwa Victoria na maeneo ya kusini ya Ufipa na Ruemba. Muda mrefu kabla ya kuwasiliana na wafanyabiashara kutoka pwani, utaalamu wa wafanyakazi ulikuwa umeibuka kutokana na usambazaji usio sawa wa bidhaa [Holmes 1971, 478-479].
Katika sehemu ya kwanza ya karne ya kumi na tisa, Wanyamwezi walifanya kazi kama wabebaji wakati wa kiangazi pekee. Kwa kweli, wabebaji walikuwa pia wakulima, na msimu wa mvua ulipoanza walikataa kwenda zaidi ya Unyamwezi na kurudi mashambani mwao [Deutsch 2006, 24]. Kwa hivyo, misafara ililazimika kusimama Unyamwezi ili kuajiri magenge mapya ya wabebaji ambayo yangeweza kufika ufukweni mwa maziwa ya kati au maeneo ya Mashariki mwa Kongo. Muda uliohitajika wa kupata na kuwashirikisha wabebaji wapya uliunda hitaji la kuwa na maghala madogo ambapo bidhaa zingeweza kuhifadhiwa na kulindwa [Brown, Brown 1976]. Baadhi ya maghala haya, haswa yale yaliyoko katika maeneo ambapo chakula na maji vingeweza kupatikana kwa urahisi, polepole yalibadilika na kuwa makazi madogo na baadaye kuwa miji ya kibiashara. Maendeleo ya mijini katika mambo ya ndani ya Tanzania yalihusiana sana na ukuaji wa biashara ya masafa marefu na kuanzishwa kwa wafanyabiashara wa pwani katika maeneo ambapo mamlaka za kisiasa za mitaa zilikuwa zinapendelea kufanya biashara. Katika maeneo ambayo kulikuwa na koloni la kudumu la biashara la Waislamu, kama vile Ujiji au Tabora, jukumu la wafanyabiashara wa pwani lilikuwa wazi zaidi kuliko kando ya barabara za misafara au katika maeneo ya biashara ambapo hawakuishi; ndiyo maana uchambuzi wa shughuli zao za kibiashara na kisiasa katika vituo vya mijini vya ndani unaweza kutoa picha kamili zaidi ya jukumu lao.
Wafanyabiashara, Uislamu na maisha ya kisiasa huko Tabora na Ujiji
Wafanyabiashara wa pwani hawakuwa na nguvu au ushawishi wa kutawala siasa za mitaa katika miji ya ndani. Kwa hivyo, kwa ujumla walishirikiana na mamlaka za kisiasa za mitaa ili kulinda na kuunga mkono biashara zao. Katika mji wa Ujiji, kwa mfano, kiongozi wa jumuiya ya wafanyabiashara wa pwani wakazi alishirikiana na chifu wa eneo hilo katika kuhakikisha utoaji wa mara kwa mara wa kodi kutoka kwa misafara. Masuala tofauti, kama vile migogoro ya soko na masuala ya ardhi, yalishughulikiwa kwa pamoja na mwakilishi wa jumuiya ya pwani, wazee na chifu wa eneo hilo [Brown 1971, 627]. Mahusiano ya kibinafsi yalianzishwa ili kuimarisha ushirikiano wa kibiashara. Kiongozi wa jumuiya ya wafanyabiashara wa pwani ya Ujiji, Mwinyi Heri, alimwoa binti wa Mfalme wa Bujiji, akipata hadhi ya chifu na katika miaka ya 1860 na 1870 alikuwa na ushawishi mkubwa huko Uvira na Ujiji [Sperling 2000, 288-289; Brown 1971, 628]. Vile vile vilitokea Tabora, ambapo katika miaka ya 1840 Muhammad bin Juma, mfanyabiashara kutoka Oman aliyeishi Tabora, alimwoa binti wa Fundikira, chifu wa Unyamwezi. Baada ya ndoa hii, jamii ya Waislamu ilimuunga mkono Fundikira na familia yake katika migogoro na majirani zake.
Kabla ya kuanzishwa kwa utawala wa kikoloni wa Ujerumani, mamlaka za kisiasa za mitaa zilikuwa na mamlaka ya kudhibiti biashara na hivyo shughuli za wafanyabiashara wa pwani. Kulikuwa na njia mbili ambazo watawala wa mitaa wangeweza kushawishi biashara: kwa kodi na kwa kutoruhusu wabeba mizigo kujiandikisha katika misafara. [4] Huko Tabora, baada ya kifo cha chifu Fundikira mnamo 1859, mrithi wake, Mnywa Sere, alitoza kodi kwa faida iliyopatikana kutokana na biashara [Speke 1863, 77]. Hii ilisababisha upinzani mkubwa kutoka kwa wafanyabiashara wa pwani na Nyamwezi wa eneo hilo. Walitangaza vita dhidi ya chifu wa eneo hilo, wakimsaidia mmoja wa ndugu zake, Mkasiwa, kurithi kiti cha enzi. Mnywa Sere alishindwa na Mkasiwa akawa chifu mpya [Bennett 1968, 222]. Hata hivyo, Mnywa Sere aliendelea kupigana na wafanyabiashara wa Tabora hadi kifo chake, mnamo 1865, na kusababisha uharibifu mkubwa kwa maendeleo ya biashara. Kutokana na ushindani huu, sultani wa Zanzibar alimteua wali, mjumbe wa mamlaka yake katika jumuiya ya pwani ya Tabora, ambaye ilibidi awe mpatanishi kati ya jumuiya ya pwani na chifu wa eneo hilo. [5] Licha ya kuteuliwa kwa mwakilishi wake huko Tabora - na karibu wa kisasa pia huko Ujiji -, ushawishi wa Sultani wa Zanzibar kwenye miji ya ndani ulibaki mdogo sana, angalau hadi miaka ya 1880 alipoingilia kati kulinda maslahi ya biashara ya Ulaya katika mambo ya ndani [Pallaver 2006, 518; Brown 1971, 628].
Wakati wa sehemu kubwa zaidi ya karne ya kumi na tisa, idadi ya wafanyabiashara wa pwani katika maeneo ya ndani ilibaki kuwa ndogo. Kulingana na Richard F. Burton, mnamo 1857 kulikuwa na wakazi 25 wa Kiarabu huko Tabora, ambapo mnamo 1872 David Livingstone alihesabu jumla ya idadi ya wafanyabiashara wa pwani kuwa 80 katika jumla ya idadi ya watu 5,000 [Burton 1859; Livingstone 1874]. Kwa ujumla, wafanyabiashara walisafiri katika maeneo ya ndani na waliishi mjini kwa muda tu. Hata hivyo, sehemu ya jamii ya pwani iliishi Tabora na Ujiji kwa kudumu na iliwaajiri watumwa wao kulima nafaka na chakula kwa misafara inayopita. Katika miaka ya 1890 uzalishaji mzima wa mihogo katika eneo la Tabora ulikuwa mikononi mwa mfanyabiashara wa pwani ambaye alikuwa ameacha kabisa biashara [Becker 1887 juz. II, 30]. Wakati wa uvamizi wa Wajerumani, Waislamu wa Tabora waligawanyika katika vikundi viwili kulingana na uvamizi wao mkuu: kikundi kimoja kiliundwa na wamiliki wa mashamba, waliowaunga mkono Wajerumani, na kimoja kiliundwa na wafanyabiashara, ambao, wakishirikiana na chifu wa eneo hilo Isike, walipinga uvamizi huo wakiogopa kwamba uwepo wa Wajerumani ungeweza kuharibu biashara yao. [6]
Wafanyabiashara wa pwani walioishi katika miji ya kibiashara hawakuwa matajiri "walioishi katika anasa" walioelezwa na wasafiri wa kisasa [tazama kwa mfano Burton 1860, I, 328]. Kwa ujumla walikuwa na deni kubwa kutoka kwa wafadhili wa India wa pwani, ambao waliongeza bidhaa muhimu kwa safari zao za ndani kwa viwango vya riba vya ajabu. Padre Hauttecoeur wa White Fathers, akiwalinganisha Waislamu wanaoishi Tabora na wale walioko Algeria, ambapo makao makuu ya jamii yake yalikuwa, aliwaelezea kama ifuatavyo:
Kwa kweli, kilichotokea mara nyingi ni kwamba wafanyabiashara wa pwani, baada ya kununua pembe za ndovu na watumwa ndani ya nchi, bado hawakuwa katika nafasi ya kulipa madeni yao pwani. Kwa hivyo walibaki katika miji ya ndani ambapo walituma misafara yao pwani na mawakala wao wa kibiashara kwenda maeneo ya jirani. [8]
Uwepo uliotawanyika wa wafanyabiashara wa pwani katika sehemu za ndani ulikuwa mojawapo ya sababu za ushawishi mdogo wa Uislamu katika eneo hilo katika kipindi hiki . Kwa ujumla, Uislamu ulikuwa na athari ndogo ndani ya nchi hata kama tuna ufahamu wa mabadiliko ya awali katika baadhi ya maeneo ambayo yalikuwa na uhusiano wa kina na wafanyabiashara wa pwani [Iliffe 1979, 79]. Mfano unaojulikana zaidi wa mabadiliko ya karne ya kumi na tisa ni ule wa Wayao, ambao katika nusu ya pili ya karne ya kumi na tisa walihama kutoka Msumbiji na kuanzisha makazi yao Malawi na kusini mwa Tanzania. Wafanyabiashara wa Yao walihusika zaidi katika biashara ya utumwa na kusafirisha mateka wao hadi bandari ya pwani ya Kilwa. Katika eneo hili maendeleo ya biashara ya masafa marefu yalikuwa chanzo cha maendeleo ya miji mipya, ambayo ilitawaliwa na machifu wakubwa wa biashara. Kulingana na Alpers, machifu hawa walikuwa miongoni mwa watu wa kwanza kuathiriwa na dini ya wafanyabiashara wa pwani, ambao walifika katika sehemu za ndani katikati ya karne [Alpers 1969, 417]. Machifu wawili muhimu wa Yao, Makanjila III Banali na Mataka II Nyenje, walibadili dini na kuwa Waislamu, wa kwanza mwaka wa 1870, wa mwisho mwaka wa 1880 na walikuwa waanzilishi wa upanuzi mkubwa wa Uislamu ulioanza miaka ya 1890 [Alpers 1969, 419]. Kesi zingine chache za ubadilishaji zimerekodiwa Afrika Mashariki, kama vile kesi ya Mumias karibu na Mlima Elgon, miaka ya 1880 [Glassman 1995, 69] au mtawala wa Ubungu, kusini-magharibi mwa Tanzania, ambaye alijulikana katika miaka ya 1850 na 1860 kama "Muislamu mzito" [Iliffe 1979, 78]. Machifu waliounganishwa na wafanyabiashara Waislamu na waliohusika katika biashara mara nyingi walitafuta aina mpya za uhalali ambazo ziliwaweka karibu na washirika wao wa kibiashara Waislamu. Hii ilikuwa kweli pia kwa somo la utafiti huu. Isike, chifu wa Unyanyembe kuanzia yapata mwaka 1877 hadi 1893, alikuwa akisherehekea Ramadhan mwanzoni mwa miaka ya 1880, hata kama labda hakuwa amejitolea sana kwa Uislamu kuliko machifu wengine [Iliffe 1979, 78].
Hata hivyo, katika miji ya misafara ya ndani, mabadiliko yalikuwa machache sana. Kulingana na Padri Mènard, wa Mababa Weupe, huko Tabora «Ushawishi wa Uislamu, kuhusu imani na desturi za kidini, siku hizi haujaenea sana miongoni mwa Wanyamouesis [Nyamwezi] na hata kidogo miongoni mwa Watousis [Tutsi], jamii inayotunza ng'ombe. Ni watumwa wa Waarabu na Wangwana pekee walio Waislamu». [9] Alifikia hatua ya kusema kwamba "Waarabu wa Tabora wamejikita kabisa katika biashara na hawajali hata kidogo kuhusu dini […]; ushabiki wa kidini si miongoni mwa kasoro zao". [10] Tukizingatia kwamba barua hii iliandikwa Tabora, mahali pa ndani pa jumuiya kubwa zaidi ya Waislamu, na ikaandikwa na mmisionari Mkatoliki, ambaye wakati huo kwa kawaida aliogopa ushindani wa Waislamu, tunaweza kusema kwa ujasiri kwamba ushawishi wa Uislamu katika eneo hilo ulikuwa mdogo sana wakati huo. Kwa kweli, idadi ya Waafrika waliokubali Uislamu ilikuwa ndogo sana, na ilikuwa imepunguzwa kwa wasaidizi wa wafanyabiashara Waislamu. Sehemu kubwa zaidi iliandikwa na wangwana,[11] watu wa pwani ambao walikuwa Waislamu na walizungumza ki-swahili, na kwa ujumla walikuwa wamefika ndani ya nchi pamoja na misafara ya kibiashara, na Manyema waliwaachilia huru watumwa [Iliffe 1979, 214].
Kipindi cha ukoloni wa Ujerumani kilishuhudia kuenea kwa Uislamu katika miji, na pia mashambani, ndani ya Afrika Mashariki ya Ujerumani pamoja na ongezeko kubwa la kwanza la watu wa ndani kuingia katika Uislamu. [12] Tafiti za hivi karibuni [tazama kwa mfano Reese 2004] zimeonyesha kwa kushawishi jinsi Uislamu haukuendelea katika mambo ya ndani tu kama matokeo ya ukoloni na matumizi ya Wazungu ya mawakala, makarani au wakalimani Waislamu [Trimingham 1964; Sperling 2000, 295]. Kinyume chake, mchakato huo ulianza zamani sana, kutokana na shughuli za walimu Waislamu kutoka pwani na kwa kufuata Uislamu kibinafsi na watu binafsi waliowasiliana na makazi ya biashara ya ndani [Iliffe 1979, 214]. Kabla ya ushindi wa Wajerumani, katika sehemu ya ndani ya Bagamoyo na Dar es Salaam, kulikuwa na ongezeko kubwa la waongofu wa Uislamu, kutokana na kuanzishwa katika eneo la Waarabu wa Hadhrami [Glassman 136; Le Guennec-Coppens 1997].
Wakati wa karne ya kumi na tisa, jamii za Kiislamu zilizoanzishwa kando ya barabara za misafara zilipendezwa zaidi na biashara - na siasa, wakati ilikuwa muhimu kwa biashara - lakini sio kueneza dini yao. Hii inathibitishwa na kutokuwepo kwa maeneo ya ibada katika miji ya kibiashara ya ndani. Waangalizi wa Ulaya waliotembelea Tabora na Ujiji walishangazwa na kutokuwepo kabisa kwa maeneo ya umma ya sala na mafundisho ya kidini. Hata hivyo, uwepo wa pwani katika miji hii ukawa kiini ambacho utamaduni wa pwani ulipanuka katika mambo ya ndani. Miji hii ilikuwa njia panda ya kueneza mawazo kote Afrika Mashariki [Brown, Brown 1976, 198]. Wafanyabiashara wa pwani walizungumza ki-swahili, wakiwa wamevaa kama pwani, walianzisha matumizi ya bidhaa mpya na kilimo cha mimea mipya na walikuwa Waislamu. Vipengele vya dini ya pwani viliingizwa polepole katika desturi na utamaduni wa kidini wa ndani - kama, kwa mfano, desturi za uponyaji - na vilipitishwa katika mambo ya ndani kwa kasi zaidi kuliko dini yenyewe [Glassman 1995, 134-135]. Kasi ya mchakato huu kwa asili yake haiwezekani kuipima au kuitambua wazi, lakini asili yake inaweza kufuatiliwa hadi karne ya kumi na tisa na kuanzishwa kwa mawasiliano ya moja kwa moja na endelevu na wafanyabiashara wa pwani na utamaduni wa pwani.
Hitimisho
Wakati wa karne ya 19, maeneo ya ndani ya Tanzania yaliunganishwa na soko la kimataifa lililokuwa likiongezeka. Kutokana na uwepo wa wafanyabiashara wa pwani na pia kutokana na shughuli za wafanyabiashara na wapagazi wa Kiafrika ambao walitembelea pwani mara kwa mara, aina mpya za mkusanyiko, utajiri na ubadilishanaji ziliibuka katika maeneo ya ndani na mawazo mapya yaliyoingizwa nchini yakawa sehemu ya maisha ya kila siku ya Waafrika wengi. Maeneo ambayo wafanyabiashara Waislamu walikaa yalikuwa machache sana ikilinganishwa na eneo kubwa walilokuwa wakifanya biashara na hii inaelezea kwa kiasi fulani kwa nini uwepo wa Waislamu ulikuwa na athari kidogo ya kidini kwa wakazi wa eneo hilo, kinyume na mabadiliko ya kiuchumi na kisiasa yaliyotokana na uhusiano wa kibiashara na pwani. Bila shaka, miji iliyoanzishwa kando ya barabara za misafara, kama Tabora na Ujiji, ikawa vituo vya nje ambapo mawazo mapya yalipanuka na polepole yakachukua mizizi katika mambo ya ndani, si Uislamu tu bali pia Ukristo. Ukosefu wa tafiti za jumla kuhusu kuenea kwa Uislamu katika eneo la ndani la kibiashara la Zanzibar katika karne ya kumi na tisa hufanya iwe vigumu kutoa picha ya jumla ya uhusiano wa moja kwa moja kati ya maendeleo ya njia za uzalishaji wa kibepari na mifumo mipya ya kidini. Kama ilivyoelezwa, historia ya Uislamu katika kipindi hiki lazima iwe imefichwa nyuma ya shughuli za kidunia na kibiashara za wafanyabiashara wa pwani ambazo zinajulikana zaidi [Sperling 2000, 288-9].
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Vidokezo
[1] Kwa muhtasari muhimu wa hivi karibuni kuhusu machapisho yanayopatikana kuhusu upanuzi wa Uislamu nchini Tanzania, tazama Rollingher 2005, 9-12; kwa majadiliano kuhusu aina za Uislamu zilizoenea katika sehemu za ndani za pwani, tazama Glassman 1995, 137-145. [2] Père Livinhac, Sainte Marie près de Roubaga, 9/9/1879, White Fathers Archive, Roma (baadaye WF) C 11-12. [3] Père Charmetant, Notes à consulter sur l'organization et la marche de la caravane, 1878 WF C 11-2. [4] Jarida de Père Deniaud, 03/12/1879, WF C 11-18; P. Combarieu hadi Maison Mère, Tabora, 27/12/1879, WF C 14-282. [5] L. Henri, Notes sur Tabora(particulierment sur les Arabes) 1924-25, manuscript, WF. [6] Lt. Hermann, Tabora, 2/4/1892, Reichskolonialamt, Berlin, 1001/1030-6381. [7] Père Hauttecoeur, Tabora, 25/12/1882, WF C 20-104.; tafsiri yangu. [8] Meja Bridoux, Mpala, 9/6/1889, WF C 16-179. [9] P. Guillet hadi MM, Tabora, 20/08/1881, WF C 16-73; tafsiri yangu. [10] P. Mènard, Tabora, 25/12/1882, WF C 20-103, tafsiri yangu. [11] Katika miji ya ndani, wangwana walifanya shughuli ndogo za kibiashara; miongoni mwao walikuwa wanaume wa Baluchi wakitoka Makran na Oman [McDow 2005]; kwa ufafanuzi wa wangwana, tazama Glassman 1995, 62. [12] Kwa utafiti wa hivi karibuni kuhusu mada hii unaolenga Kusini-mashariki mwa Tanzania, tazama Becker 2008.
This paper focuses on the areas of the interior of present-day Tanzania in the 19th century. The first sections are devoted to the analysis of the characteristics that can be considered as peculiar for the understanding of capitalism in the area: the development of trade and urban life, the emergence of a class of wage labourers and the influence of local political authorities on trade. A final section provides an overview of the available evidence on the earliest conversions to Islam in the interior, with special reference to the most important urban centres that developed along the central caravan road, connecting Bagamoyo, on the coast, to lakes Tanganyika and Victoria.
Introduction
The 19th century was a critical point in the development of international capitalism [Inikori 2007].For the African continent this meant the production and commercialization of new export goods as well as the import of new commodities from different parts of the world. On general terms, this put the basis for the integration of local economic activities into international commercial networks and was at the origin of a gradual «commodification» of the regional economies [Glassman 1995, 36]. The consequences that this had on African societies depended on the extent to which previous trade relationships had been established with the international markets, as well as on the types of goods that were exported.
Tanzania, Market of Tabora, early 20th century. Market of Tabora, early 20th century, Koloniales Bildarchiv, Universitätsbibliothek Frankfurt am Main.
This paper focuses on one of the areas of the continent that, owing to the nineteenth-century development of international capitalism, were connected to the coast and the international markets in an unprecedented way: the regions of the interior of what is today Tanzania. The international development of capitalism drove the demand for East African commodities, like ivory, copal and hides, sustained the plantation economy of Zanzibar and Pemba that employed slaves coming from the mainland, and permanently changed the terms of participation of East Africans to the world economy. This process was not an abrupt shift from agriculture and craft production to new, capitalist, modes of production, but rather a complex of gradual economic changes determined by market forces, driven both by international capitalism and by the emergence of local entrepreneurial groups, i.e. Muslim traders, Indian financers and African traders.
This article originates from a paper presented in the panel "Religion and Capitalism in Africa", convened by Tekeste Negash at the European African Studies Conference in Uppsala in 2011. When Tekeste first asked me to present a paper, I thought that little room was available for analysing religion and capitalism in the area and for the period I was working on, i.e. Western Tanzania in the nineteenth century.
No doubt, Muslim traders settled in this area for the first time in the 1840s, but for a long time the impact of Islam remained limited. Nonetheless, the establishment of Muslim traders in the caravan towns of the interior created hubs of coastal culture that became the basis on which Islam later developed as a major force of change in twentieth-century Tanzania[Austen 1971, 650]. Islam did not develop in the interior only as a consequence of colonization and the use by Europeans of Muslim agents, interpreters, clerks, etc.[1] It was a much more complex process that originated in the nineteenth century and was related to the involvement of the area in the global economy.
This paper focuses therefore on the connection that was established in the nineteenth century between the development of new trade patterns and Islam, thanks to the establishment of Muslim traders in the commercial towns that developed along the caravan roads of the interior. Contrary to the colonial period, when capitalist modes of production developed primarily in the rural areas, nineteenth-century capitalism was more visible in urban centres. In the interior of Tanzania urban centres were established as a consequence of the development of long-distance trade [Burton 2002] and it was in these towns that the changes brought by the new economic patterns were more visible. This makes the study of their political and economic life a lens through which to explore the consequences of the growth of stable commercial relations with the coast in connection with the development of international capitalism, as well as the role of new economic actors in dispersing the seeds of coastal culture, among which is Islam.
The first sections of this paper are devoted to the analysis of the characteristics that can be considered as peculiar for the understanding of capitalism in the area: the development of trade and urban life, the emergence of a class of wage labourers and the influence of local political authorities on trade [Iliffe 1979, 19]. A final section provides an overview of the available evidence on the earliest conversions to Islam in the interior, with special reference to the most important urban centres that developed along the central caravan road, connecting Bagamoyo, on the coast, to lakes Tanganyika and Victoria.
International trade and local productions in nineteenth-century Tanzania
The Indian ocean is one of the oldest economic and cultural world-systems: thanks to the presence of the monsoon winds, the driving force of the Indian ocean commerce, India and the Arabian peninsula established close commercial relationships with East Africa [Gilbert 2004, 25]. Until the beginning of the nineteenth century, however, the East African coast remained more a part of the commercial world of the Western Indian Ocean than of East Africa, being almost completely separated from its interior. The goods exported from East African ports could be easily obtained in the immediate vicinity of the coastal hinterland and there was therefore no need to organize expensive and risky expeditions in the interior to obtain export commodities. At the same time the regions of the interior were characterized by the presence of a widespread network of African local and interregional trades, mainly in salt, iron, copper, foodstuffs and forest products, that was connected only occasionally to the coast [Gray, Birmingham 1970].
Therefore, trade relations existed before the 19th century. But it was only from the first decades of the nineteenth century, owing to the huge expansion in demand for ivory and slaves, that regular commercial relations were established [Sheriff 1987]. East African ivory was more suitable for being carved than West African or Indian ivory and in the nineteenth century it began to be widely used in Europe and America to produce luxury goods, such as carved figures, parts of instruments, combs and billiard balls, that became a symbol for the growing Western middle class [Beachey 1967]. Slaves were another important item of trade. In the eighteenth century slaves were shipped from East Africa to the Middle East and the Mascarene Islands, but this trade flow diminished as a consequence of the Napoleonic wars and the abolitionist movements in Europe [Glassman 1995, 29].
In the nineteenth century the increase in the demand for East African slaves was mainly driven by the expanding plantation economy of Zanzibar and Pemba [Cooper 1977; Sheriff 1987].In the second half of the century, slaves were increasingly captured in Katanga and Manyema – present-day Democratic Republic of Congo – and in present-day southern Tanzania (Deutsch 2007, 4). Until the 1870s Kilwa remained the most important port of shipment for slaves, whereas ivory mainly came from lake Tanganyika and the interlacustrine region and partly from Chagga and Masai countries and was shipped to Zanzibar through Bagamoyo [Smith 1963, 273-274]. Copal was also widely in demand, being used in the United States to produce high-value varnishes for the furniture industry. East African copal was considered the best in the world and was extracted in the forests of the East African coastal hinterland [Sunseri 2007, 202].
During the nineteenth century all of these products experienced growing prices on the international markets. If we take ivory, for example, its price in Zanzibar doubled between 1826 and 1857, and it doubled again in the next thirty years [Sheriff 1987]. Henceforth, it became very convenient for Indian and coastal traders operating on the coast to penetrate into the interior in search for the precious elephant teeth, slaves and gum copal, which they acquired with imported cloth, glass beads and metal wires. The increase in the price of East African commodities coincided with a decrease in the price of import commodities, that, thanks to the mechanization of the production process in America and Europe, could be imported in huge quantities into the East African interior. Glass beads were mainly produced in Venice, whereas cloth came from India, Great Britain and America. The industrial revolution significantly decreased the production costs for cloth in America and Europe and imports of Indian cloth into East Africa gradually diminished, being mainly replaced by unbleached cloth produced in Massachusetts, locally called merikani [Glassman 1995, 56; Prestholdt 2008]. The continuous expansion of trade in the nineteenth century was sustained by the growing prices of East African commodities, especially ivory, on the international market that led to the accumulation of merchant capital on the coast. Thanks to this capital, coastal traders could fit out larger and better financed caravans for the interior [Sheriff 1987, 181].
As already mentioned, commerce in ivory and slaves required more capital than that in salt and iron, which were typical products of African interregional and regional trade. This capital was provided to costal traders by Indian financers, who advanced the resources needed to travel and trade to coastal traders going inland. In exchange they obtained part of the export goods, generally ivory, when the caravan came back from the interior. The connection of the interior of East Africa to the global market in the nineteenth century was with no doubt stimulated by Muslim traders coming from the Swahili coast.However, the development of these new economic patterns was not a one-way-process and East Africans maintained the power to shape their relationships with the outside world, in the framework of a new market economy [Koponen 1988].
The most important group of traders in central Tanzania were the Nyamwezi from the region of Unyamwezi. Before the development of long-distance trade with the coast, Nyamwezi traders had already been the intermediaries of a wide network of interregional trade, where salt, iron, copper, cattle and agricultural products were exchanged. Thanks to these commercial activities they pioneered the caravan road to the coast and records of their presence in the coastal ports are available from 1811 [Roberts 1968; 1970]. Nyamwezi traders were generally members of the local aristocracy who had been able to exploit the opportunities offered by the trade with the coast and had accumulated wealth in export goods, such as ivory, or commodity currencies, especially cloth and beads. This allowed them to finance their own businesses with the coast and, according to many contemporary sources, they maintained a prominent position along the central caravan road at least until the 1870s [Pallaver 2006]. Nyamwezi traders also enjoyed political power, as the local chiefs appointed many of them at the head of local districts, the so-called gunguli. They had the right to take part in the election of the mtemi, the local chief, and this gave them a great influence in the economic and political life of the towns of the interior [Unomah 1970, 5]. Owing to their long tradition in interregional trade, local traders were able to rapidly adapt themselves to the new patterns of trade, whereas Muslim traders became users and modernizers of already existent commercial patterns [Médard 2007, 115].
Africans living in the regions of the interior did not only take part in long-distance commerce as traders, but also as wage labourers. The Nyamwezi, in particular, were the most requested porters and developed specific abilities to carry goods to and from the coast. They were the first class of wage labourers that developed in the area and became the backbone of the long-distance trade with the coast.
Long-distance trade, African labourers and the development of urban settlements along the caravan roads
As Coquery-Vidrovitch and Lovejoy point out, «in societies that were restrained by a low level of technology, necessary work depended to a very great extent on human energy» [Coquery-Vidrovitch, Lovejoy 1985, 9]. Groups of waged workers were not common in pre-colonial Africa, but they developed in some specific historical situations, especially when the request for a particular type of occupation was expanding too fast to be satisfied by other forms of labour. In pre-colonial Africa wage labour was generally limited to certain sectors: transport, exchange and possibly craft production, and, among these, human transport was usually the first form of hired labour [Iliffe 1983, 8].
In nineteenth-century East Africa the development of the trade in ivory, copal and slaves created the conditions for the development of a class of waged workers in the transport sector, human porters. Their role in East African long-distance trade has been deeply investigated [Cummings 1973; Rockel 2006]. Recent research has demonstrated how porters were not slaves, as it had been commonly believed, but rather a group of specialized and skilled workers who received a wage in exchange for their work [Rockel 2006, 19-23]. They developed specific abilities to transport all the goods needed for the maintenance of caravans during their inland journeys and they carried commercial goods back to the coast. As a class of wage labourers, porters acted individually and collectively to defend their common interests. When the wages were not considered appropriate they refused to continue their march until conditions of employment were renegotiated. African porters successfully transported goods across deep-rooted trade networks and played a critical role in creating the conditions for the participation of East Africa to the global economy. As Stephen Rockel has pointed out, «wage long-distance porters created the conditions for the emergence of an African modernity, admittedly one with its own contradictions and severe limitations, in which market forces, entrepreneurship and creative cultural adaptation were free for a period to find their way» [Rockel 2006, 23].
Together with porters other professional figures developed in connection with the caravan trade. The kirangozi was the guide who was in charge of leading the caravan. He possessed a deep knowledge of the best paths to follow in order to find food and water during the journey. Besides ki-swahili, he was skilled in the languages needed for trading in the interior. He was often in charge of the negotiation of tributes, the hongo, that had to be paid to local chiefs along the caravan roads [Beidelman 1982, 618-619]. The nyampara was the head of small gangs of porters, generally composed by ten-fifteen individuals. He recruited his own group of porters in the coastal ports, negotiated their salaries and he was responsible for them during the journey [Burdo 1886, 306]. There were several nyamparas in the same caravan, but only one kirangozi. [2] That is why the kirangozi was also known as chief headman. Armed guards, the askaris, always travelled with a caravan. They had the task to protect the caravan and also to maintain the order in the porter ranks. The number of askaris employed generally depended on the total number of porters; commonly there was one guard to every ten porters. [3] The askaris were for the most part of coastal origin and many of them settled in the commercial towns of the interior.
Different types of workers were employed in the caravan trade and all of them received a wage in exchange for their work. This contributed significantly to the expansion of a monetary economy in the regions of the interior. Money, in the form of cloth and beads, became common in the payment of wages and was used to buy food along the caravan roads. The caravan staff received daily food rations, the so-called posho, that could be paid both in grains (generally sorghum or millet) or in exchange goods, especially beads. Having a very small unit value, glass beads were particularly suitable to be used in these small transactions, and porters became the main agents in spreading the use of these means of payment along the caravan roads in the Zanzibar commercial hinterland [Pallaver 2009].
Porterage was a well-rooted occupation especially among the Nyamwezi of Western Tanzania. Before the development of stable trade connections with the coast, the Nyamwezi had been employed as porters in local and interregional trades, carrying iron, salt and copper along the caravan paths that connected Unyamwezi with lake Tanganyika, lake Victoria and the southern regions of Ufipa and Ruemba. Well before the contact with traders coming from the coast, labour specialization had emerged as a result of an unequal distribution of goods [Holmes 1971, 478-479].
In the first part of the nineteenth century the Nyamwezi worked as porters only during the dry season. Porters were, in fact, also farmers, and when the rainy season started they refused to go beyond Unyamwezi and went back to their fields [Deutsch 2006, 24]. The caravans had therefore to stop in Unyamwezi in order to recruit fresh gangs of porters that could reach the shores of the central lakes or the regions of Eastern Congo. The time necessary to find and engage new porters created the need to have small depots where the goods could be stored and protected [Brown, Brown 1976]. Some of these depots, especially those situated in places where food and water were easily obtainable, gradually developed into small settlements and later into commercial towns. Urban development in the interior of Tanzania was strictly related to the growth of long-distance trade and the establishment of coastal traders in places where local political authorities were favourable to trade. In the places where there was a permanent Muslim trading colony, like Ujiji or Tabora, the role of coastal traders was much more clearly defined than along the caravan roads or in the trading areas where they did not settle; that is why the analysis of their commercial and political activities in the urban centres of the interior can provide a more comprehensive picture of their role.
Traders, Islam and political life in Tabora and Ujiji
Coastal traders did not have the power or influence to dominate local politics in the towns of the interior. They therefore generally cooperated with local political authorities in order to protect and support their business. In the town of Ujiji, for instance, the leader of the resident coastal trading community collaborated with the local chief in ensuring the regular delivery of tributes from caravans. Different issues, like market conflicts and land questions, were dealt with collectively by the representative of the coastal community, the elders and the local chief [Brown 1971, 627]. Personal relationships were established to reinforce commercial collaboration. The leader of the coastal traders community of Ujiji, Mwinyi Heri, married the daughter of the King of Bujiji, acquiring the status of chief and in the 1860s and 1870s he exerted great influence both in Uvira and Ujiji [Sperling 2000, 288-289; Brown 1971, 628]. The same happened in Tabora, where in the 1840s Muhammad bin Juma, a trader from Oman origin living in Tabora, married the daughter of Fundikira, chief of Unyamwezi. After this marriage the Muslim community supported Fundikira and his family in the disputes with his neighbours.
Before the establishment of German colonial rule, local political authorities had the power to control trade and therefore the activities of coastal traders. There were two ways by which local rulers could influence trade: by taxation and by not allowing porters to enlist in the caravans. [4] In Tabora, after the death of chief Fundikira in 1859, his successor, Mnywa Sere, levied taxes on the profits made by trade [Speke 1863, 77]. This caused the strong opposition of local coastal and Nyamwezi traders. They declared war against the local chief, supporting one of his brothers, Mkasiwa, to the succession to the throne. Mnywa Sere was defeated and Mkasiwa became the new chief [Bennett 1968, 222]. However, Mnywa Sere continued to fight the traders of Tabora until his death, in 1865, causing great damage to the progress of trade. As a consequence of these rivalries the sultan of Zanzibar appointed a wali, a delegate of his power in the coastal community of Tabora, who had to be the intermediary between the coastal community and the local chief. [5] Despite the appointment of his representative in Tabora – and almost contemporary also in Ujiji –, the influence of the Sultan of Zanzibar on the towns of the interior remained very limited, at least until the 1880s when he intervened to protect European trade interests in the interior [Pallaver 2006, 518; Brown 1971, 628].
During the biggest part of the nineteenth century the number of coastal traders in the interior remained limited. According to Richard F. Burton, in 1857 there were 25 Arab residents in Tabora, whereas in 1872 David Livingstone calculated the total number of coastal traders as being 80 in a total population of 5,000 [Burton 1859; Livingstone 1874]. Generally, traders travelled in the regions of the interior and only temporarily resided in town. Part of the coastal community, however, resided permanently in Tabora and Ujiji and employed their slaves to cultivate grains and food for passing caravans. In the 1890s the entire production of cassava in the area of Tabora was in the hands of a coastal trader who had completely abandoned trade [Becker 1887 vol. II, 30]. During the German occupation, the Muslims of Tabora split into two factions according to their main occupation: one faction was composed by the plantation owners, who supported the Germans, and one was formed by traders, who, allied with the local chief Isike, opposed the occupation fearing that the German presence could damage their business. [6]
The coastal traders living in the commercial towns were not the rich men «living in luxury» described by contemporary travellers [see for instance Burton 1860, I, 328]. Generally they were deeply in debt with the Indian financers of the coast, who advanced the goods necessary for their journeys into the interior at extraordinary interest rates. Father Hauttecoeur of the White Fathers, comparing the Muslims living in Tabora with those in Algeria, where the headquarters of his society were located, described them as follows:
All the Arabs here are very far from being proud as those in the North; they are all poor devils who try to make a fortune and who have nothing more then debts. The richest Arabs here in Tabora, with the exception of two or three, are up to their ears in debt and even if they could sell all of their goods here they would not be able to repay them. They exercise their trade on behalf of the Arabs and Indians on the coast who make them pay through the nose. An Arab told me once: You see here all the Arabs of Tabora and you think that at home they are rich as they are here: […] here they have slaves, women, and everything they want, but in Muscat they will have nothing of this”. One of them has not been visiting the coast for sixteen years. [7]
In fact, what happened quite often was that the coastal traders, after buying ivory and slaves in the interior, were still not in a position to pay back their debts on the coast. They therefore remained in the towns of the interior from where they sent their caravans to the coast and their commercial agents to neighbouring regions. [8]
The scattered presence of the coastal traders in the interior was one of the reasons behind the limited influence of Islam in the area in this period. On general terms, Islam had a limited impact inland even if we have knowledge of earlier conversions in some of the areas that had developed deep connections with coastal traders [Iliffe 1979, 79]. The most well-known example of nineteenth-century conversions is that of the Yao, who in the second half of the nineteenth century migrated from Mozambique and established in Malawi and southern Tanzania. Yao traders were mainly involved in the slave trade and exported their captives to the coastal port of Kilwa. In this area the development of long-distance trade was at the origin of the development of new towns, that were governed by big trading chiefs. According to Alpers, these chiefs were among the first individuals to be influenced by the religion of the coastal traders, who arrived in the interior at the middle of the century [Alpers 1969, 417]. Two important Yao chiefs, Makanjila III Banali and Mataka II Nyenje, converted to Islam, the former in 1870, the latter in the 1880s and were the pioneers of the great expansion of Islam that started in the 1890s [Alpers 1969, 419]. Few other, isolated cases of conversions are documented in East Africa, like the case of Mumias around Mount Elgon, in the 1880s [Glassman 1995, 69] or the ruler of Ubungu, south-western Tanzania, who was known in the 1850s and 1860s as a «serious Muslim» [Iliffe 1979, 78]. Chiefs connected to Muslim traders and engaged in commerce often sought for new forms of legitimization that put them closer to their Muslim commercial partners. This was true also for the area subject of this study. Isike, chief of Unyanyembe from about 1877 to 1893, was observing Ramadhan in the early 1880s, even if he was probably less committed than other chiefs to Islam [Iliffe 1979, 78].
Nonetheless, in the caravan towns of the interior conversions were very limited. According to Father Mènard, of the White Fathers, in Tabora «The influence of Islam, as far as creed and religious practices, is nowadays barely spread among the Wanyamouesis [Nyamwezi] and even much less among the Watousis [Tutsi], a race who takes care of the cattle. Only the slaves of the Arabs and of the Wangwana are Muslim». [9] He went so far as to say that «the Arabs of Tabora are totally absorbed in trade and they do not care at all about religion […]; fanaticism is not among their defects». [10] If we consider that this note was written in Tabora, the place of the interior with the biggest Muslim community, and put down by a catholic missionary, who at that time naturally feared the competition of Muslims, we can quite confidently assert that the influence of Islam in the area was at the time very limited. As a matter of fact, the number of Africans who adopted Islam was very small, and limited to the entourage of Muslim traders. The largest part was composed by wangwana,[11] coastal people who were Muslim and spoke ki-swahili, and had generally arrived in the interior together with commercial caravans, and Manyema freed slaves [Iliffe 1979, 214].
The German colonial period saw the spread of Islam in the urban centres, as well as in the countryside, of the interior of German East Africa as well as the first substantial increase in the conversions to Islam by inland people. [12] Recent studies [see for instance Reese 2004] have convincingly shown how Islam did not develop in the interior only as a consequence of colonization and the use by Europeans of Muslim agents, clerks or interpreters [Trimingham 1964; Sperling 2000, 295]. On the contrary, the process had started well before, thanks to the activities of Muslim teachers coming from the coastandby personal adherence to Islam by individuals in contact with inland trading settlements [Iliffe 1979, 214]. Before the German conquest, in the immediate hinterland of Bagamoyo and Dar es Salaam, there was a significant increase in the conversions to Islam, owing to the establishment in the area of Hadhrami Arabs [Glassman 136; Le Guennec-Coppens 1997].
During the nineteenth century the Muslim communities that were established along the caravan roads were mainly interested in trade – and politics, when it was relevant for trade – but not in spreading their religion. This is confirmed by the absence of places of worship in the commercial towns of the interior. European observers who visited Tabora and Ujiji were struck by the total absence of public places of prayer and religious instruction. Nonetheless, the coastal presence in these towns became the nucleus from which the coastal culture expanded in the interior. These towns were crossroads for the spreading of ideas throughout East Africa [Brown, Brown 1976, 198]. Coastal traders spoke ki-swahili, dressed in the coastal way, introduced the use of new commodities and the cultivation of new plants and were Muslim. Elements of the coastal religion were gradually incorporated into local religious practices and culture – like, for instance, healing practices – and were adopted in the interior far more rapidly than the religion itself [Glassman 1995, 134-135]. The pace of this process is for its nature impossible to quantify or clearly identify, but its origins can be traced back to the nineteenth century and the establishment of direct and sustained contacts with coastal traders and the coastal culture.
Conclusions
During the 19th century the areas of the interior of Tanzania were connected to the expanding global market. Owing to the presence of coastal traders as well as thanks to the activities of African traders and porters who regularly visited the coast, new forms of accumulation, wealth and exchange developed in the regions of the interior and new imported ideas became gradually part of the daily lives of many Africans. The places where Muslim traders settled were very few when compared to the vast area where they were trading and this partly explains why the Muslim presence had a little religious impact on the local populations, contrary to the economic and political changes generated by the trade connections with the coast. No doubt, the towns that were established along the caravan roads, like Tabora and Ujiji, became outposts from which new ideas expanded and gradually took roots in the interior, not only Islam but also Christianity. The lack of general studies on the spread of Islam in the Zanzibar commercial hinterland in the nineteenth century makes it difficult to provide a general picture of the direct connection between the development of capitalist modes of production and of new religious patterns. As it has been pointed out, the history of Islam in this period necessarily lies hidden behind the secular and commercial activities of coastal traders that are so much better known [Sperling 2000, 288-9].
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Notes
[1] For a useful recent overview on the available literature on the expansion of Islam in Tanzania, see Rollingher 2005, 9-12; for a discussion on the forms of Islam that spread in the coastal hinterland, see Glassman 1995, 137-145. [2] Père Livinhac, Sainte Marie près de Roubaga, 9/9/1879, White Fathers Archive, Rome (hereafter WF) C 11-12. [3] Père Charmetant, Notes à consulter sur l'organization et la marche de la caravane, 1878 WF C 11-2. [4] Journal de Père Deniaud, 03/12/1879, WF C 11-18; P. Combarieu to Maison Mère, Tabora, 27/12/1879, WF C 14-282. [5] L. Henri, Notessur Tabora(particulierment surles Arabes) 1924-25, manuscript, WF. [6] Lt. Hermann, Tabora, 2/4/1892, Reichskolonialamt, Berlin, 1001/1030-6381. [7] Père Hauttecoeur, Tabora, 25/12/1882, WF C 20-104.; my translation. [8] Mgr Bridoux, Mpala, 9/6/1889, WF C 16-179. [9] P. Guillet to MM, Tabora, 20/08/1881, WF C 16-73; my translation. [10] P. Mènard, Tabora, 25/12/1882, WF C 20-103, my translation. [11] In the towns of the interior the wangwana conducted small commercial activities; among them there were Baluchi men coming from Makran and Oman [McDow 2005]; for a definition of wangwana, see Glassman 1995, 62. [12] For a recent study on the subject with a focus on South-eastern Tanzania, see Becker 2008.
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