Mange Kimambi amjibu Godbless Lema

[Kiranga]

Umebweka sana ndugu ulipoleta hoja ya liseye kutokula

One poor thing about you is how you listen and appraise yourself as a diva

Ain’t no body to fix it

Hapana,

Una project tabia zako kwa wengine bila hata kuweka ushahidi au kujenga hoja.

Yani wewe ni kama mtu ushavuta madude yako unajisemea unachoelewa mwenyewe unategemea watu tukuelewe hapa.

Sielewi hata "hoja ya liseye kutokula" ni kitu gani, kwa hiyo sina hata pa kuanzia kukuelewa au kukupinga.

Sijui hata kama unamaanisha kunijibu mimi au umenichanganya na mtu mwingine.

Nakuhesabu kama mtu uliyelewa tu hujui unachoandika.

 

[Kijana wa Ifoza]

Tofauti yangu mimi na wewe ni kwamba mimi nimetoa sababu za kimantiki kwa nini nasema wewe una utapiamlo wa akili.

Sababu ambazo zinaweza kupimwa na kukubaliwa au kukanushwa.

Wewe umebwata kwa hasira kama mbwa anayetumia Pavlovian reflex bila akili.

Ukithibitisha maneno yangu kuwa una utapiamlo wa akili.

This is exactly what I am talking about.

Umebweka sana ndugu ulipoleta hoja ya liseye kutokula

One poor thing about you is how you listen and appraise yourself as a diva

Ain’t no body to fix it

Wakuu Kiranga na TIMING, nadhani imefika wakati wa kushusha silaha chini na kurudisha mjadala kwenye misingi ya kiungwana. Sote tunajua ninyi wote ni vichwa vikubwa na mna lengo moja: kuona mabadiliko ya nchi yetu.
Personal attacks zinaondoa mashiko ya hoja na zinawanyima wasomaji fursa ya kupata mabadiliko ya kifikra wanayostahili. Kiranga, kama mtetezi wa mantiki, unajua kabisa kuwa dharau haileti uelewa. Na TIMING, hasira inapoteza nguvu ya hoja zako nzuri. Turudini kwenye mada, jengeni hoja bila kubomoana utu wenu."

 

[Kijana wa Ifoza]

Kijana wa Ifoza, don’t underestimate the difference between courts of law and the court of public opinion. While courts of law always require those who allege to prove their allegations, the court of public opinion almost always doesn’t. Most of the time, in the court of public opinion, the accused has to formulate and present an overwhelming response to the allegations or else the allegations will dog him/her to his/her grave!

Mdau Pulchra Animo,
Your distinction between the court of law and the court of public opinion is entirely valid, and you are correct that the public often convicts on perception rather than proof. In politics, optics matter immensely, and an accused figure is often forced to wage an uphill battle to clear their name in the eyes of the masses.

However, there is a critical danger in treating the court of public opinion as a lawless space where anything goes. When a political movement begins to mirror that exact flaw—accepting heavy allegations as truth simply because they are popular or fit a pre-existing narrative—it creates an incredibly fragile foundation.

If the threshold for "truth" in our discourse is lowered to “whoever shouts a rumor loudest wins,” then the movement becomes highly vulnerable to external manipulation. Anyone, including state intelligence or political adversaries, can easily weaponise this exact dynamic. All they have to do is drop a well-timed, fabricated rumor about a key leader, and the movement will automatically tear itself apart from within trying to "prove an absence."
While an accused leader like Godbless Lema must certainly manage public perception and communicate effectively to counter narratives, analysts and active participants in the movement have a duty to hold a higher standard. If we do not demand facts for individual accusations, we allow the court of public opinion to become an echo chamber of manufactured distractions rather than a tool for genuine accountability.

 

[Kiranga]

Wakuu Kiranga na TIMING, nadhani imefika wakati wa kushusha silaha chini na kurudisha mjadala kwenye misingi ya kiungwana. Sote tunajua ninyi wote ni vichwa vikubwa na mna lengo moja: kuona mabadiliko ya nchi yetu.
Personal attacks zinaondoa mashiko ya hoja na zinawanyima wasomaji fursa ya kupata mabadiliko ya kifikra wanayostahili. Kiranga, kama mtetezi wa mantiki, unajua kabisa kuwa dharau haileti uelewa. Na TIMING, hasira inapoteza nguvu ya hoja zako nzuri. Turudini kwenye mada, jengeni hoja bila kubomoana utu wenu."

Tofautisha calling a spade a spade na dharau.

Inawezekana mtu anayeona ujinga wako na asikuambie akawa kakudharau kuliko mtu atakayeuona ujinga wako na kukuambia.

Pengine asiyekuambia ujinga wako kakuona huna hata uwezo wa kujifunza, kakudharau hivyo, na anayekuambia anaona huyu hapa kakosea, lakini ana uwezo wa kujifunza, hajakudharau.

 

[Dennis Robert Shughuru]

Lisu pia si mwanasiasa elewa hivyo, Lisu alikuwa anapanda majukwaa ya Chadema na kadi hana miaka baadaye ndio akashauriwa kuchukuwa kadi awe mwanachama wa Chadema.

Si kila msimamo wa Lisu ni sahihi hata kama ni yeye ndiye anayeumia, hii Mitanzania mipumbavu inashabikia Jihan sijui na Simba na Yanga kuna limit ya kujitowa na si kujitowa sadaka maisha yako kwa mijitu mipumbavu kama Watanzania.

Hao kina Mange ushujaa wao ni behind the keyboard tu hakuna mwenye ya kuingia field.

Hao kina Lema wametoka huko ukimbizini ndio wapo Field.

Mimi nitawasikiliza watu kama Heche ambaye ndio yuko Field siyo hizo takataka zinapost zikiwa Macdonald anakula juke food huku anawasanifu, binafsi siwezi kuingizwa mkenge na watu hao.

Tunavyo vyanzo vyetu pia ndani ya mfumo kama hadithi za Lema ni za kweli tutajuwa.

Mtu amekuwa mbunge, mgombea wa urais, mwenyekiti wa chama kikubwa cha upinzani unamwita sio mwanasiasa
Tanzania kuna wajinga wengi sana

 

[Dennis Robert Shughuru]

Mimi sio nabii ila siku Lissu akitoka na wakakubaliana kwenda mezani kutafuta suluhu ya katiba mpya aisee kama naona atakavyotukanwa matusi yote na Mange kuwa amepewa bilioni kadhaa, sijui kajengewa nyumba and all bad rumours. Na kwakuwa keshaaminika inaweza kuwa ndio kaburi la Chadema.

Acha upotoshaji
Chadema wameshaweka misimamo yao ya maridhiano mbona inajulikana

 

[Kijana wa Ifoza]

Huwezi kujenga democracy kwa kuacha mifumo ianguke na wewe kiongozi wa upinzani kutumia network za juu, za privilege, kumaliza matatizo yako kwa kujuana, badala ya kutumia peovess ya haki.

This is the opposite of democracy. Tbis is nepotism, plutocracy.

Kuna Watanzania wengi wana matatizo ya kimahakama hawamjui Nchimbi wala Samia.

Ukimaliza matatizo yako kwa kutumia shortcut ya kuonhea na Nchimbi na Samia badala ya kulazimisha kauli za mahakama ziheshimiwe na kutekelezwa, hapo hujengi democracy.

Unaibomoa.

Ndugu Kiranga,
Hoja yako kuhusu hatari ya upendeleo (privilege) na kubomoa mifumo ina mashiko kinadharia, lakini inakosa uhalisia wa kiutendaji na ushahidi wa mazingira yetu.
Kwanza, dhana ya kwamba viongozi wanatumia 'network za juu' kusuluhisha mambo yao haina thibitisho; inaakisi propaganda za mtandaoni zinazolenga kuaminisha umma uongo ili kugawa harakati. Huwezi kujenga hoja nzito ya "nepotism" au "plutocracy" kwa kutumia dhana za kufikirika bila mifano hai ya kiushahidi.
Pili, msisitizo wako wa kutumia mahakama unagonga ukuta kwa sababu mifumo yetu ya kisheria haina uhuru kamili na inadhibitiwa na utendaji (Executive). Kusubiri haki kwenye mahakama iliyofungwa pingu ni kujipeleka machinjioni; kutumia diplomasia na mamlaka (Political Engagement) chini ya utawala dhalimu si upendeleo, bali ni mbinu ya lazima ya kujilinda ili harakati isife.
Kihistoria, hata Nelson Mandela na Martin Luther King Jr. walilazimika kukaa meza moja na watawala dhalimu, si kwa maslahi binafsi, bali kwa sababu huwezi kufungua milango ya gereza la kimfumo bila kukabiliana na aliyeshika funguo.
Mwisho, ili kuwapigania hao Watanzania wa chini wasiomjua Samia wala Nchimbi, ni lazima viongozi wao wawe huru na hai kwanza. Kiongozi aliyefungwa hawezi kudai Katiba Mpya au Tume Huru—ambazo ndizo suluhu pekee ya mwananchi wa kawaida. Demokrasia haijengwi kwa nadharia tupu za kimaabara, bali kwa kuchanganya mbinu za kisheria, mitaani, na kidiplomasia kulinda sauti ya umma.

 

[Dr hyperkid]

ushuzi mtupu

 

[Kijana wa Ifoza]

Mtu amekuwa mbunge, mgombea wa urais, mwenyekiti wa chama kikubwa cha upinzani unamwita sio mwanasiasa
Tanzania kuna wajinga wengi sana

Ndugu Denis,
Nadhani hapa utakuwa hukumwelewa vizuri Dr Matola na muktadha mzima wa hoja yake. Huwezi kumpima mwanasiasa kwa kuangalia tu vyeo vya nje kama Ubunge au Ugombea Urais, bali unapaswa kuangalia mtindo wake wa utendaji na falsafa inayomwongoza (political behavior vs political titles).
Kwanza, Lissu kimsingi ni mwanaharakati thabiti aliyevaa koti la kisiasa. Anasimamia misingi ya kisheria na haki zisizoyumba (uncompromising principles), ambayo ni sifa kuu ya uanaharakati. Hata historia ya yeye kupanda majukwaani kabla ya kuwa na kadi ya chama inathibitisha kuwa alisukumwa na harakati za mabadiliko kwanza kuliko siasa za jadi za vyama. Yeye yuko tayari kujitoa sadaka kwa misingi anayoamini, hata kama jamii anayoipigania bado haijajitambua au haithamini sadaka hiyo.
Pili, wanasiasa wa kiuhalisia (Realpolitik)—kama viongozi waliopo "field" sasa hivi ground—hawawezi kuendeshwa na uanaharakati wa mstari mmoja tu usionyumbuka. Siasa za vitendo zinahitaji diplomasia, mbinu mchanganyiko, na kufanya maamuzi magumu ya kijanja ili kulinda uhai wa harakati na maisha ya wapiganaji wenyewe dhidi ya dola yenye nguvu. Dr Matola anachomaanisha ni kwamba, kuna limit ya kujitolea sadaka maisha yako mbele ya jamii ambayo bado haiko tayari kuingia barabarani kukupigania.
Mwisho, hoja ya Dr Matola inatutaka tuamke na tuache kushabikia mihemko ya wanaharakati wa mtandaoni (keyboard activists) ambao wanapanga mikakati wakiwa salama ughaibuni. Huwezi kufananisha uzito wa hoja za watu waliopo uwanja wa mapambano (field) wanaokabiliwa na hatari kila siku, na watu wanaopiga kelele mitandaoni bila kubeba gharama yoyote. Kuelewa utofauti huu kati ya uanaharakati usiopinda na siasa za kimkakati ndio msingi wa hoja ya Dr Matola.

 

[Dennis Robert Shughuru]

Ndugu Denis,
Nadhani hapa utakuwa hukumwelewa vizuri Dr Matola na muktadha mzima wa hoja yake. Huwezi kumpima mwanasiasa kwa kuangalia tu vyeo vya nje kama Ubunge au Ugombea Urais, bali unapaswa kuangalia mtindo wake wa utendaji na falsafa inayomwongoza (political behavior vs political titles).
Kwanza, Lissu kimsingi ni mwanaharakati thabiti aliyevaa koti la kisiasa. Anasimamia misingi ya kisheria na haki zisizoyumba (uncompromising principles), ambayo ni sifa kuu ya uanaharakati. Hata historia ya yeye kupanda majukwaani kabla ya kuwa na kadi ya chama inathibitisha kuwa alisukumwa na harakati za mabadiliko kwanza kuliko siasa za jadi za vyama. Yeye yuko tayari kujitoa sadaka kwa misingi anayoamini, hata kama jamii anayoipigania bado haijajitambua au haithamini sadaka hiyo.
Pili, wanasiasa wa kiuhalisia (Realpolitik)—kama viongozi waliopo "field" sasa hivi ground—hawawezi kuendeshwa na uanaharakati wa mstari mmoja tu usionyumbuka. Siasa za vitendo zinahitaji diplomasia, mbinu mchanganyiko, na kufanya maamuzi magumu ya kijanja ili kulinda uhai wa harakati na maisha ya wapiganaji wenyewe dhidi ya dola yenye nguvu. Dr Matola anachomaanisha ni kwamba, kuna limit ya kujitolea sadaka maisha yako mbele ya jamii ambayo bado haiko tayari kuingia barabarani kukupigania.
Mwisho, hoja ya Dr Matola inatutaka tuamke na tuache kushabikia mihemko ya wanaharakati wa mtandaoni (keyboard activists) ambao wanapanga mikakati wakiwa salama ughaibuni. Huwezi kufananisha uzito wa hoja za watu waliopo uwanja wa mapambano (field) wanaokabiliwa na hatari kila siku, na watu wanaopiga kelele mitandaoni bila kubeba gharama yoyote. Kuelewa utofauti huu kati ya uanaharakati usiopinda na siasa za kimkakati ndio msingi wa hoja ya Dr Matola.

Ubunge, uRais, na nyinginezo hizi ni nafasi za kisiasa take it or leave it

Ukishika hizi nafasi wewe tayari ni mwanasiasa

Tanzania tukitaka wanaharakati wasiwe na nguvu kuwa na uhuru wa vyombo vya habari, na haki iwepo nakuhakikishia hivi vikiwepo wanaharakati hawatakuwa na nguvu

 

[Kijana wa Ifoza]

Tofautisha calling a spade a spade na dharau.

Inawezekana mtu anayeona ujinga wako na asikuambie akawa kakudharau kuliko mtu atakayeuona ujinga wako na kukuambia.

Pengine asiyekuambia ujinga wako kakuona huna hata uwezo wa kujifunza, kakudharau hivyo, na anayekuambia anaona huyu hapa kakosea, lakini ana uwezo wa kujifunza, hajakudharau.

Mkuu Kiranga, nakuelewa vizuri sana kwenye hoja ya 'calling a spade a spade' na nia ya kutaka mtu ajifunze. Ni kweli kabisa, kiakili anayekuambia ukweli wako anajali uwezo wako wa kujifunza kuliko yule anayekupotezea na kukuona hufai kitu.
Lakini kuna tofauti kubwa kati ya kumwambia mtu ukweli wa kosa lake na kumshambulia utu wake (character assassination). Unapomwambia mtu ana 'utapiamlo wa akili' au kumlinganisha na mbwa wa Pavlov, unakuwa hauchambui tena ujinga wake ili ajifunze, bali unahukumu uwezo wake wa kibayolojia wa kufikiri. Mwalimu mzuri anayeamini mwanafunzi ana uwezo wa kujifunza, huwa ananyoosha hoja (the argument), badala ya kumfanya mwanafunzi aonekane hana akili kabisa. Lugha ya staha ndiyo inayofungua milango ya akili, wakati lugha ya dharau inafunga milango hiyo na kuzalisha hasira tu.
Hata hivyo, kwa kuwa umesema nia yako ya kumwambia TIMING ukweli kwa lugha ile ni kwa sababu 'unaona ana uwezo wa kujifunza' na hujamdharau, basi hiyo ni nia njema.
Sasa, kwa kuwa pointi yako imeshafika na sote tumeelewa umuhimu wa mantiki, naomba tuishie hapo kwenye hayo malumbano ya pembeni. TIMING ameshaona vigezo vyako, na wewe umeshaonyesha msimamo wako. Turudisheni akili zetu zote kwenye lile lengo kubwa zaidi na la msingi: Hoja gani tunajenga leo kuleta mabadiliko ya nchi yetu? Twendeni mbele kwa hoja za kiungwana.

 

[Pulchra Animo]

However, there is a critical danger in treating the court of public opinion as a lawless space where anything goes. When a political movement begins to mirror that exact flaw—accepting heavy allegations as truth simply because they are popular or fit a pre-existing narrative—it creates an incredibly fragile foundation.

If the threshold for "truth" in our discourse is lowered to “whoever shouts a rumor loudest wins,” then the movement becomes highly vulnerable to external manipulation. Anyone, including state intelligence or political adversaries, can easily weaponise this exact dynamic. All they have to do is drop a well-timed, fabricated rumor about a key leader, and the movement will automatically tear itself apart from within trying to "prove an absence."
While an accused leader like Godbless Lema must certainly manage public perception and communicate effectively to counter narratives, analysts and active participants in the movement have a duty to hold a higher standard. If we do not demand facts for individual accusations, we allow the court of public opinion to become an echo chamber of manufactured distractions rather than a tool for genuine accountability.

“…anything goes”? Not really! Try it and let’s know your findings.

People can be more alert than you think. And by the way, the lack of evidence itself isn’t evidence that the allegations are baseless. That’s why the accused (in the court of public opinion) must work hard to overcome the allegations. The why-you, why-not-someone-else must be explained to the public’s satisfaction!

 

[Kijana wa Ifoza]

Ubunge, uRais, na nyinginezo hizi ni nafasi za kisiasa take it or leave it

Ukishika hizi nafasi wewe tayari ni mwanasiasa

Tanzania tukitaka wanaharakati wasiwe na nguvu kuwa na uhuru wa vyombo vya habari, na haki iwepo nakuhakikishia hivi vikiwepo wanaharakati hawatakuwa na nguvu

Ndugu Denis, nakubaliana na wewe kwa 100% kisheria na kikatiba. Ubunge na Ugombea Urais ni mambo ya kisiasa, na yeyote anayevishika kimaandishi anaingia kwenye uwanja huo. Take it or leave it, upo sahihi kisheria.
Lakini hoja yangu na ya Dr. Matola haipo kwenye makaratasi; ipo kwenye tabia, falsafa, na mtindo wa utendaji (political behavior).
Tundu Lissu aligombea nafasi hizo za kisiasa, lakini kiutendaji na kimisimamo amebaki kuwa mwanaharakati thabiti aliyevaa koti la kisiasa. Hata yeye mwenyewe aliwahi kuulizwa kwenye mahojiano na BBC Swahili kuhusu kuitwa mwanaharakati, na akajibu kuwa kumuita 'Mwanaharakati' ni kumheshimisha zaidi kuliko kumuita 'Mwanasiasa', kwa sababu wanasiasa wengi wana sifa ya usanii, unafiki, na uongo.
Kwahiyo, kumuita Dr. Matola ni 'mjinga' kwa kusema Lissu si mwanasiasa wa kawaida, ni sawa na kumuita Tundu Lissu mwenyewe mjinga kwa kukubali na kupendelea kuitwa Mwanaharakati kuliko mwanasiasa. Unachokataa wewe ni Tafsiri ya Kamusi, lakini sisi tunazungumzia Uhalisia wa Kitabia wa mtu mwenyewe

 

[minyoo]

Changanya na ZA kwako

Zipi tena uchanganye? Huoni kuwa Lema keshakuwa msariti?

 

[Kiranga]

Ndugu Kiranga,
Hoja yako kuhusu hatari ya upendeleo (privilege) na kubomoa mifumo ina mashiko kinadharia, lakini inakosa uhalisia wa kiutendaji na ushahidi wa mazingira yetu.
Kwanza, dhana ya kwamba viongozi wanatumia 'network za juu' kusuluhisha mambo yao haina thibitisho; inaakisi propaganda za mtandaoni zinazolenga kuaminisha umma uongo ili kugawa harakati. Huwezi kujenga hoja nzito ya "nepotism" au "plutocracy" kwa kutumia dhana za kufikirika bila mifano hai ya kiushahidi.
Pili, msisitizo wako wa kutumia mahakama unagonga ukuta kwa sababu mifumo yetu ya kisheria haina uhuru kamili na inadhibitiwa na utendaji (Executive). Kusubiri haki kwenye mahakama iliyofungwa pingu ni kujipeleka machinjioni; kutumia diplomasia na mamlaka (Political Engagement) chini ya utawala dhalimu si upendeleo, bali ni mbinu ya lazima ya kujilinda ili harakati isife.
Kihistoria, hata Nelson Mandela na Martin Luther King Jr. walilazimika kukaa meza moja na watawala dhalimu, si kwa maslahi binafsi, bali kwa sababu huwezi kufungua milango ya gereza la kimfumo bila kukabiliana na aliyeshika funguo.
Mwisho, ili kuwapigania hao Watanzania wa chini wasiomjua Samia wala Nchimbi, ni lazima viongozi wao wawe huru na hai kwanza. Kiongozi aliyefungwa hawezi kudai Katiba Mpya au Tume Huru—ambazo ndizo suluhu pekee ya mwananchi wa kawaida. Demokrasia haijengwi kwa nadharia tupu za kimaabara, bali kwa kuchanganya mbinu za kisheria, mitaani, na kidiplomasia kulinda sauti ya umma.

Do you even know what I am talking about?

Lema kumuomba Nchimbi amwambie Samia viongozi wa CHADEMA waruhusiwe kumuona Lissu, wakati mahakama ishatoa agizo hilo, hiyo si propaganda, hayo ni mamneno ya Lema mwenyewe, hiyo si kutumia kujuana kumaliza jambo?

Hujamsikia Lema kasema hili mwenyewe?

Unaposema hii ni dhana ya kufikirika unanifanya niamini unajadili haya mambo bila kumsikiliza Lema.

Kamsikilize Lema halafu urudi hapa ili tujadili kitu ambacho tumesikiliza wote.

Pia , naona hujanisoma na kunielewa, sijasema nasisitiza kutumia mahakama, mahakama ishamaliza kazi kwa kutoa maamuzi Lema anaruhusiwa kumuona Lissu. Hakuna issue ya mahakama wala Samia hapo. Ukienda kwa Samia Samia ana haki ya kusema yeye hahusiki katika jambo ambalo lishaamuliwa na mahakama, unataka Samia atie ruling juu ya ruling ya mahakama? Huelewi wapi?

Zaidi, umeingia kwenye mtego wa Watanzania wengi wa kufikiri kazi ya kupigania uhuru, katiba mpya ni ya viongozi, au viongozi ndio wana maana zaidi katika kazi hii. This is abdication of responsibility. Lissu mwenyewe tulikuwa tunakaa naye tuna brainstorm mambo, tunampa critical feedback, tunambana, tunampa ajenda, tunam challenge.

Hizi habari za kuona viongozi ndio wana kazi zaidi ni tatizo kubwa Tanzania, watu wanakuwa very passive, hawachukui ownership ya mambo, matokeo yake watu hawajui kinaendelea nini, na viongozi wanaona wamesusiwa mzigo, wanapiga hela, wanasepa, wanaona haya matatizo yapo tu.

You have to take ownership, usimpe kiongozi mzigo disproportionate kwa sababu yeye ni kiongozi, na lazima uwe na pipeline ya kutoa viongozi wapya. Si macho uote kwa Lissu tu.

 

[Kijana wa Ifoza]

“…anything goes”? Not really! Try it and let’s know your findings.

People can be more alert than you think. And by the way, the lack of evidence itself isn’t evidence that the allegations are baseless. That’s why the accused (in the court of public opinion) must work hard to overcome the allegations. The why-you, why-not-someone-else must be explained to the public’s satisfaction!

Pulchra Animo,
Your point that suspicion demands a narrative response is fair. Optics matter. However, your logic that “a lack of evidence doesn't mean an allegation is baseless” creates a self-destructive standard for any political movement.
First, the recent fabrication regarding Tundu Lissu's sister being accommodated in a luxury hotel by the state completely dismantles your claim that "people are alert." The public devoured that rumor instantly without checking the facts, proving that the court of public opinion is easily blinded by sensationalism. It was only put to rest because she boldly stepped out and publicly debunked it.
Second, if a movement adopts a "guilty until proven innocent" standard, it hands its enemies the ultimate weapon. An adversary would no longer need prisons or police to destroy the opposition; they would just need a steady stream of well-timed rumors. Forcing leaders to perpetually disprove ghosts and answer "why you?" leaves a movement constantly playing defense.
Ultimately, managing perception is a leader's job, but demanding facts is an analyst's duty. If we validate unsubstantiated allegations just because they fit a pre-existing pattern, we aren't being alert—we are simply doing the adversary's work of tearing the movement apart from within.

 

[Dennis Robert Shughuru]

Ndugu Denis, nakubaliana na wewe kwa 100% kisheria na kikatiba. Ubunge na Ugombea Urais ni mambo ya kisiasa, na yeyote anayevishika kimaandishi anaingia kwenye uwanja huo. Take it or leave it, upo sahihi kisheria.
Lakini hoja yangu na ya Dr. Matola haipo kwenye makaratasi; ipo kwenye tabia, falsafa, na mtindo wa utendaji (political behavior).
Tundu Lissu aligombea nafasi hizo za kisiasa, lakini kiutendaji na kimisimamo amebaki kuwa mwanaharakati thabiti aliyevaa koti la kisiasa. Hata yeye mwenyewe aliwahi kuulizwa kwenye mahojiano na BBC Swahili kuhusu kuitwa mwanaharakati, na akajibu kuwa kumuita 'Mwanaharakati' ni kumheshimisha zaidi kuliko kumuita 'Mwanasiasa', kwa sababu wanasiasa wengi wana sifa ya usanii, unafiki, na uongo.
Kwahiyo, kumuita Dr. Matola ni 'mjinga' kwa kusema Lissu si mwanasiasa wa kawaida, ni sawa na kumuita Tundu Lissu mwenyewe mjinga kwa kukubali na kupendelea kuitwa Mwanaharakati kuliko mwanasiasa. Unachokataa wewe ni Tafsiri ya Kamusi, lakini sisi tunazungumzia Uhalisia wa Kitabia wa mtu mwenyewe

Lissu ni mwanasiasa
Na huwezi tenganisha mwanasiasa na mwanaharakati ni koti moja

 

[Kiranga]

Mkuu Kiranga, nakuelewa vizuri sana kwenye hoja ya 'calling a spade a spade' na nia ya kutaka mtu ajifunze. Ni kweli kabisa, kiakili anayekuambia ukweli wako anajali uwezo wako wa kujifunza kuliko yule anayekupotezea na kukuona hufai kitu.
Lakini kuna tofauti kubwa kati ya kumwambia mtu ukweli wa kosa lake na kumshambulia utu wake (character assassination). Unapomwambia mtu ana 'utapiamlo wa akili' au kumlinganisha na mbwa wa Pavlov, unakuwa hauchambui tena ujinga wake ili ajifunze, bali unahukumu uwezo wake wa kibayolojia wa kufikiri. Mwalimu mzuri anayeamini mwanafunzi ana uwezo wa kujifunza, huwa ananyoosha hoja (the argument), badala ya kumfanya mwanafunzi aonekane hana akili kabisa. Lugha ya staha ndiyo inayofungua milango ya akili, wakati lugha ya dharau inafunga milango hiyo na kuzalisha hasira tu.
Hata hivyo, kwa kuwa umesema nia yako ya kumwambia TIMING ukweli kwa lugha ile ni kwa sababu 'unaona ana uwezo wa kujifunza' na hujamdharau, basi hiyo ni nia njema.
Sasa, kwa kuwa pointi yako imeshafika na sote tumeelewa umuhimu wa mantiki, naomba tuishie hapo kwenye hayo malumbano ya pembeni. TIMING ameshaona vigezo vyako, na wewe umeshaonyesha msimamo wako. Turudisheni akili zetu zote kwenye lile lengo kubwa zaidi na la msingi: Hoja gani tunajenga leo kuleta mabadiliko ya nchi yetu? Twendeni mbele kwa hoja za kiungwana.

Nafikiri tuna tofauti ya kifalsafa na kiutamaduni isiyosuluhishika.

Nikiona una utapiamlo wa akili, nitakwambia una utapiamlo wa akili.

Nikiona unajibu kwa reflex action za Pavlov kama mbwa, nitakwambia hivyo.

Tunaweza kujadili kama nilivyokwambia ni kweli au si kweli.

Lakini hatuwezi kujadiki haki yangu ya kukuambia ukweli kama ninavyouona.

You are censoring me. This is censorship.

Mimi sitaki sheria zako za censorship kwa kichaka cha heshima ambazo sina, fake modesty. Sijawahi kusema nina heshima hivyo hapa.

Hizo tabia za kibongobongo za fake modesty na performative culture niliachana nazo zamani sana.

Na mimi si mwalimu mzuri na wala sina haja ya kuwa mwalimu mzuri, nina haja ya kujieleza kwa uhuru wangu tu.

Tubishane hoja, usinipangie jinsi ya kutoa hoja.

Nikisema hapa umebweka kwa reflex action kama mbwa wa Pavlov, kama kuna cha kujadili hapo ni, je, ni kweli umebweka hivyo?

Usitake kunipangia kuwa kumwambia hivyo mtu si vizuri.

Pengine si vizuri, lakini mimi sijali kuonekana mzuri najali kuwa mkweli.

Hata sindano yenye dawa inaweza kuonekana si nzuri kwa mtoto anayeumwa, lakini ukweli ni kuwa hiyo dawa ndiyo itakayosaidia mtoto apone.

 

[ManchoG]

Labda abadilishe uelekeo. Otherwise, hafiki mbali.

Akumbuke kwamba Chama ni cha wananchi. It’s almost impossible to fight them and win!

Ukweli mchungu Lema hana uso wa kisiasa

Yupo kama mchoma mishikaki kariakoo

 

[Kunguru wa Unguja]

Mange nonsense...

- Lema anadharauliwa sana na Abdul... ooh mimi Mange Abdul ananiheshimu sana..!

Hiyo heshima anayodai kupewa na Abdul yeye alijuaje kama anapewa?

Nae huwa anaongea na Abdul kwa simu sio!.

- Lema alipowekewa maburungutu ya pesa alitetemeka!, alikuwepo akamuona Lema akitetemeka?!

Anaishi kwa habari za kuambiwa kisha anaziamini kwa 100% then anataka na wengine tuziamini kama anavyoziamini yeye!

Kila siku ushahidi hana, ni kelele tu, ndio maana akipingwa anatishia kuwasemea wengine ili wafukuzwe U.S.

Kuwa mfuasi wa hiki kiumbe lazima uwe mjinga kama chenyewe, Lema aache kuhangaika na hii akili ndogo anapoteza muda.

Akili zako zenyewe ndogo ndio maan unaona vitu anavyovisema Mange haviwezekani