Beating the Drum on One Side: Confusing the People on Both Sides

[Ritz]

hata mimi nimeshangaa,mpotoshaji anaomba kuleta usahihi

Kwa faida ya JF unaweza kutuambia Nyerere kwa mara ya kwanza alifika Dar mwaka gani?

 

[Bill Cosby]

Usipende kuokota maneno kwenye vijiwe vya mapuya na kuleta JF.

Tuwekee MOI ya Aghakan na serikali.

Teh teh teh!
Naona Unajaribu kunfunza mpika mapuya Nyakageni.
Its too late mkuu.
Hio ni mbegu mbaya.
Kama yai basi ni viza, limeshaoza hilo!

 

[Pukudu]

Na siku ya kuufukia mzoga wa Baba yako uje hapa kutupa taarifa tuje kuchoma kiberiti.

Asiyejua maana haambiwi maana! Unakumbuka kesi ya Mtikila na "Mzoga" wa Nyerere?? Kiswahili lugha tamu saana

 

[FaizaFoxy]

Beating the Drum on One Side: Confusing the People on Both Sides

by Prof. Karim Hirji


Said implies that Muslims were at the forefront of the Mau Mau uprising against German rule. But he fails to note that the Germans used Kiswahili, and for a time, the Arabic script, to administer the colony. That was strongly opposed by Christian missionaries. The German colonial authorities utilized the existing Madrasa system to recruit low-level clerks.

Karim Hirji is a retired Professor of Medical Statistics and a long-time writer on social, political and educational issues in Tanzania.
​

Professor Karim Hirji,

You may be all your last para describes you to be but simply the few words I marked in red disqualifies you to talk about history you know not.

Mau Mau? Germans? Think.

Never ever saw that in any of Al Alama Mohamed Said's writings.

 

[Nguruvi3]

Nyakageni,
Mie nimjibu nini na yeye hatunae hapa?

Mohamed , Prof Hirji si lazima awepo hapa. Wewe mwenye vitabu Oxford na New York hupo huko wakati watu wanasoma na kufanya critique.

Hoja ipo mbele yetu na wewe uliyepo hapa una nafasi nzuri sana ya kumjibu prof.
Usikwepe ukweli kwasababu za kuunga unga. Kabiliana na hoja.

 

[crabat]

Sikubaliani na proff ati kanisa lili mpinga nyerere na ukomunisti aka ujamaa wake.
In fact hawakumuelewa lakini baadae aliwaita na wakamuelewa na kuahidi kulilinda kanisa na kulipa fursa zaidi. Soma Sivalon kitabu chake utaona.
Na ni ukweli wakati wa ujamaa kanisa lilipewa nguvu kujipanua zaidi kwenye vujiji vya ujamaa.
Shida na njaa zile zilitumiwa na mapadre kujipatia waumini zaidi.
Ukweli wakristo walimuunga mkono sana mwalimu wakati wa kutaifisha nyumba mashamba na kuanzishwa kwa vijiji kwani hali hio walo athirika zaidi kwa upande wa raia ni waislam ndo mali zao zilitaifishwa na kurudi nyuma kiuchumi.
Na waislam walimpinga ndio maana akavunja nguvu zao kwa kuwaundia bakwata.
Ni mashekhe pekee walio tiwa ndani kupinga siasa za nyerere za kunyanganya watu na raia.
Hakuna padre aliakamatwa kwani wote waliunga mkono na aliwaahidi kuwapa fursa
Haya ndio ya kweli.
Kuhusu elimu kwa ufupi nyerere anajua hali ilivokuwa kabla ya uhuru na moja ya maazimio ya tanu baada ya uhuru ni kubadilisha hali hio lakini hakukua na mkakati maalum wa kuondoa tofauti hio.
Hali ilibaki kama ilivokuwa mwanzo na waislam walipotaka kuanxisha mashule yao ndio utaifishaji ukafanywa
Jee baada ya kutaifisha kulikua na tofauti ? Ukweli hali ilizidi zaidi bado ubaguzi uliendelea na sasa ukifanywa na serikali kwani shule zote wakizimiliki .

 

[FaizaFoxy]

Andiko hili linapaswa lisomwe vema na kina mohamed said. Limeandikwa kisomi kwa kuzingatia uhalisia. Mawazo na uchambuzi wa aina hii ni lulu kwa kizazi cha watanzania. Prof ameandika bila kuegemea kwenye mihemko ya kiimani kama alivyo said.

Naam, hili andiko pia inapaswa ulisome vyema ikiwa tu utamsoma Hirji na kumuelewa.

Anachosema Hirji:

Said does the nation a service by noting the neglect or destruction of historic archives, vehicles and buildings. But his examples create the impression that religion is the primary factor underlying the neglect. That is not so. Despite recent outward renovations, our museums and archives remain in a pathetic state. Not taking appropriate care of historic things is anationwide scandal. Selective examples convert the truths in Said's paper into half-truths.


Lakini Hiriji anashindwa kutuonesha what is so if "that is not so"!

Pia Hirji anasahau kuwa kama alichukuwa "selective examples" akapata "half truths", kwanini asichukuwe "whole examples" akapata amma full truth amma full lies? Isitoshe, kama kapata "half truths" ina maana pia ana "half lies", ziko wapi? mbona kashindwa kuonesha huo nusu ukweli ni huu na nusu uongo ni huu na mbadala wake ni huu.

Naona Hirji ka criticize for the sake ya ku criticize bila kuwa na facts wala kujuwa anacho ki criticize ni nini.

Conclusion yake? Not taking appropriate care of historic things is anationwide scandal.

Hajaona forgotten heroes wakiwa recognized 50 years after independence? ameshajiuliza why?

 

[KVM]

Professor Karim Hirji,

You may be all your last para describes you to be but simply the few words I marked in red disqualifies you to talk about history you know not.

Mau Mau? Germans? Think.

Never ever saw that in any of Al Alama Mohamed Said's writings.

I saw it but I knew he was referring to MajiMaji

 

[Nguruvi3]

Nawaomba radhiwanajamvi na Prof Hirji kwa tafsiri isiyo rasmi. Hii ni kutaka mada ya Prof inayogusa sana, iwafikie wengi. Tutakapokuwa nje ya mstari, tunaomba kusahihishwa na makosa yoyote yaeleweke ni ya kibinadamu na wala hayakukusudiwa.

KVM;11934748]Beating the Drum on One Side: Confusing the Peopleon Both Sides Upigaji ngoma sehemu moja, kuwachanganya watu wa pande mbiliby Prof. Karim Hirji

The volume of historic detail in Mohamed Said'spaper, Tanzania: A Country without Heroes,is impressive. Little of thisinformation is known. Makabrasha yenye maelezo yakina ya kihistoria, ya mada za Mohamed Said: Nchi isiyo na mashuja, inavutia.Ni habari kwa uchache zijulikanazo

He makes a persuasive case that numerous individuals who made criticalcontributions in the anti-colonial struggle in Tanzania are either only partlyacknowledged or completely suppressed in the official, popular and evenscholarly discourse. Ana ushawishi kuwa wengi waliotoa mchango dhidi ya ukoloni nchini Tanzania, ima inaeleweka kidogo au kuondolewa kabisa, kwa umuhimu wake au kwenye mazungumzo ya kisomi

The October-2013 media stories around the 14th anniversary of the death ofMwalimu Nyerere exemplify that distortion of history. Oktoba 2013katika kumbu kumbu ya kifo cha Mwalimu Nyerere, vyombo vya habari vilitoa mfano wa upotoshaji wa historia

The overall theme was that he was not only the principal leader of the strugglefor Uhuru but also the sole architect of the ensuing developments. A balanced,factually sound, critical perspective was all but absent. Mada nzima si kuwa tu alikuwa ni kiongozi wa jitihada za uhuru lakini pia ni mwasisi pekee. Inaonekana kuwa katika mizania, lakini mtazamo wa uhalisia haukuwepo.

I concur that the written history of Tanzaniacontains significant omissions. That must be rectified. All our heroes deservedue publicity. Said focuses on Muslims, but others have been side-lined too. Nakubaliana kuwa historia ya Tanzania ina mapungufu. Hilo lazima lisahihishwe. Mashujaa wetu wote wanastahil ikutambuliwa. Said amejikita kwa waislam, wengine wakichwa pembeni vile vile.

Our children need a valid account of the path ournation has travelled. By marshalling an array of facts and utilizing keypremises, Said draws conclusions of profound implication for our future. Thus,his paper needs a thorough evaluation. I defer assessment of the details tohistorians. Instead, I assess the premises and conceptual process that generatehis conclusions. Watoto wetu wanahitaji maelezo ya njia taifa let ulilipopitia. Kwa kufinyanga ukweli katika vigezo muhimu, Said amefikiahitimisho lenye madhara kwa siku za baadaye
Hivyo, mada zake zinahitajitathmini.
Ninaacha tathmini ya maelezo ya kina kwa wanahistoria. Badala yake,ninaangalia vigezo na dhana iliyotoa hitimisho lake

I delve on methodology because
Nina tafiti kiuchunguzi kwasababu
1. the mode of reasoning he employs is commonplacetoday;Fikra alizotumia ni za kawaida kwa zama hizi
2. it also appears in race or gender themed papers;Zinajitokeza katika mada za jinsia narangi
3. his opponents use it too; and Wapinzani wake wanazitumia pia, na
4. an evaluation of this style of analysis is not onlynot undertaken but the necessity of doing it is also not appreciated. A flawedmethodology compromises the validity of the conclusions drawn.Tathmini ya aina ya mchakato si kuwa haikufanyika,lakini pia ulazima wa kufanya hivyo haukuwa timilifu. Tafiti zisizo tmilifu huchakachua thamani ya hitimisho
5.
My local illustrations are restricted to mainlandTanzania. That, however, does not affect the essence of my case. Maelezo yangu yamezuiliwa kwa Tanzania bara bila kuathiri maana niliyokusidia

The Premises and Conclusions
Vigaezo na hitimisho
A premise is an assertion that provides a frameworkfor an argument. Invoked without evidence, it is deemed an obvious truth. Everywriter utilizes a premise, yet, not all premises hold true. Commonly deployedpremises are often flawed; at times, they are fatally flawed. Kigezo ni dhamira inayotoa mtazamo wa hoja. Kinapowekwa bila ushahidi,huonekana kama ukweli mtupu.
Kila mwandishi hutumia vigezo,lakini si vigezo vyote vina ukweli. Vigezo vya kawaida mara nyingi hukosa utimilifu, na huwa na madhara.

We obtain a valid conclusion when coherent premisesare augmented with reliableevidence, and the case is constructed in a logical manner. When the premisesare flawed or inconsistent, the evidence is shaky or incomplete, and the logicapplied is dubious, the conclusions drawn become invalid. In practice, thelatter scenario is more common than the former one. Tunapata hitimisho panapo kuwepo na hoja zenye ushahidi, na hoja hujengwa katika mpangilio wenye kueleweka. Vigezo vinapokuwa si timilifu au visivyolinganifu,ushahidi huwa na utata au usiotimia, na mantiki inayotumika huwa kichekesho, na hitimisho lipatikanalo hukosa thamani. Kiuhalisia, hali tajwa ya ya mishohutokea zaidi kuliko ya awali(akimaanisha kukosekana kwa tahamani)

First, I state five premises I have extracted fromSaid's paper; some are given verbatim, and others are imputed or paraphrased. Kwanza, nimeeleza vigezo vitano nilivyochukuakutoka katika mada ya Said, vingine kama vilivyo na vingine vimefanyiwa marejeo
1. Authoritarian regimes generally distort nationalhistories. Tawala za kiimla huharibu hustoria za taifa
2. History is made not by one hero, but by a diversityof heroes. Historia haiundwi na mtu mmoja ispokuwa mchanganyiko wa mashujaa
3. Leaders in Africa fear heroes other than themselves.Viongozi wa Afrika huogopa mashujaa kuliko wanavyojiogopa
4. Religion is a primary driver of social change.Dini ni chanzo cha mabadiliko ya kijamii
5. Islam is a socially progressive religion whileChristianity is not.Uislam ni dini yenye mabadiliko ya kimaendele, ukristo siyo

Second, I state the principal conclusions drawn by Said. Pili, nimeeleza msingi wa hoja za hitimisho zilizotolewana Said
1. Muslims, not Christians, liberated Tanzania fromcolonial rule.Waislam na siWakristo ndio walioikomboa Tanzania
2. Muslim activists have been written out of theofficial history. Wanaharakati wa kiislam wamefutwa katika historia
3. The welfare of the Muslims in Tanzania has beensorely neglected. Hali ya ustawi wa kijamii wawaislam Tanzania umesuswa
4. The religious divide propels the socio-politicalaffairs in Tanzania. Mgawanyo wa imani unachangia hali ya kisiasa na kijamii Tanzania
5. Muslims no longer love and respect Nyerere the waythey did earlier.Waislam hawampendi na kumheshimu Nyerere kama walivyofanya awali
Inaendelaea...

 

[Mohamed Said]

Nguruvi3

WanaJF,
Itakuwa vyema mkaisoma mada yangu kwa ukamilifu wake.
Isomeni hapo chini:
Seminar: TANZANIA - A COUNTRY WITHOUT HEROES - Mohamed Said

 

[mfumo]

"At the grassroots level, more issues unite Muslims and Christians than divide them. In the forced villagization program of the 1970s, Muslims suffered as much as the Christians. No religion based preference operated during the hard economic times of the eighties. "

Nikisoma hii paragraph na nikisoma maneno ya Sivalon hapa chini napata mashaka kidogo; katika ukurasa wa

68 para ya pili, Sivalon anasema: "Kanisa liliruhusiwa na serikali kuingiza vitu vingi nchini bila ushuru wala

kodi. Vitu vya miradi ya maendeleo pamoja na vile vya ujenzi vilianza kuagizwa na mwishoni hata mahitaji ya

kawaida ya viongozi wa Kanisa. Mambo yote haya yalipunguza makali ya hali ngumu kwa viongozi hao wa

Kanisa na kawaweka katika nafasi yenye nguvu ya kiuchumi. Hiyo ilikuwa sababu nyingine iliyowafanya

viongozi hao wa Kanisa wasite kukosoa watawala wa serikali" mwisho wa kunukuu.

Hii ni kuonyesha kwamba magumu waliyokuwa wakiyapata waislamu kipindi cha ujamaa wa nyerere yalikuwa

ni makubwa zaidi ya wakristo. Tunaona hapo viongozi hao wa waefeso walivyokuwa wakitanua. Je nauliza

ilikuwa hakuna viongozi wa Kiislamu na wao wapewe fursa hiyo.?

 

[Ritz]

Prof Hirji, kama unafuatilia huu mnakasha somo hapa chini kiduchu.

Jan P van Bergen katika kitabu chake,-Development and Religion in Tanzania,-(1981) ametoboa siri kuhusu uadui aliokuwa nao Nyerere dhidi ya Uislamu na Waislamu.Kitabu kinaeleza kwa ufasaha jinsi Nyerere wakati alipokuwa madarakani alivyokuwa akifanya mikutano ya siri na viongozi wa Kanisa kuweka mikakati ya kuupa nguvu Ukristo.

Katika mikutano hiyo Nyerere aliwahakikishia viongozi wa Kanisa kuwa anaaunga mkono Ukristo.Kitabu hicho kinaeleza jinsi Nyerere alivyotimiza ahadi yake hiyo kwa Kanisa kwa kuhakikisha kuwa anawapa Wakristo nafasi za juu katika serikali na chama.Kitabu hiki kilikuwa kikiuzwa-Catholic Bookshop, Dar es Salaam. Lakini ilipokuja kudhihirikia Kanisa kuwa kitabu hiki kilikuwa kinatoa habari nyeti na siri za Kanisa kuhusu njama dhidi ya Waislam, kwa haraka sana kikaacha kuuzwa. Hadi hivi sasa kitabu hicho ni marufuku kuletwa tena Tanzania.Kitabu cha pili ni cha Dr John C. Sivalon,-Kanisa Katoliki na Siasa ya Tanzania Bara 1953 Hadi 1985-(1992).

Kitabu hiki kinaeleza njama ndani ya serikali kuuhujumu Uislam. Sivalon anafichua kuwa kuanzia mwaka 1961 baada ya Tanganyika kupata uhuru, Kanisa lilikuwa na hofu mbili. Hofu ya kwanza ilikuwa umoja wa madhehebu za Kiislamu kati ya Sunni, Bohora, Ismailia na Ithnasheri. Hofu ya pili ilikuwa kuhamishwa kwa makao makuu ya EAMWS kutoka Mombasa kuja Dar es Salaam. Kanisa lilikuwa linahofu kuwa mali walizokuwanazo Waasia Waislamu zikitiwa katika shughuli za Waislamu ambao walikuwa na nguvu kubwa katika uwanja wa siasa zitaathiri maslahi ya Ukatoliki katika Afrika ya Mashariki.

Kwa ajili hii Kanisa likatanganza kuwa Uislamu ni adui wake na ikaanza mikakati ya hujma dhidi ya Uislamu ili kuudhoofisha.

 

[Mzee Mwanakijiji]

Naombeni jibu lini Nyerere alikuja Dar es Salaam kwa maraa ya kwanza ilo ndiyo swali langu.

Ritz, embu lielekeze hili swali kwa ndugu Said usikie jibu lake. NI swali rahisi sana kujibiwa.

 

[Ritz]

Ritz, embu lielekeze hili swali kwa ndugu Said usikie jibu lake. NI swali rahisi sana kujibiwa.

Ndugu Said yeye kaishasema kuwa alifika Dar mwaka 1952.

Wewe ukasema kapotosha, kama kapotosha basi wewe utakuwa unajua ni lini alifika Dar.

Tunaomba utuambie ni lini Nyerere alifika Dar kwa mara ya kwanza.

 

[Mohamed Said]

Mwanakijiji,
Tusichanganye mambo huu uzi ni kuhusu Prof. Hirji.

Mnakasha unamchambua Sivalon na Bergen kwa sasa...

Fungua uzi mwingine In Sha Allah tujadili hayo mnayotaka huko.

 

[Mohamed Said]

Ndugu Said yeye kaishasema kuwa alifika Dar mwaka 1952.

Wewe ukasema kapotosha, kama kapotosha basi wewe utakuwa unajua ni lini alifika Dar.

Tunaomba utuambie ni lini Nyerere alifika Dar kwa mara ya kwanza.

Ritz,
Baadhi ya mambo niliyosema kwenye ile seminar ni haya hapa chini:

The Fear of History and Heroes
"Leaders in Africa seem to fear heroes other than themselves. If Bildad Kaggia had not written his autobiography ''Roots of Freedom''[40] the history of Mau Mau in Kenya as a peasant movement against British colonialism would have many gaps. In absence of that work and many others by other patriots it would not have been possible to link the Kenyan struggle with the names of patriots like Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Pio Gama Pinto, Makhan Singh and Dedan Kimathi.

Much as it is difficult to divorce the Kikuyu and Mau Mau from the struggle in Kenya so it is impossible to divorce the role of Muslims in spearheading the struggle against the British and in founding of TANU the party of independence. The Kikuyu bore the brunt of colonialism more than any other ethnic group in Kenya the way Muslims suffered more than any other group in colonial Tanganyika. In Kenya the British in their tactics of ''divide and rule'' the focus was on ethnicity divide. The British appropriated Kikuyu land thus turning Kikuyus into squatters in their own land. As a result of this land grabbing policy of the British settler community the Kikuyu rose to the occasion and engaged the British through Mau Mau. In Tanganyika because of absence of tribalism the British fell back on religion to divide the people. Christians were elevated at the expense of Muslims. Christians through missionary schools and government grants were provided with schools to educate their children while Muslims were left to fend for themselves. Muslims suffered as colonised subjects singled out for discrimination by being denied education, curtailing any chances for self-advancement. The survival of Muslims as a people and Islam as a religion therefore lay in the total overthrow of the colonial state.

A nation which is formed from such a historical background of factions as in Tanganyika and Kenya of which those divisions were made by the colonising power with the sole purpose of creating rifts among the people is without any shade of doubt is going to create problems for any emerging African nation. First is the fact that during the struggle for independence there would be certain factions in the body politic whose support to the struggle would be lukewarm. There would also be factions who would prefer to sit on the fence as dependable mechanism to safeguard their privileges under colonial setting. This is because these factions feel colonialism is of benefit to them due to the privileges extended to them by the colonial government. But these positions are not tenable in a free country. In post colonial environment all factions including those who sat on the fence would wish to share power irrespective of their position to the struggle. These factions will no longer be satisfied with crumbs. They will demand the main course of the menu in capacity building and state formation. The direction of the country and indeed interpretation of peoples' history will therefore depend on who takes the reins of power. If it is the comprador class which assume power after independence the country will find itself in a situation which faced and is facing many African countries today. The trend has been for that class in power to strive to find enemies among those who fought for freedom in order to justify and maintain their positions in society. The heroes who fought for independence are by stroke of a pen turned to enemies of the state."

Haya ndiyo maneno yaliyomkera Prof. Hirji akaamua kufanya "critique" ya mada yangu.
Sasa tujadili haya kwa wanaotaka mjadala.

Mengine nje ya muktadha huu tufungue uzi mpya.

 

[Mohamed Said]

Mohamed , Prof Hirji si lazima awepo hapa. Wewe mwenye vitabu Oxford na New York hupo huko wakati watu wanasoma na kufanya critique.

Hoja ipo mbele yetu na wewe uliyepo hapa una nafasi nzuri sana ya kumjibu prof.
Usikwepe ukweli kwasababu za kuunga unga. Kabiliana na hoja.

Nguruvi3,
Inakuchonyota sana kuwa Mohamed Said huyu Mswahili wa Kariakoo yuko
katika Oxford na New York.

Hasad ni maradhi makubwa ya nafsi.
Yanaua.

Ningependa Prof. Hirji anichambulie hayo hapo chini kwani ndani yake yamo
hayo majibu mnayoyataka.

Haya maneno yanatoka kwenye: ''Tanzania: A Country Without Heroes.''

The Fear of History and Heroes
"Leaders in Africa seem to fear heroes other than themselves. If Bildad Kaggia had not written his autobiography ''Roots of Freedom''[40]the history of Mau Mau in Kenya as a peasant movement against British colonialism would have many gaps. In absence of that work and many others by other patriots it would not have been possible to link the Kenyan struggle with the names of patriots like Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Pio Gama Pinto, Makhan Singh and Dedan Kimathi.

Much as it is difficult to divorce the Kikuyu and Mau Mau from the struggle in Kenya so it is impossible to divorce the role of Muslims in spearheading the struggle against the British and in founding of TANU the party of independence. The Kikuyu bore the brunt of colonialism more than any other ethnic group in Kenya the way Muslims suffered more than any other group in colonial Tanganyika. In Kenya the British in their tactics of ''divide and rule'' the focus was on ethnicity divide. The British appropriated Kikuyu land thus turning Kikuyus into squatters in their own land. As a result of this land grabbing policy of the British settler community the Kikuyu rose to the occasion and engaged theBritish through Mau Mau. In Tanganyika because of absence of tribalism the British fell back on religion to divide the people. Christians were elevated at the expense of Muslims. Christians through missionary schools and government grants were provided with schools to educate their children while Muslims were left to fend for themselves. Muslims suffered as colonised subjects singled out for discrimination by being denied education, curtailing any chances for self-advancement. The survival of Muslims as a people and Islam as a religion therefore lay inthe total overthrow of the colonial state.

A nation which is formed from such a historical background of factions as in Tanganyika and Kenya of which those divisions were made bythe colonising power with the sole purpose of creating rifts among the people is without any shade of doubt is going to create problems for any emerging African nation. First is the fact that during the struggle for independence there would be certain factions in the body politic whose support to the struggle would be lukewarm. There would also be factions who would prefer to sit on the fence as dependable mechanism to safeguard their privileges under colonial setting. This is because these factions feel colonialism is of benefit to them due tothe privileges extended to them by the colonial government. But these positions are not tenable in a free country. In post colonial environment all factions including those who sat on the fence would wish to share power irrespective of their position to the struggle. These factions will no longer be satisfied with crumbs. They will demand the main course of the menu in capacity building and state formation. The direction of the country and indeed interpretation of peoples' history will therefore depend on who takes the reins of power. If it is the comprador class which assume power after independence the country will find itself in a situation which faced and is facing many African countries today. The trend has been for that class in power to strive to find enemies among those who fought for freedom in order to justify and maintain their positions in society. The heroes who fought for independence are by stroke of a pen turned to enemies of the state."

Nguruvi3,
I have always been a star!

Interview with Aljazeera

 

[Barubaru]

Kumekucha tena, FaizaFoxy na Dr Barubaru karibu radu na faluda.

Ritz,

Unajuwa mwanakijiji hao amepotoka kama si imempuruchuka kwani anaongozwa na hisia za CHUKI na ushabiki wa KIDINI.

Ikumbukwe kuwa WASOMI siku zote tunajadili DALILI (Facts) tu na si bla bla.

Unapoona mtu amefanya tafiti na kuja na chapisho la tafiti hiyo au hata Kuandika kitabu kutokana na tafiti yake basi WASOMI tunakaa chini kuusoma na kuupitia kwa kina Paper au Kitabu hicho KWA NIA ya kukielewa bila kuweka mbele hisia au chuki. Na unapogundua kuna MUSHKIRA basi na wewe kama MSOMI unaandika au unatoa PAPER ay KITABU chako kupingana na kile kilichoandika mwanzo.

Au njia nyingine tunayotumia WASOMI na kuandika mapungufu ya Kitabu au Paper ile na kuweka masahihisho yako na kumpelekea mwandishi wa Kitabu au paper ile ILI ABORESHE zaidi mle ulipoona wewe kuna mashimo. Na hizo ndio tunaita REVIEW (Marejeo).

Hizo ni njia mbili kuu tunazotumia wasomi woooote Duniya nzima katika kuboresha au kupinga maandiko ya msomi mwenzako.

Nje ya njia hizo mbili basi inakuwa ni propaganda na manung'uniko tu yasiyo na tija jamii .

Mimi naamini Mwanakijiji ambaye niahisi ni Mwaandishi wa habari (sina uhakika kama ana taaluma hiyo lakin mara nyingi namuona akiandika makala mbalimbali katika magazeti huko Tanzania kama Tz daima) anajua athari za kuona uongo na kuufumbia macho. Kwana kwa mujibu wa kazi hiyo ambayo siku zote NIA yake ni kuihabarisha jamii na Kuielimisha jamii ata kuwa hakuitendea haki jamii kama alivyodai kaona Mohamed said ameandika ndivyo sivyo basi yeye alikuwa na wajibu wa kuandika ukweli pale alipoonda yeye pamekosewa.

Kwani suala la kupata habari sahihi ni haki ya kila mtu na jamii kijumla. Na siku zote FASIHI ANDISHI inapingwa kwa FASIHI andishi na si kwa maneno.

Ameonyesha udhaifu mkubwa sana kwa jamii ambayo mara nyingi anaihabarisha na kuiilimisha kupitia katika magazeti.

Binafsi nampa pole sana.

 

[Barubaru]

Na hapa ndio upotoshaji wako ulipojikita. Umewafanya watu waamini kuwa Nyerere alikuja Dar mara ya kwanza mwaka 1952 na ndio alipoanza kutambuliwa. Abdul kumjua Nyerere mwaka 1952 haina maana Nyerere alikuwa mgeni Dar. Sivyo? Nyerere alikuja Dar mara ya kwanza mwaka gani na alipokelewa na kina nani?

Mwanakijiji,

Naomba nikukumbushe kuwa Dar Es salaam miaka hiyo ya 50's ilikuwa ni WILAYA tu katika Eastern Province na Mkuu wake Prov Commissioner alikuwa anakaa morogoro. Na mkuu wilaya hiyo ya Dar wakt huo alikuwa akiitwa DC Na afisi zake zilikuwa huko KISARAWE.

Sasa nakukumbusha usiifikirie Dar ya wakti huo sawa na Dar Mkoa kama ilivyo sasa.

Hilo lilikuwa ni angalizo tu.

 

[Barubaru]

hujanielewa, swali ni kwa nini kitabu chako kimekataliwa UDSM?

Kuhusu kukubalika Uingereza Prof Hirji kasema academicians wa Tanzania mnakimbilia kwa donors kupata dollars, working for their interests

he who pays the piper chooses the song!

Ahali yangu Nyakageni mbona unantia mashaka.

Hivi kweli unaweza kufananisha Dept of History ya UDSM na Cambridge Journal of African History.?

Je ipi ni kubwa hapo na kuhishimika zaidi Duniyani