Yerusalemu Iwe makao Makuu wa Palestina - Serikali ya Tanzania

Kuna mujitu imevuta na kulewa bangi ya dini...imekuwa na chuki..mibaguzi isiyoona tofauti na miwani ya dini. Watu hawa ndio wanaochochea mgawanyiko na hatimaye.....upendo na amani(dini ya kweli) inatoweka taratiiibu
 
... page 6 & 7 inawasha red light ! Kumbe Watanzania tumekwisha gawanywa kiasi hiki ....kwa misingi ya udini ?!!! Sad...

Ndio na chadema ni ya wakristo wewe kama ni muislam hutakiwa.

Hutaki unaacha
 
wanaounga mkono hamas wote ni magaidi na israel ikimariza operesheni gaza ije haraka tanzania iteketeze majani ya hamas yanayotaka kuchipua
 
Israel wanachokozwa sana, lazima wajilinde. mwaka huu mapema kabla mambo hayajaharibika waliomba kusitisha mapigano wakakataliwa. Baada ya hapo palestina ikaona cha moto sasa kila mtu anailaani Israeli. Siyo sawa
 
The Legal Status of Jerusalem
A flagrant violation of
international law, tolerated by
the international community.
by Jonathan Kuttab
The city of Jerusalem was always
considered part of the territory
of Palestine and had no special
juridical status until the partition
resolution of 1947. The rights of
different denominations inside
the city, particularly the different
Christian denominations, were
regulated by a highly-detailed
scheme known as the Status Quo
Agreement, and the successive
govern¬ments have always
declared their adherence to that
agreement. However, that
agreement had more to do with
the lives of the different Christian
denominations and the potential
disputes between them than
with the determination of the
legal status of Jerusalem as
distinct from the rest of
Palestinian territories.
The partition resolution of 1947
introduced for the first time the
concept of a corpus separatum,
or special regime for the city of
Jerusalem and the surrounding
villages and towns. [Part (3) of
Resolution 181 - Plan of Partition
with Economic Union.]
The resolution recognized the
importance of Jerusalem for
adherents of the three great
monotheistic religions and
purported to grant it a separate
international status.
This was reaffirmed shortly
thereafter by Resolution 185
concerning the protection of the
city of Jerusalem and its
inhabitants, and by the
recom¬mendations of the United
Nations mediator for Palestine,
Count Folke Bernadotte, who
made recommendations for the
implementation of that
resolution, the appointment of a
municipal commissioner, and the
estab¬lishment of a conciliation
commission to implement those
resolutions. His
recommendations were adopted,
shortly after his assassination, in
Resolution 303 of December 9,
1949.
Recognition Difficulties
Unfortunately, these resolutions
were never implemented as
fighting broke out with the
withdrawal of British Mandatory
forces. Jewish forces captured
what is currently known as West
Jerusalem, including eight Arab
neighborhoods. Arab forces,
primarily the Jordanian army,
captured East Jerusalem
including all of the Old City, and
the Jews lost two
neighbor¬hoods there, namely
the Jewish Quarter and Neveh
Ya'acov. The Jewish forces
incorporated fully the portion of
Jerusalem they had captured into
what became the State of Israel,
while the Arab forces
incorporated the por¬tion of
Jerusalem they had captured into
the West Bank and later annexed
it to the Hashemite Kingdom of
Jordan. Until they relinquished
their claims in favor of the PLO in
1989, Jerusalem continued to be
treated by them as part of the
West Bank.
While Israeli apologists often
point out that only two countries,
Pakistan and England, have ever
officially recognized the
annexation of the West Bank by
Jordan, it is equally true that no
country has recognized the
annex¬ation of West Jerusalem
to the State of Israel.
The reality, however, is that the
international community did not
protest too loudly the elimination
of this corpus separatum and its
absorp¬tion into Israel and the
West Bank, although occasional
reference is made to the
possibility of internationalizing
Jerusalem. The special
importance the city holds for the
three major monotheistic
religions is often a reason for it
not being recognized as an
exclusively Israeli city or as the
capital of the State of Israel.
Unilateral Israeli Action
Following the war of 1967,
however, the entire city, together
with the rest of the West Bank,
was captured by Israeli forces
and Israel proceed¬ed to carry
out a number of steps to alter
the legal and factual status of the
city. The international
community, without exception,
repeatedly and formally rejected
those steps and declared
Jerusalem an integral part of the
Occupied Palestinian Territories
whose status under the rule of
belligerent occupation cannot be
unilaterally altered.
The result was, from the legal
point of view, the creation of an
anomaly whereby Israeli actions
on the ground found full
expression within the Israeli
municipal legal system, altering
the status of East Jerusalem and
applying Israeli law and
administration to it. This, of
course, had and con¬tinues to
have a major impact on the lives
of Palestinians on a day-to-day
basis. On the other hand, the
international community
unanimously reject¬ed such
actions, declared them to be
illegal, and passed innumerable
reso¬lutions, unequivocally
establishing an entirely different
status for the city under
international law. The absence of
enforcement or enforceability of
such decisions became a stark
example of the ineffectiveness of
interna¬tional law when it is not
backed by proper enforcement
mechanisms. Yet under
international law there is
absolutely no question and no
argument that Israeli steps taken
unilaterally after 1967 are null
and void.
As for the Israeli steps taken, the
first was in 1967 when Israel
declared that full Israeli law and
administration would be
henceforth applied to East
Jerusalem. The basis, in Israeli
municipal law, for such actions
was the law of the Knesset
permitting the government to
take whatever measures it saw
necessary to "apply Israeli law
and administration" to any area
under the control of the Israeli
army. This meant that an
annexation could in fact be
undertaken by an Israeli
government without the
necessity of referring back to the
Knesset.
A large number of administrative
steps were taken to implement
that decision. First, Israel moved
to expand the municipal
boundaries of the city of
Jerusalem in a gerrymandering
fashion, to include as much land
as pos¬sible and exclude as
much of the Palestinian
population as possible. Second,
the inhabitants of the expanded
Jerusalem municipality were
issued with blue identification
cards, distinct from the orange
cards issued by the military
government in the rest of the
West Bank. The severe
restric¬tions placed on
Palestinians in Jerusalem,
including heavy taxes and the
imposition of the onerous
obligations of Israeli law, to
which they were totally
unfamiliar, made their lot initially
very different from that of the
residents of the rest of the
Occupied Palestinian Territories.
Israel Annexes Jerusalem
The Israeli administration,
however, wisely avoided making
immediate radical changes.
Indeed, East Jerusalemites were
given significant exemp¬tions
from the application of certain
Israeli laws, most notably the
permis¬sion to continue using
Jordanian currency, the ability to
carry and use Jordanian
passports and travel across the
bridges (which was denied to
Israeli citizens), the continuation
of the use of Jordanian curricula
in government schools, the
continuation of the Awqaf
ministry and properties under
Jordanian direction rather than
incorporating it into the Israeli
Ministry of Arab affairs, and other
similar measures. At the same
time, the inhabitants of East
Jerusalem were not issued with
Israeli citizenship or passports
although it was implied that they
could apply for such passports.
The manner in which the
decision was implemented and
the rejection of these measures
by the Palestinian Arabs meant
that they would do very lit¬tle to
attempt to test or demand their
rights under Israeli law. Extensive
use of the British (Emergency)
Defense Regulations which
continued to be part of Israeli
domestic law, and extensive land
expropriation and settlement
activities in East Jerusalem were
meant as a show that there was
little dif¬ference between the
treatment of East Jerusalemites
and their compatriots living in
the rest of the West Bank under
military law. In fact, Israeli
civil¬ian courts imposed, if
anything, harsher sentences on
Palestinian Jerusalemite activists,
who were equally subjected to
torture, forced con¬fessions,
arbitrary detention, and
deportations as well as such
collective punishments as house
demolitions, curfews and
restrictions on movement,
particularly in the early years of
the occupation.
While the international
community was quick to
denounce and reject Israeli
measures in Jerusalem, the focus
of such rejection did not come
until the Israeli Knesset in 1980
passed the "Basic Law" declaring
united Jerusalem the capital of
Israel and officially annexing the
city to the State of Israel.
On the ground, this did not
radically change the situation for
Palestinian Arabs living in East
Jerusalem who had already been
experiencing the real¬ity of
annexation on a daily basis, but
internationally, the outcry was
immediate and emphatic. All the
countries of the world that had
embassies in Jerusalem
immediately moved them to Tel
Aviv. The law was unani¬mously
condemned as a clear violation of
international law. Resolution
after resolution of the United
Nations General Assembly, and
more signif¬icantly of the
Security Council whose decisions
are binding under interna¬tional
law, reaffirmed the position of
international law rejecting the
annex¬ation of land by force,
asserting that Jerusalem is an
integral part of the West Bank
and the rest of the Occupied
Palestinian Territories, affirming
the applicability of the 4th
Geneva Convention to Jerusalem
as part of the Occupied
Palestinian Territories, and
generally and specifically
rejecting all unilateral Israeli
actions on Jerusalem. The United
States, while official¬ly agreeing
with this position, nonetheless
vetoed a number of resolutions
that would have led to concrete
actions to be taken against Israel
for vio¬lating international law.
U.N. Resolution 252
One of the first Security Council
resolutions pertaining to this
matter is Resolution 2
52 of May 21, 1968, in substance
repeatedly reaffirmed by
sub¬sequent Security Council
resolutions. An example is
Resolution 267 of 1969, which
presents a prototype of many
other similar resolutions. It reads
in its operative paragraphs as
follows:
1. Reaffirms Resolution 252
(1968);
2. Deplores the failure of Israel to
show any regards for the
resolutions of the General
Assembly and Security Council
mentioned above;
3. Condemns in the strongest
terms all measures taken to
change the status of the city of
Jerusalem;
4. Confirms that all legislative and
administrative measures and
actions taken by Israel which
purport to alter the status of
Jerusalem, including
expropria¬tion of land and
properties thereof are invalid
and cannot change that status ...
With minor changes, similar
resolutions have been repeatedly
and unanimously passed by the
Security Council, albeit with
occasional absten¬sions on the
part of the United States. The
norm is that the international
com¬munity can be considered
united regarding the legal status
of Jerusalem.
Israel's Hold on Jerusalem
On the ground, however, Israel
totally ignored these resolutions
and depended on the United
States to veto any enforcement. It
proceeded to enact its own
internal municipal legislation
strengthening its hold on
Jerusalem. The most important
such legal step was the 1980
Basic Law declaring Jerusalem
united and the eternal capital of
Israel, in effect reaffirming the
application of Israeli law and
administration to it. The
sig¬nificant thing about this law,
other than the immediate
international response it evoked,
is that in the absence of a
constitution in Israel, Basic Laws
have a superior legal effect and
are conceived as being of
constitu¬tional stature and
override any ordinary Knesset
legislation. While it is not
absolutely clear in Israeli law, it is
often implied that Basic Laws can
only be altered by a special
majority and by a specific
legislation of similar qual¬ity, that
is, another Basic Law.
More important than the legal
steps, Israel proceeded to
Judaize the city and to create a
Jewish majority there through
expropriation of Palestinian land;
freezing of all building and the
application of certain
administrative measures aimed
at radically altering the situation
on the ground, and creating
facts. As noted above, upon
annexation, individu¬als in East
Jerusalem were given blue
identity cards and not outright
Israeli citizenship. Professor of
law, and dean of Tel Aviv
University at the time, Yoram
Oinstein declared the annexation
of Jerusalem illegal precisely
because Israeli citizenship was
not granted to East Jerusalemites.
A large number of administrative
actions have been taken to
reduce the number of
Palestinians residing in East
Jerusalem, to make it difficult for
them to find work or reside in
East Jerusalem, and to strip those
who physically live out¬side the
municipal boundaries of East
Jerusalem of their residency
there and give them West Bank
identity cards.
These measures, while having
drastic effects on Palestinians
trying to survive in East
Jerusalem, are null and void
under international law and do
not alter the status of the city.
Violating International Law
The Israeli plan is to totally
ignore international law on this
matter, given the absence of any
enforcement device, and to work
hard to create facts on the
ground, in the belief that, sooner
or later, the international
community would be forced to
accept them. Another possibility
would be for the Palestinians to
capitulate and accept this
situation and for the Israelis to
then use Palestinian capitulation
as an indication of their having
been granted special new rights
under international law.
The situation of Jerusalem
therefore offers a classic example
of the fla¬grant violation of
international law tolerated by the
international commu¬nity
because of the absence of any
enforcement mechanisms, or
more accu¬rately the absence of
any will to provide enforcement
of international law. As in the
case of Bosnia, cynicism slowly
sets in and international law,
which many hoped would
provide some arbiter of
international affairs, slowly gives
way to the absolute lawlessness
of "might is right."
The Gulf War has recently
demonstrated what the
international com¬munity can
do, against a weaker party that
flagrantly violates internation¬al
law. Unfortunately there is
neither the will nor the desire for
a uniform application of
international law and Israel, so
far, has taken full advantage of
this weakness.
 
Israel wanachokozwa sana, lazima wajilinde. mwaka huu mapema kabla mambo hayajaharibika waliomba kusitisha mapigano wakakataliwa. Baada ya hapo palestina ikaona cha moto sasa kila mtu anailaani Israeli. Siyo sawa

je wajua kuwa kimataifa jerusalem bado ni an occupied territory?
Na kuwa kuna UN RESOLUTIONS against israel annexation of jerusalem?
 
tatizo lipo pale myahudi anapoamini vingine nawe ukaamini vingine yet unategemea kunufaika na uwepo wa israel jerusalem.
lakini Mwokozi alitokea huko, bila ya Israel tusingemjua Mkombozi, kwa hiyo Mungu alifanya hivyo toka kipindi cha Ibrahim hadi kina Daudi walitokea huko mpaka kwa Jesus Christ The King, kwa hiyo Mungu ana makusudi yake...

Kama walimkataa Yesu watakuja wamkubali Masih Dajjal...
 
Israel wanachokozwa sana, lazima wajilinde. mwaka huu mapema kabla mambo hayajaharibika waliomba kusitisha mapigano wakakataliwa. Baada ya hapo palestina ikaona cha moto sasa kila mtu anailaani Israeli. Siyo sawa
Kwa bandiko lako ili umejidhalilisha mno na unaoneka ulivyokuwa punguani ndiyo maana ukawa kiongozi wa Chadema.
 
lakini Mwokozi alitokea huko, bila ya Israel tusingemjua Mkombozi, kwa hiyo Mungu alifanya hivyo toka kipindi cha Ibrahim hadi kina Daudi walitokea huko mpaka kwa Jesus Christ The King, kwa hiyo Mungu ana makusudi yake...

Kama walimkataa Yesu watakuja wamkubali Masih Dajjal...
nachoshangaaga ni kipi hasa daud alifanya hadi apewe sifa kiasi hicho wakati ana history mbaya sana.

Kuhusu suala la masiha hizi dini zote tatu zina version yake ambayo inatofautiana na kila dini katika hizi inaamini kuwa iko sawa.
 
nachoshangaaga ni kipi hasa daud alifanya hadi apewe sifa kiasi hicho wakati ana history mbaya sana.

Kuhusu suala la masiha hizi dini zote tatu zina version yake ambayo inatofautiana na kila dini katika hizi inaamini kuwa iko sawa.
Pitia historia ya Mfalme Daudi, kama ukitaka tunaweza tukaja kujadili suala la Masihi...
 
na wakati Aisha ana miaka 6 mwamedi (mtume?) alikuwa akisugua uume wake kwenye paja la huyu mtoto (wa chekechea kwa Tanzania) hadi kutoa manii

Hili ni tendo takatifu katika uislam na linaitwa (mufak'hathat) na waislam wanapaswa kuiga


Yesu wenu alifika miaka mingapi hajaowa alikua bwabwa nini au alikua anakazwa na mungu wa tatu au wa kwanza, halafu mji mkuu wa israel saivi nini sasa munataka miji mikuu mingapi nyie wagala
 
lakini Mwokozi alitokea huko, bila ya Israel tusingemjua Mkombozi, kwa hiyo Mungu alifanya hivyo toka kipindi cha Ibrahim hadi kina Daudi walitokea huko mpaka kwa Jesus Christ The King, kwa hiyo Mungu ana makusudi yake...

Kama walimkataa Yesu watakuja wamkubali Masih Dajjal...


Tatizo sio kumjua ww hata waisrael wote wamkatae basi ww ungemjua tuu kwani wangapi unawakataa na unawajua, waisrael munaowatetea hapa nyinyi wanakuoneni mavi tuu
 
sawa,sasa unajua kuwa ili jerusalem uwe mji mkuu wa israel kuna vigezo gani vya kupitia?.

Wajua kuwa lazima ipiganwe vita kuu,wajenge hekalu lao ambalo afterall we mkiristo huruhusiwi kutia maguu ndani.
Na hekalu likijengwa je wajua kuwa kwamjibu wa maandiko yenu,hekalu litakua chini ya mpinga kristo na itatokea vita kuu na kisha kwa imani yako masiha ndo atatia magulu na kuleta amani kwa mda wa miaka 1000 kama sikosei.
Then wale watakatifu 144,000 kunyakuliwa.
Je we upo kati ya hao?.
Utapona hiyo vita,wanao ,watoto wako.

.
sijajua hii interpretation yako ina ukweli kiasi gani. hebu toa ushahidi wa hayo unayoyazungumza.
.
 
.
sijajua hii interpretation yako ina ukweli kiasi gani. hebu toa ushahidi wa hayo unayoyazungumza.
.

ooh kumbe huna taarifa ,nikipata mda nitaweka.ila kwa ufupi wayahudi wanaamini kuwa masiha atakaekuja sio yesu ni mtu tu atakaeliongoza taifa la israel ili liweze kuitawalawa dunia,kutakua na serikali moja ikitawala kutoka jerusalem.dini itakua moja na watu kutawaliwa kwa mjibu wa sheria za kiyahudi.
Ili yatokee hayo ni lazima hekalu la solomon lijengwe na ili lijengwe lazima dome of the rock ibomolewe,kitu ambacho kitaleta vita na nchi za kiarabu,na ili israel ishinde lazima yawepo maandalizi ya kuhakikisha nchi za arabuni zinakua weak kwanza,so lazima yajengwe mazingira ambayo nchi za arabuni zitakua in costant war with each other hence vitu kama isis.
Na hayo yamekua yanatokea sasa hata hiyo arab spiring ni matokea ya mipango hiyo na baada ya kushindikana ndo yakaanza kuibuka makundi ya ajabu kama isis.
Huyo masihi baada ya kuestablish utawala wake wanasema patakuwepo na amani dunia kote.kuna kila dalili mambo hayo yanaendana na mpango wa NEW WORLD ORDER ambapo dunia inatakiwa iwe na serikali moja dini moja.hapo ni kwa ufupi.
Wakati huohuo wakristo wanaamini masiha atakua ni yesu na atakuja kwa mara ya pili pindi pale hekalu la soloman likijengwa kwa mara ya tatu.kabla hajaja patakua na vita kubwa na hatimae mpinga kristo atakuja na kulikamata hekalu na watu kulazimika kumuabudu yeye na kila mtu atapigwa chapa ya 666 blah blah.
Kwa wayahudi masiha anaweza kuwa mtu yeyote mradi atimize ishara zote.kwahiyo hata Netanyau usishangae akaja kuwa ndo masiha iwapo ataweza kusimamisha taifa la israel na likatawala dunia yote.
 
Israel wanachokozwa sana, lazima wajilinde. mwaka huu mapema kabla mambo hayajaharibika waliomba kusitisha mapigano wakakataliwa. Baada ya hapo palestina ikaona cha moto sasa kila mtu anailaani Israeli. Siyo sawa

Sio makosa yako ndio msimamo wa chama chako cha kikristo.
 

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