Zakumi
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Kweli mtu ukiwa maarufu yatazungumzwa mengi. Kuna watu wanasema ni Kadinali Rugambwa aliyeingilia kati na wewe unasema UWT.
Nyerere na uhuru wa zimbabwe
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Kweli mtu ukiwa maarufu yatazungumzwa mengi. Kuna watu wanasema ni Kadinali Rugambwa aliyeingilia kati na wewe unasema UWT.
Talking about Bob Marley there is this story I have told my kids. In April 1980 I was going to Tanzania and arrived at Heathrow at dawn from Washington. As I was waiting for my luggage, I see this tall rasta guy and then another and another. It was the Wailers. At the back of the group there is this short skinny rasta guy and as I take a second look I realize it is Bob Marley. So I shout: Bob Marley! And he comes and shakes my hand and tells me he and the group are going to Zimbabwe for the independence celebration. My camera was in the suitcase I was waiting for and I missed a chance of a lifetime to take a picture of/ or with Bob Marley.
JokaKuu
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jogi
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JokaKuu, hii hoja ni nzuri, ni vizuri tena ni haki yetu kuijadili, haipunguzi nidhamu wala si kinyume na maadili.
Mimi binafsi sina habari za uhakika zaidi ya zile za vijiweni kuhusu majaribio ya kumuua Julius, na moja ya story ni kuwa eti mama maria alishawahi kumuwekea sumu kwenye chakula.
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jokaKuu,
That is a good question. Kuna habari nyingi za kijiweni tu kuhusu hili. Ila nadhani jaribio la kwanza lilikuwa ni baada ya mutiny ya 1964, na baadaye nilisikia juu ya njama za kuripua Salenda bridge wakati gari la Mwalimu linapita kuelekea Ikulu. Nyingine niliyosikia ni ile ya kina Hati Mcgee ambao walikuwa wamepanga kutungua ndege yake alipokuwa anarudi Dar kutoka Butiama. Nadhani hili amelizungumzia Geoffrey Mwakikagile katika mojawapo ya vitabu vyake. Unfortunately sisi hatujaendelea kama Marekani ambapo kuna mengi yameandikwa kuhusu kila chapter ya kila rais. Imagine mpaka leo hatuna kitabu chochote kuelezea miaka kumi ya utawala wa Mwinyi, na pia Mkapa. Hakuna makala zozote za uchambuzi wa kina kuhusu process aliyopitia Mkapa mpaka kuwa sell out na kutufikisha hapa tulipo as far as Tanzania's leadership is concerned.
jogi
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Companero
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Huchoki tu kufungua makasha ya Pandora boksi hata kama ni ya 'Wenye Heri', haya ukimaliza hilo zungumzia la Nyerere/CCM na Mugabe/ZANU dhidi Nkomo/ZAPU katika mauaji ya kimbari ya Wandebele huko Matebeleland!
Zakumi
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Sababu ya kumuuliza Jasusi kuhusu kutengana kwa Mama na JKN ilikuwa ni kuunganisha dots. Kuna watu wanaosema Mama alitaka kumuua. Na kuna watu wanaosema kuwa mama alitaka kulea watoto kama wafisadi wanavyolea watoto wao sasa wakati Mwalimu alitaka watoto wake wawe sawa na mtanzania wa kawaida. Hivyo bado kuna kiza ya mysteries.
Nikipata nafasi nitatumia uhuru wa habari kuchunguzua archives za Marekani kuona kama kulikuwa na juhudi zozote zile.
Mpaka sasa sioni sababu zozote za kutoka nje ambazo zingefanya kuwe na mipango ya kumuua Nyerere. Economic policies zake zilitegemea sana misaada kutoka IMF, World Bank and Western Donors. Hivyo tayari alikuwa mtegoni.
Zakumi
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Kwikwikwi. Namchokoza Jasusi lakini naona kadi zake kazishindilia kifuani. Mauaji ya wandebele na 5th Brigade ilikuwa imefunzwa na wakorea wa kaskani. Mugabe sucks.
Zakumi
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gobore
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JokaKuu
Taarifa nyingi kuhusu historia ya Tz hazijawa documented na wazee wengi wanaojua nini haswa kilichokua kinatokea nadhan wameamua kufa nayo
As far as maandiko is cöncerned jaribio la kumuua Mzee kubwa ni lile baada ya mutiny aliyookolewa na E.Mzena akiwa mkuu wa Special branch of Police, mkumbuke wakati huo Intelligence ilikua sehem ya Polis(TPSS)
Taarifa nyingi kuhusu historia ya Tz hazijawa documented na wazee wengi wanaojua nini haswa kilichokua kinatokea nadhan wameamua kufa nayo
As far as maandiko is cöncerned jaribio la kumuua Mzee kubwa ni lile baada ya mutiny aliyookolewa na E.Mzena akiwa mkuu wa Special branch of Police, mkumbuke wakati huo Intelligence ilikua sehem ya Polis(TPSS)
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Atukilia
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Hakwenda. Tulienda uwanja wa taifa siku hiyo ilikuwa mapumziko alihutubia taifa kutoka uwanja wa taifa. Nadhani ni sababu za kiusalama zaidi
Ingawa mjadala huu unahusu uhuru wa Zimbabwe na kama Nyerere alikwenda Zimbabwe kwenye sherehe hizo, kuna mambo mengine ambayo yamejadiliwa. Mjadala umehusu pia maswali on assassination attempts on Mwalimu. Kuna mengi zaidi ya assassination attempts. Pia sijui kama thread hii itaendelea kuachwa hewani.
Kumekuwa na plots mbalimbali za kumundoa Mwalimu Nyerere alipokuwa raisi. Kuna ambazo zimejadiliwa hapa Jamiforums. Zilianza miaka ya sitini, hasa tangu 1964.
Mojawapo ambayo imejadiliwa katika jukwaa la historia ni ile ya 1982. Plotters walikuwa karibu sana kutimiza lengo lao wakati ule. Afisa mmoja wa jeshi aliyehusika na mpango huo wa kumpindua Nyerere, in an excerpt I posted earlier, alisema hakukuwa na mpango wa kumuua Mwalimu ingawa suala hilo lilijadiliwa.
Ninavyokumbuka, kulikuwa na mpango huo, as one of the options to accomplish the mission of overthrowing the government. According to intelligence sources, kortini, during the treason trial, sababu kubwa kwa nini coup plotters waliamua vingine is the respect many people around the world had for Nyerere. The coup plotters decided not to assassinate the president not because they simply wanted to spare his life; they decided not to, because they were worried their new government would not be recognised by most countries after killing such a highly respected leader. According to the same sources, contrary to some reports, there was no evidence a British or an American warship was going to be near Dar es Salaam during the coup with troops ready to interevene to help the coup makers in case something went wrong.
Turudi nyuma kuanzia miaka ya sitini kuhusu mipango ya kumpindua Nyerere. Ukweli ni kwamba Nyerere was targeted by other enemies as well, not just by those in Tanzania. Baada ya Nkrumah kupinduliwa 24 February 1966:
"Americans' only real regret about the wave of African coups was that Sekou Toure and Julius Nyerere were not among its victims....The United States came to hold the view that 'under the mercurial and fiercely independent leadership of Nyerere, Tanzania is the bastion of radicalism in East Africa.'" - (Larry Grubbs, Secular Missionaries: Americans and African Development in the 1960s, University of Massachusetts Press, 2009, pp. 157).
That was an assessment by the CIA, documented in the book I have cited above. There are a lot of other details in the book about the CIA's clandestine operations in many parts of Africa.
Coincidentally, Nyerere and Sekou Toure were close friends; Sekou Toure was also a close friend of Kwame Nkrumah. Nyerere and Nkrumah had an adversarial relationship although they also worked together. All these leaders were strong Pan-Africanists and strong supporters of the liberation movements in southern Africa and Guinea-Bissau. And they were all targeted by the CIA. Nyerere himself said in 1966:
""We have twice quarrelled with the US Government; once when we believed it to be involved in a plot against us, and again when two of its officials misbehaved and were asked to leave Tanzania." - (Julius Nyerere, "Principles and Development," in Julius K. Nyerere, Freedom and Socialism: A Selection from Writings and Speeches 1965 - 1967, Oxford University Press, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 1968, pp. 202 - 203).
In his book, Dark Days in Ghana, Nkrumah also wrote about American plots to undermine Nyerere; which was hypocritical of him because he supported Oscar Kambona when Kambona wanted to overthrow Nyerere and did everything he could to block Nyerere from forming an East African federation with the leaders of Kenya and Uganda. Nyerere was the strongest supporter of the proposed federation.
Speaking at a press conference in Nairobi in June 1963 after the three East African leaders - Kenyatta, Nyerere and Obote agreed to form a federation before the end of the year - Nyerere responded to Nkrumah's opposition to formation of such a union and other regional federations by stating:
"We must reject some of the pretensions that have been made from outside East Africa. We have already heard the curious argument that the continued ‘balkanisation' of East Africa will somehow help African unity.... These are attempts to rationalize absurdity." (Julius Nyerere, quoted by Richard Cox, Pan-Africanism in Practice: An East African Study, Oxford University Press, 1964, p. 77; Ali A. Mazrui, Towards A Pax Africana: A Study of Ideology and Ambition, Oxford University Press, 1967, p. 71).
Nkrumah was opposed to formation of an East African federation for another reason besides his concern that regional federations would be an obstacle to immediate continental unification. He saw Nyerere as a rival and did not want to see him succeed in forming a federation of the three East African countries while Nkrumah himself had failed to form a functional union in West Africa. He formed a union with Guinea (Ghana-Guinea Union) in November 1958 which Mali joined in April 1961 to form the Ghana-Guinea-Mali Union. But the union was more symbolic than functional. His attempt to unite Ghana with Congo in 1960 also failed.
Therefore, Nkrumah's approval of Kambona's plan to overthrow Nyerere was one way of trying to get rid of a rival whom he considered to be the biggest threat to his ambition to rule Africa, if African countries were to unite. During the OAU summit in Accra in 1965, which Nyerere attended, Nkrumah even had the rooms of the Tanzanian delegation bugged. It was said that officers of the Tanzanian intelligence service found the listening devices.
So, Nyerere also had some African leaders who wanted to undermine him, Nkrumah being the most prominent one.
It was also in the same year of the Accra summit that Mobutu seized power, in November 1965, after eliminating his rivals.
The Americans had already intervened in Congo-Leopoldville and tried to use lame excuses to justify their intervention and racist attitude towards black Africans:
"When Lyndon Johnson ordered a U.S. airlift to rescue Belgian paratroopers from Kisangani in November 1964, he privately explained, 'We just couldn't let cannibals kill a lot of people.' Instead, the CIA sponsored mass violence over the next year as Mobutu regained the city and other rebel areas, resulting in numerous atrocities. If 'cannibals' must not rampage, South African mercenaries could." (L. Grubbs, ibid., p. 147).
And they did. The rest is history.
I remember what the CIA station chief in Leopoldville during that time, Larry Devlin, said about the atrocities committed by the Americans and the Belgians in Stanlyeville. He said if Africans in other parts of the country knew what the Americans and the Belgians had done to Lumumba and about the other atrocities they had committed, "there would not have been a single white person left alive in Congo." Lumumba's compatriots, Maurice Mpolo and Joseph Okito, were assassinated during the same time and on the same field outside Elisabethville in Katanga Province on 17 January 1961. They were flown to Elisabethville - from Leopoldville - with their hands tied and were badly beaten during the flight and as they came down the plane. They were bleeding from the injuries they sustained during the beatings.
Waliokuwepo, nikiwa mmoja wao, wanakumbuka nini kilitokea Congo wakati ule. Walter Rodney, katika kitabu chake, The Groundings with My Brothers, aliandika yafwatayo kuhusu mauaji nchini Congo:
"The white world in their own way were saying that all these blacks amounted to nothing, for power was white....By being made into colonials, black people lost the power which we previously had of governing our own affairs, and the aim of the white imperialist world is to see that we never regain this power.
The Congo provides an example of this situation....After regaining political independence the Congolese people settled down to reorganise their lives, but white power intervened, set up the black stooge Tshombe, and murdered both Lumumba and the aspirations of the Congolese people. Since then, paid white mercenaries have harassed the Congo.
Late last year, 130 of these hired white killers were chased out of the Congo and cornered in the neighbouring African state of Burundi. The white world intervened and they all have been set free. These are men who for months were murdering, raping, pillaging, disrupting economic production, and making a mockery of black life and black society. Yet white power said not a hair on their heads was to be touched. They did not even have to stand trial or reveal their names." - (Walter Rodney, The Groundings with My Brothers, The Bogle-L' Ouverture Publications, London, 1969, pp. 18 - 19).
The elimination of Lumumba was also a warning to Nyerere that he could next. And the Tanzanian government was fully aware of that because of the stand our country took on the Congo crisis, supporting Lumumba's followers.
Baada ya kumuondoa na kumuua Lumumba, Wamerika na Wabeligiji walimuweka madarakani kibaraka wao, Mobutu. Hata kabla ya hapo, Mobutu had already been on the CIA payroll when he was a journalist and when he was Lumumba's private secretary. Lumumba later made a fatal mistake when he appointed him head of the army without knowing that he was promoting a CIA agent who was already working against him and who would one day help to get rid of him.
With Mobutu at the helm, the CIA had taken control of the country. In fact, when Mobutu was in power, the largest CIA station in Africa was in Kinshasa. The CIA also had a large station in Nairobi where its agents worked closely with Kenyan leaders including Kenyatta himself. They were on the CIA payroll; Kenyatta himself was. The CIA has always maintained a large staff in Nairobi. And in Ethiopia, the Americans had a large secret military base for years in the southern part of the country. It was exposed and ceased operations after Haile Selassie was overthrown. The Soviets were fully aware of it.
Kwahiyo ukiangalia upande wetu wa nchi za Afrika mashariki, utaona kulikuwa na kiongozi mmoja who was targeted by the CIA: Nyerere. Obote also became a target later.
The American government even tried to provide weapons to some groups in Tanzania to underminine Nyerere as far back as 1964, the same year our army mutinied.
Besides his socialist policies, Nyerere also incurred the wrath of the United States and other Western powers because of his strong support for the liberation movements in the countries of southern Africa whose white regimes were Western allies:
"Of all the African leaders who proclaimed their support for the liberation struggle in Africa - Nkrumah, Nasser, Ben Bella, Sekou Toure - he (Nyerere) was the most committed. And by the second half of 1964, spurred by events in Zaire and the obvious failure of peaceful attempts to end white rule in southern Africa, this commitment, and his adisappointment with the Western powers, was increasingly evident.
By the time Che arrived, Dar es Salaam had become the Mecca of African liberation movements....Dar es Salaam 'has become a haven for exiles from the rest of Africa,' the CIA lamented in September 1964. 'It is full of frustrated revolutionaries, plotting the overthrow of African governments, both black and white'....In September 1964, Frelimo, the movement against Portuguese rule in Mozambique, had launched the opening salvo of its guerrilla war from bases in southern Tanzania, its only rear guard. Following Stanleyville, Nyerere had thrwon his full support to the Simbas, and Tanzania had become their main rear guard and the major conduit of Soviet and Chinese weapons for them. It was also the seat of the Liberation Committee of the OAU. The head offices of Frelimo and a host of other movements struggling against the white regimes in South Africa, Namibia, and Rhodesia were in Dar es Salaam.
The Cuban embassy there was, the CIA reported accurately in March 1965, 'the largest Cuban diplomatic station in sub-Saharan Africa.' The ambassador, Captain Pablo Ribalta, was a close friend of Che Guevara.
In early 1964 Ribalta had been the commander of the Libertad air force base near Havana. 'One day,' he told me, 'Che arrived and said, 'Listen, Fidel wants to send you to Tanzania.' He told me I had to establish good relations with the liberation movements there. So they sent me to the Foreign Ministry to learn about Africa, and especially about Tanzania.'
Ribalta arrived in Tanzania on February 25, 1964, with four trusted aides from Libertad...." (Piero Gleijeses, Conflicting Missions: Havana, Washington, and Africa, 1959 - 1976, The University of North Carolina Press, 2002, pp. 84 and 85).
Ni mwaka huo huo, 1964, when the American government wanted to provide weapons to some people in Tanzania to undermine Nyerere. The army mutiny took place on 20 January 1964. Some labour union leaders, Christopher Kasanga Tumbo and Victor Mkello, wanted to take advantage of the mutiny to oust Nyerere. They were said to have been in touch with some of the mutineers. Were they some of the people the Unied States wanted to arm to overthrow Nyerere? Halafu baada ya miaka miwili, in 1966, Nyerere mwenyewe alisema kulikuwa na mpango, by Americans, to undermine the government.
Recommendation ya kuwapa silaha Watanzania waliokuwa wanampinga Nyerere ilitoka US State Department in 1964. The Secretary of State during that time was Dean Rusk who was first appointed by President John F. Kennedy and who continued to serve in the same capacity under Lyndon Johnson. As John Prados states in his book, Safe for Democracy: The Secret Wars of the CIA:
"The Special Group (at the CIA) reportedly considered a State Department proposal to supply arms to certain groups in Tanzania, where secret-war wizards saw President Julius Nyerere as a problem, in the summer of 1964....Like Nyerere, Washington viewed Ghana's leader Kwame Nkrumah as a troublemaker." - - (John Prados, Safe for Democracy: The Secret Wars of the CIA, Ivan R. Dee, Publisher, Chicago, Illinois, USA, 2006, p. 328).
It was in the same year, 1964, that Holden Roberto went on the CIA payroll, the same year in which the CIA intensified its activities in Angola using their operational base in Leopoldville. And in February 1964, the CIA approved "political action in Somalia," euphemism for sponsorship of covert and violent operations.
In July - August 1964, was the US State Department and CIA plan to provide arms to some groups in Tanzania to undermine and overthrow Nyerere. About two years later, in February 1966, Nkrumah was overthrown in a coup engineered and mastermined by the CIA. It was in the same year, 1966, in which Nyerere said there was a plot by the Americans to undermine our government.
Plots against Nyerere have a long history.
Kuna watu waliokuwa serikalini enzi ya Nyerere wanaojua mambo mengi na ambao wanaweza kuandika vitabu kuhusu mambo hayo. Kuna mmoja ambaye nimewahi kumtaja katika mjadala mwingine. Ni Walter Bgoya. Ni mwandishi. Pia ana uwezo wa ku analyse mambo hayo as an insider. He worked with Nyerere.
Kuna wengine. But Bgoya is defintely one of them. Sijui kwa nini watu kama hao bado hawajaandika vitabu vya aina hiyo. I remember Walter Bgoya how he was in the early seventies when he was still at the ministry of foreign affairs. He was a revolutionary intellectual and had one favourite phrase, "katika revolution," he used now and then in conversations as he went on to expound ideas with a socialist bent.
No wonder he was given the task of writing The Mogadishu Declaration, singlehandedly, which was adopted by the OAU. He wrote it in 1971. And The Lusaka Manifesto of April 1969, also adopted by the OAU, was the product of Nyerere himself. Two Tanzanians, authors of two historic documents adopted by the OAU. Abdulrahman Mohamed Babu, in his writings, was one of the Tanzanian leaders who gave credit to Nyerere for writing The Lusaka Manifesto.
Walter Bgoya also had a broad Pan-African perspective. I remember what he said when I asked him in 1971 what he thought about the membership of the Arab North African countries in the Arab League, which transcends continental boundaries, and their membership in the Organisation of African Unity (OAU); if their membership in the League took precedence over their membership in the OAU and if it compormised their Pan-African credentials. He said there was no conflict between Pan-Africanism and Pan-Arabism. There was no need to reconcile the two. The membership of the Arab North African countries in the OAU was out of genuine commitment to Africa.
His position on the matter reminds me of what Ali Mazrui wrote about Arabs and Black Africans. In his article, "Black Africa and the Arabs," published in Foreign Affairs in 1975, he stated that leaders such as Nyerere and Nkrumah genuinely considered Arabs in North Africa - Algerians and others - to be fellow Africans:
"There were (several) factors behind black radical identification with the Arabs. One was the mystique of Pan-Africanism, according to which the African continent was viewed as a whole. People like Nkrumah and Nyerere genuinely regarded Algerians, for example, as fellow Africans.
The other stimulus to black radical identification with the Arabs was the place of the Arabs in the vanguard of anti-imperialism in the Third World. Countries like Egypt, Syria, and Algeria have been major participants in movements for Third World liberation. Even Libya - although animated more by Islamic fundamentalism than by modern revolutionary ideology - pursues the cause of greater autonomy for Third World peoples with an impatience that places it in the mainstream of Third World militancy." - (Ali A. Mazrui, "Black Africa and the Arabs," Foreign Affairs, 53, 4, July 1975, p. 733).
In one of his last speeches not long before he died, Nyerere said during a conference at the University of Dar es Salaam on 15 December 1997:
"Nasser was a great leader and a great African leader. I got on extremely well with him."
They were also very close friends.
Kamuzu Banda was different. He did not consider Arabs in Africa to be fellow Africans. He bluntly stated that they were "foreigners and imperialists" just like the whites in South Africa. He even refused to attend the OAU summit conference in Algiers in 1968 because it was being held in an Arab capital:
"In a speech to the Malawi Congress Party in September, 1968, he complained that only a lack of funds prevented him from raising a national army to fight alongside Africans against Arabs in the Sudan because he thought Africans in Southern Sudan were being murdered by the Arabs, yet African leaders did not lift a finger in protest.
'There is no difference whatsoever between the Whites in South Africa and the Arabs in the Sudan. Both are settlers - foreigners and imperialists,' he declared....Dr. Banda declined to attend the OAU Summit Conference in September on the ground of its being held in Algiers." - ( Hasting Kamuzu Banda in Colin Legum and John Drysdale, eds;, Africa Contemporary Record: Annual Survey and Documents 1968 - 1969, Africa Research Limited, London, 1969, p. 179).
Another black African leader who did not accept Arabs as fellow Africans was Chief Obafemi Awolowo, one of the fathers of the Nigerian independence movement who served as vice president of Nigeria, under Yakubu Gowon, during the Nigerian civil war. He made that clear in his first book, Path to Nigerian Freedom published in 1947,and in his autobiographical work, Awo, published in 1960. And he minced no words about his hostility towards Nasser and accused him of trying to dominate black Africa.
I don't know why Bgoya has not written a comprehensisve book about those days and about Nyerere and even about the Arusha Declaration he supported so much. Any comprehensive book about Nyerere would also include some details on the plots, hatched within and without, to oust him from power.
Kuna siri ambazo hatutegemei kuambiwa. Lakini pia kuna mengi ambayo siyo lazima yafichwe. Ni wajibu wa wananchi wanaojua mambo hayo kuandika vitabu ambavyo ni vya historia ya nchi yetu.
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