of many words I hate to describe myself is that of being the "diaspora".. Tanzanians have never been to the Diaspora..!!!
Yule Mtanzania aliyeuliwa na kina Hitler alikuwa kwenye nini? Na wale Watanzania wakimbizi wa fujo za Zanzibar walikuwa kwenye nini? Pia hawa kina Nyani waliokimbia ugumu wa maisha ya Bongo wako kwenye nini?
Dhana ya Diaspora ni pana, haihusiana na Wayahudi na Watumwa wa Kiafrika tu! Ukipata muda msome mtafiti huyu wa masuala ya Diaspora - chanzo kiko chini:
Defining and Debating African Diasporas
There are several conceptual difficulties in defining the African diaspora; indeed defining the term "diaspora" itself is difficult, for it simultaneously refers to a process, a condition, a space, and a discourse: the continuous processes by which a diaspora is made, unmade and remade, the changing conditions in which it lives and expresses itself, the places where it is molded and imagined, and the contentious ways in which it is studied and discussed. Also embodied in the term "diaspora" are temporal, spatial, and cultural considerations, the connections and divides of the diaspora from the times, spaces, and cultures of the putative homeland. Clearly, the temporality, spatiality, and culturality of the African diaspora are more problematic than might appear at first sight. When and why did the dispersal of the Africans start, where and what did they spread, which and whose culture(s) did they share, transform, and create?
3
Dispersal does not automatically create a diaspora. A diasporic identity implies a form of group consciousness constituted historically through expressive culture, politics, thought and tradition, in which existential and representational resources are mobilized, in varied measures, from the imaginaries of both the old and the new worlds. A diaspora is constructed as much in the fluid and messy contexts of social existence, differentiation and struggle, as in the discourses of the intellectuals and political elites. Its development involves the mobilization and appropriation of what Jacqueline Brown calls "diasporic resources" - cultural productions, people, and places, and their associated iconography, images, ideas, and ideologies.
4
Given the multiplicity of historical conditions in which diasporic identities can be molded, there cannot but exist different African diasporas whose complex relationships and exchanges, including the trafficking of the notion of diaspora itself or Africanity, are entwined in the very construction of the various diasporas. It is in the metropolitan centers, in the interstices of the "overlapping diasporas," to use Earl Lewis's term,
5 that different diasporas connect, communicate and sometimes compete most intimately, thereby refashioning themselves and creating and commodifying new transnational diasporic cultures mediated by national, ethnic, religious, class, and gender identities.
There are several dispersals associated with African peoples over time. Colin Palmer has identified at least six, three in prehistoric and ancient times (beginning with the great exodus that began about 100,000 years ago from the continent to other continents), and three in modern times, including those associated with the Indian Ocean slave trade to Asia, the Atlantic slave trade to the Americas, and the contemporary movement of Africans and peoples of African descent to various parts of the globe.
6 Our tendency to privilege the modern diasporic streams, especially the last two, is a tribute to the epistemic and economic hegemony of the Euroamerican world system which spawned them and created what Tiffany Patterson and Robin Kelly call "global race and gender hierarchies" within which African diasporas are situated and often discussed.
7
It is quite instructive that the term "African diaspora" only emerged in the 1950s and 1960s in the United States, although African diasporas existed long before then in different parts of the world, and African peoples were mobilized using other terms, such as Pan-Africanism. One author complains that the discursive politics of the term diaspora has "imposed a U. S. and English language-centered model of black identity on the complex experiences of populations of African descent."
8 But even African diasporic histories focused on the wider Atlantic world are partial in so far as African migrations and diaspora communities also emerged in the Mediterranean and Indian Ocean worlds of Southern Europe and Asia.
9 Michael West has even suggested that if black internationalism, in the ontological sense, did not originate in Africa, we also need to think of a "Black Pacific," an entity which, if "properly constructed, would include not just communities of African descent along the Pacific coast of North, Central, and South America, but also, presumably, black communities with no known ties to Africa in historic times, that is - elsewhere in the South Pacific, such as Fiji, Papua New Guinea, and Australia, communities that only began to join the black internationalism earnest in the 1960s."
10
The conflation of hegemony and discourse can be seen in the preeminent position occupied by African Americans in diaspora studies, despite the fact that the largest community of diaspora Africans in the Atlantic world, indeed globally, is in Brazil not in the United States. Such is the popular fascination and scholarly preoccupation with the African American diaspora that they remain foregrounded even in texts that set out to destool them, such as Paul Gilroy's
The Black Atlantic, itself a monument to Anglophone self-referential conceit and myopia. If Africa is largely a silent primordial presence in Gilroy's
Black Atlantic, the historic Atlantic African diaspora is pilloried by Kwame Appiah's
In My Father's House in his ill-tempered charge against the supposedly racialist Pan-Africanisms of Alexander Crummell and W. E. Du Bois.
11 In fact, it can
[End Page 262] be argued that except in the obligatory histories of Pan-Africanism and nationalism, the historic African diaspora tends to be ignored in much African scholarly discourse. Instead, far greater concern is expressed for the travails of the contemporary African diaspora in the North, but even here the discourse is firmly rooted in the economistic preoccupations of development studies, rather than the culturalist politics of diaspora studies.
12
It is critical for African scholars on the continent to become more engaged in diaspora studies, to help in mapping out the histories and geographies of African global migrations, dispersals, and diasporas which are so crucial to deepening our understanding of both African history and world history for intellectual and ideological reasons, developmental and cultural considerations. African migrations to the North, especially Western Europe and North America, are increasing.
13 Many of these migrants are constituting themselves into new diasporas, whose identities involve complex negotiations with the host African diaspora communities and their countries of origin. If the diasporas of enslavement - the historic diasporas - had no choice but to see themselves in Pan-Africanist terms whenever they identified with Africa, the diasporas of colonialism and neo-colonialism - the contemporary diasporas - are more disposed to see themselves in pan-national, or even pan-ethnic, terms. It cannot be taken, for granted, therefore, that the contemporary diasporas are more Pan-Africanist than the historic diasporas, which is one more reason for the different diasporas to engage each other and for institutions on the continent to engage both.
In a country such as the United States, there are at least four waves of African diasporas: first, the historic communities of African Americans, themselves formed out of complex internal and external migrations over several hundred years; second, migrant communities from other diasporic locations, such as the Caribbean that have maintained or invoke, when necessary or convenient, national identities as Jamaicans, Puerto Ricans, Cubans, and so on; third, the recent immigrants from the indigenous communities of Africa; and finally, African migrants who are themselves diasporas from Asia or Europe, such as the East African Asians or South African whites. Each of these diasporas, broadly speaking, has its own connections and commitments to Africa, its own memories and imaginations of Africa, and its own conceptions of the diasporic condition and identity. The third group is, in turn, sometimes divided by the racialized codifications of whiteness and blackness, sanctified in the colonial cartographies of North Africa and sub-Saharan Africa, and by U. S. immigration law under which North Africans are classified as white.
This merely points to the complexities of the African diasporas and challenges of studying them and underscores Kim Butler's point that "conceptualizations of diaspora must be able to accommodate the reality of multiple identities and phases of diasporization over time." She offers a simple but useful schema for diasporan study divided into five dimensions: "(1) reasons for, and conditions of, the dispersal; (2) relationship with homeland; (3) relationship with hostlands; (4) interrelationships within diasporan groups; (5) comparative study of different diasporas."
14 For Darlene Clark Hine, Black diaspora studies need to have three features: a transatlantic framework, an interdisciplinary methodology, and a comparative perspective.
15 I would agree with the last two and revise the first, arguing that African diaspora studies need to have a global framework.
Source:
http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/compar...rica_and_the_middle_east/v024/24.1zeleza.html