The Plot that kept Mugabe in Power


Rev. Kishoka

Rev. Kishoka

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Rev. Kishoka

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Kama Jongwe alikuwa tayari kubwaga manyanga, je Jeshi na Usalama wa Zimbabwe haukuwa tayari kuyaheshimu matokeo dhahiri ya uchaguzi? kwa nini wao Jeshi na Usalama wa Zimbabwe ambao ni walinzi wa Katiba na Uhuru wa Zimbabwe waliamua kugeuka viapo vyao na kulazimisha Mugabe aendelee kuwa Raisi?

Inside Mugabe's violent crackdown
How campaign was conceived and executed by Zimbabwe's leader, aides
By Craig Timberg
The Washington Post
updated 1:12 a.m. CT, Sat., July. 5, 2008

HARARE, Zimbabwe - President Robert Mugabe summoned his top security officials to a government training center near his rural home in central Zimbabwe on the afternoon of March 30. In a voice barely audible at first, he informed the leaders of the state security apparatus that had enforced his rule for 28 years that he had lost the presidential vote held the previous day.
Then Mugabe told the gathering he planned to give up power in a televised speech to the nation the next day, according to the written notes of one participant that were corroborated by two other people with direct knowledge of the meeting.
But Zimbabwe's military chief, Gen. Constantine Chiwenga, responded that the choice was not Mugabe's alone to make. According to two firsthand accounts of the meeting, Chiwenga told Mugabe his military would take control of the country to keep him in office or the president could contest a runoff election, directed in the field by senior army officers supervising a military-style campaign against the opposition.
Mugabe, the only leader this country has known since its break from white rule nearly three decades ago, agreed to remain in the race and rely on the army to ensure his victory. During an April 8 military planning meeting, according to written notes and the accounts of participants, the plan was given a code name: CIBD. The acronym, which proved apt in the fevered campaign that unfolded over the following weeks, stood for: Coercion. Intimidation. Beating. Displacement.
Verge of oblivion
In the three months between the March 29 vote and the June 27 runoff election, ruling-party militias under the guidance of 200 senior army officers battered the Movement for Democratic Change, bringing the opposition party's network of activists to the verge of oblivion. By election day, more than 80 opposition supporters were dead, hundreds were missing, thousands were injured and hundreds of thousands were homeless. Morgan Tsvangirai, the party's leader, dropped out of the contest and took refuge in the Dutch Embassy.
This account reveals previously undisclosed details of the strategy behind the campaign as it was conceived and executed by Mugabe and his top advisers, who from that first meeting through the final vote appeared to hold decisive influence over the president.
The Washington Post was given access to the written record by a participant of several private meetings attended by Mugabe in the period between the first round of voting and the runoff election. The notes were corroborated by witnesses to the internal debates. Many of the people interviewed, including members of Mugabe's inner circle, spoke on the condition of anonymity for fear of government retribution. Much of the reporting for this article was conducted by a Zimbabwean reporter for The Post whose name is being withheld for security reasons.

What emerges from these accounts is a ruling inner circle that debated only in passing the consequences of the political violence on the country and on international opinion. Mugabe and his advisers also showed little concern in these meetings for the most basic rules of democracy that have taken hold in some other African nations born from anti-colonial independence movements.
Mugabe's party, the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front, took power in 1980 after a protracted guerrilla war. The notes and interviews make clear that its military supporters, who stood to lose wealth and influence if Mugabe bowed out, were not prepared to relinquish their authority simply because voters checked Tsvangirai's name on the ballots.
"The small piece of paper cannot take the country," Solomon Mujuru, the former guerrilla commander who once headed Zimbabwe's military, told the party's ruling politburo on April 4, according to notes of the meeting and interviews with some of those who attended.
The plan's first phase unfolded the week after the high-level meeting, as Mugabe supporters began erecting 2,000 party compounds across the country that would serve as bases for the party militias.
Whips, sticks and torture
At first, the beatings with whips, striking with sticks, torture and other forms of intimidation appeared consistent with the country's past political violence. Little of it was fatal.
That changed May 5 in the remote farming village of Chaona, located 65 miles north of the capital, Harare. The village of dirt streets had voted for Tsvangirai in the election's first round after decades of supporting Mugabe.
On the evening of May 5 — three days after Mugabe's government finally released the official results of the March 29 election — 200 Mugabe supporters rampaged through its streets. By the time the militia finished, seven people were dead and the injured bore the hallmarks of a new kind of political violence.
Women were stripped and beaten so viciously that whole sections of flesh fell away from their buttocks. Many had to lie facedown in hospital beds during weeks of recovery. Men's genitals became targets. The official postmortem report on Chaona opposition activist Aleck Chiriseri listed crushed genitals among the causes of death. Other men died the same way.

'Professional killers'
At the funerals for Chiriseri and the others, opposition activists noted the gruesome condition of the corpses. Some in the crowds believed soldiers trained in torture were behind the killings, not the more improvisational ruling-party youth or liberation war veterans who traditionally served as Mugabe's enforcers.
"This is what alerted me that now we are dealing with professional killers," said Shepherd Mushonga, a top opposition leader for Mashonaland Central province, which includes Chaona.
Mushonga, a lawyer whose unlined face makes him look much younger than his 48 years, won a seat in parliament in the March vote on the strength of a village-by-village organization that Tsvangirai's party had worked hard to assemble in rural Mashonaland.
After Chaona, Mushonga turned that organization into a defense force for his own village, Kodzwa. Three dozen opposition activists, mostly men in their 20s and 30s, took shifts patrolling the village at night. The men armed themselves with sticks, shovels and axes small enough to slip into their pants pockets, Mushonga said.
The same militias that attacked Chaona worked their way gradually south through the rural district of Chiweshe, hitting Jingamvura, Bobo and, in the predawn hours of May 28, Kodzwa, where about 200 families live between two rivers.
When about 25 ruling-party militia members attempted to enter the village along its two dirt roads, Mushonga said, his patrols blew whistles, a prearranged signal for women, children and the elderly to flee south across one of the rivers to the relative safety of a neighboring village.
Over the next few hours, the two rival groups moved through Kodzwa's dark streets. Shortly after dawn, Mushonga's 46-year-old brother, Leonard, and about 10 other opposition activists cornered five of the ruling-party militia members. One of the militia members was armed with a bayonet, another a traditional club known as a knobkerrie.
Military links
In the scuffle, Leonard Mushonga and his group prevailed, beating the five intruders severely. But he said that this small, rare victory revealed evidence that elements of the army had been deployed against them.
One of the ruling-party men, Leonard Mushonga said, carried a military identification badge. In a police report on the incident, which led to the arrest of 26 opposition activists, the soldier was identified as Zacks Kanhukamwe, 47, a member of the Zimbabwe National Army. A second man, Petros Nyguwa, 45, was listed as a sergeant in the army.
He was also listed as a member of Mugabe's presidential guard.
The death toll mounted through May, and almost all of the fatalities were opposition activists. Tsvangirai's personal advance man, Tonderai Ndira, 32, was abducted and killed. Police in riot gear raided opposition headquarters in Harare, arresting hundreds of families that had taken refuge there.
Even some of Mugabe's stalwarts grew uneasy, records of the meetings show.
Vice President Joice Mujuru, wife of former guerrilla commander Solomon Mujuru and a woman whose ferocity during the guerrilla war of the 1970s earned her the nickname Spill Blood, warned the ruling party's politburo in a May 14 meeting that the violence might backfire. Notes from that and other meetings, as well as interviews with participants, make clear that she was overruled repeatedly by Chiwenga, the military head, and by former security chief Emerson Mnangagwa.
'The Butcher of Matabeleland'
Mnangagwa, 61, earned his nickname in the mid-1980s overseeing the so-called Gukurahundi, when a North Korea-trained army brigade slaughtered thousands of people in a southwestern region where Mugabe was unpopular. From then on, Mnangagwa was known as the Butcher of Matabeleland.
The ruling party turned to Mnangagwa to manage Mugabe's runoff campaign after first-round results, delayed for five weeks, showed Tsvangirai winning but not with the majority needed to avoid a second round.
The opposition, however, had won a clear parliamentary majority.
In private briefings to Mugabe's politburo, Mnangagwa expressed growing confidence that the violence was doing its job, according to records of the meetings. After Joice Mujuru raised concerns about the brutality in the May 14 meeting, Mnangagwa said only, "Next agenda item," according to written notes and a party official who witnessed the exchange.
At a June 12 politburo meeting at party headquarters, Mnangagwa delivered another upbeat report.
According to one participant, he told the group that growing numbers of opposition activists in Mashonaland Central, Matabeleland North and parts of Masvingo province had been coerced into publicly renouncing their ties with Tsvangirai. Such events were usually held in the middle of the night, and featured the burning of opposition party cards and other regalia.
Talk within the ruling party began predicting a landslide victory in the runoff vote, less than three weeks away.
Mugabe's demeanor also brightened, said some of those who attended the meeting. Before it began, he joked with both Mnangagwa and Joice Mujuru.
It was the first time since the March vote, one party official recalled, that Mugabe laughed in public.

The opposition's resistance in Chiweshe gradually withered under intensifying attacks by ruling-party militias. After the stalemate in Kodzwa, the militias continued moving south in June, finally reaching Manomano in the region's southwestern corner.
The opposition leader in Manomano was Gibbs Chironga, 44, who had won a seat in the local council as part of Tsvangirai's first-round landslide in the area. The Chirongas were shopkeepers with a busy store in Manomano. To defend that store, they kept a pair of shotguns on hand.
AK-47 assault rifles
On June 20, a week before the runoff election, Mugabe's militias arrived in Manomano with an arsenal that had grown increasingly advanced as the vote approached.
Some carried AK-47 assault rifles, which are standard issue for Zimbabwe's army. For the attack on Manomano, witnesses counted six of the weapons.
About 150 militia members, some carrying the rifles, circled the Chironga family home. Gibbs Chironga fired warning shots from his shotgun, relatives and other witnesses recalled. Yet the militiamen kept coming. They broke open the ceiling with a barrage of rocks, then used hammers to batter down the walls.
Forced to drink herbicide
When Gibbs Chironga emerged, a militia member shot him with an AK-47, said Hilton Chironga, his 41-year-old brother, who was wounded by gunfire. Gibbs died soon after.
His brother, sister and mother were beaten, then handcuffed and forced to drink a herbicide that burned their mouths and faces, relatives said.
Both Hilton Chironga and his 76-year-old mother, Nelia Chironga, were taken to the hospital in Harare, barely able to eat or speak. The whereabouts of Gibbs Chironga's sister remain unknown. The family home was burned to the ground.
"There's nothing to go back to at home," Hilton Chironga said softly, a bandage covering the wounds on his face and a pair of feeding tubes snaking into his nostrils.
"Even if I go back, they'll finish me off. That is what they want," he said.
Two days later, as Mugabe's militias intensified their attacks, Tsvangirai dropped out of the race.
Groups of ruling-party youths took over a field on the western edge of downtown Harare where he was attempting to have a rally, and soon after, he announced that the government's campaign of violence had made it impossible for him to continue. Privately, opposition officials said the party organization had been so damaged that they had no hope of winning the runoff vote.
Bible
On election day, Mugabe's militias drove voters to the polls and tracked through ballot serial numbers those who refused to vote or who cast ballots for Tsvangirai despite his boycott.
The 84-year-old leader took the oath of office two days later, for a sixth time. He waved a Bible in the air and exchanged congratulatory handshakes with Chiwenga, whose reelection plan he had adopted more than two months before, and the rest of his military leaders.
About the same time, a 29-year-old survivor of the first assault in Chaona, Patrick Mapondera, emerged from the hospital. His wife, who had also been badly beaten, was recovering from skin grafts to her buttocks. She could sit again.
Mapondera had been the opposition chairman for Chaona and several surrounding villages. If and when the couple returns home, he said, he does not expect to take up his job again.
"They've destroyed everything," he said.

© 2008 The Washington Post Company
 
Mtu Mzima

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Kama Jongwe alikuwa tayari kubwaga manyanga, je Jeshi na Usalama wa Zimbabwe haukuwa tayari kuyaheshimu matokeo dhahiri ya uchaguzi? kwa nini wao Jeshi na Usalama wa Zimbabwe ambao ni walinzi wa Katiba na Uhuru wa Zimbabwe waliamua kugeuka viapo vyao na kulazimisha Mugabe aendelee kuwa Raisi?
Bwana/Bibi Kishoka,Habari kama hiyo kwenye gazeti la WP zitakuja nyingi tu na kila siku stori zitakuwa zinabadilika mpaka lengo litakapotimia.Is just Bull shiiit!
 
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Kaa la Moto

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Bwana/Bibi Kishoka,Habari kama hiyo kwenye gazeti la WP zitakuja nyingi tu na kila siku stori zitakuwa zinabadilika mpaka lengo litakapotimia.Is just Bull shiiit!
Nadhani ungeziamini kama ungezisoma daily news ya Tanzania au siyo mtu mzima? maana kila wasemalo wazungu kwako ni propaganda sio? Na kweli tutasikia mengi kutoka kwenu mnaoona mauaji kama ni ripoti nzuri.
 
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..hivi ni kitu gani kinashindikana kumuua Mugabe na mchezo huu ukaisha?

..hizi kelele za Mugabe,Mugabe,...it is almost 10 yrs now. wananchi wanateseka bure tu.
 
Rev. Kishoka

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Bwana/Bibi Kishoka,Habari kama hiyo kwenye gazeti la WP zitakuja nyingi tu na kila siku stori zitakuwa zinabadilika mpaka lengo litakapotimia.Is just Bull shiiit!
Bwana/Bibi Mtu Mzima,

Shukrani kwa kuchangia.
 
Mtu Mzima

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Mtu Mzima

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Nadhani ungeziamini kama ungezisoma daily news ya Tanzania au siyo mtu mzima? maana kila wasemalo wazungu kwako ni propaganda sio? Na kweli tutasikia mengi kutoka kwenu mnaoona mauaji kama ni ripoti nzuri.
Hivi wewe mauaji kwako ni hayo yanayotokea Zimbabwe tu.Mauaji yanayotokea Somalia sio mauaji,mauaji yaliyotokea Kenya hadi watu kuchomwa wakiwa kanisani kwako ni kawaida,mauaji yanayoendelea Sudan na Congo DRC kwako sio kitu, mauaji ni yale yanayotokea Zimbabwe.Lazima uelewe kwamba mauaji hata kama ni ya mtu mmoja lazima yakemewe lakini inapotokea watu wanakemea mauaji sehem moja na kubaliki mauaji sehem nyingine ni unafiki na ubinafsi wa wazi.
Wewe endelea kumeza kila unachopewa sikukatazi na wala sikulazimishi uamini ninachoamini.
 
Kaa la Moto

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Kaa la Moto

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Hivi wewe mauaji kwako ni hayo yanayotokea Zimbabwe tu.Mauaji yanayotokea Somalia sio mauaji,mauaji yaliyotokea Kenya hadi watu kuchomwa wakiwa kanisani kwako ni kawaida,mauaji yanayoendelea Sudan na Congo DRC kwako sio kitu, mauaji ni yale yanayotokea Zimbabwe.Lazima uelewe kwamba mauaji hata kama ni ya mtu mmoja lazima yakemewe lakini inapotokea watu wanakemea mauaji sehem moja na kubaliki mauaji sehem nyingine ni unafiki na ubinafsi wa wazi.
Wewe endelea kumeza kila unachopewa sikukatazi na wala sikulazimishi uamini ninachoamini.
Mtu mzima nani anasema mauaji yanayotokea kwenye nchi zingine hayawi reported? hivi unasema kweli?
Nataka kukwambia kwanza kabla hayaja ripotiwa na vyombo vya habari vya nyumbani huwa tumeshasikia toka kwa vyombo hivyo unavyovikandia. Pole ka sababu hakuna jinsi mambo ya Zimbabwe yanatisha na hakuna uhalali wa kuua watu kwa kisingizio cha nchi za magharibi. Hiyo ndiyo shida ninayoiona achilia mbali mambo mengine ya kisiasa. Najali maisha ya watu wengine hata kama tunatofautiana msimamo kisiasa.
 
Nyani Ngabu

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Nyani Ngabu

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..hivi ni kitu gani kinashindikana kumuua Mugabe na mchezo huu ukaisha?

..hizi kelele za Mugabe,Mugabe,...it is almost 10 yrs now. wananchi wanateseka bure tu.
Hata mimi najiuliza kila siku na sipati jibu!! Mugabe ni mtu mmoja against mamilioni ya watu lakini anakuwa na nguvu hivyo na ni wachache mno wanaojitokeza kumpinga. Kingine ambacho hakiingii akilini kabisa ni hao so called wafuasi wa Mugabe wanaotembeza kibano kwa wanaotuhumwa kutokumuunga mkono. Hao wafuasi wa Mugabe kwanza na wenyewe njaa kali na choka mbaya. Wanachukua amri za kijinga na za kinyama halafu wanaenda kuwapiga na kuwaua watu wasio na hatia (as far as I'm concerned). Hawa wafuasi wa Mugabe hawana akili kabisa!!!! Zero IQ!! Common sense yao iko wapi? Kwa nini wasikatae kutii hizo amri za kwenda kutenda mambo ya kinyama? Kwani wakikataa kwa umoja nini kitawatokea? Mimi binafsi labda niko tofauti. Hata kama ikiwa baba yangu au mama yangu mzazi aniambie nikafanye mambo ya unyama kwa binadamu wengine pasipo na haki nitagoma. I'm just principled like that and my principles come ahead of my loyalty to anyone or anything. Sasa hii minyama ya Mugabe sijui ni mijitu ya aina gani tu.....inaambiwa ikawapige watu wasio na hatia na yenyewe bila hata kuhoji inaenda kutekeleza amri.......Haya bana nadhani mnajua hitimisho langu ni nini......
 
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Nyani,
Mugabe si mmoja tu. Ameshakuwa kama network. Umesikia wanajeshi wanavyoogopa kupoteza utajiri wao na mamlaka waliyopata chini yake? Hilo ndilo tatizo la Zimbwabwe. Askari akishawekwa kwenye position ya kuamua mambo ya siasa anasema kuwa kura ni karatasi tu. Mugabe was willing to go, but his cronnies were not.
 
Steve Dii

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Hata mimi najiuliza kila siku na sipati jibu!! Mugabe ni mtu mmoja against mamilioni ya watu lakini anakuwa na nguvu hivyo na ni wachache mno wanaojitokeza kumpinga. Kingine ambacho hakiingii akilini kabisa ni hao so called wafuasi wa Mugabe wanaotembeza kibano kwa wanaotuhumwa kutokumuunga mkono. Hao wafuasi wa Mugabe kwanza na wenyewe njaa kali na choka mbaya. Wanachukua amri za kijinga na za kinyama halafu wanaenda kuwapiga na kuwaua watu wasio na hatia (as far as I'm concerned). Hawa wafuasi wa Mugabe hawana akili kabisa!!!! Zero IQ!! Common sense yao iko wapi? Kwa nini wasikatae kutii hizo amri za kwenda kutenda mambo ya kinyama? Kwani wakikataa kwa umoja nini kitawatokea? Mimi binafsi labda niko tofauti. Hata kama ikiwa baba yangu au mama yangu mzazi aniambie nikafanye mambo ya unyama kwa binadamu wengine pasipo na haki nitagoma. I'm just principled like that and my principles come ahead of my loyalty to anyone or anything. Sasa hii minyama ya Mugabe sijui ni mijitu ya aina gani tu.....inaambiwa ikawapige watu wasio na hatia na yenyewe bila hata kuhoji inaenda kutekeleza amri.......Haya bana nadhani mnajua hitimisho langu ni nini......
Nyani Ngabu...

...nina amini unafahamu kuwa hata gate la concentration camp la manazi lilikuwa na walinzi wake wa kijerumani.

...kule ujapan pia, prisons of war walikuwa na ma prison guard wao.

...kwa milosovic, bosinia, serbia na yugoslavia nao walikuwa na wanajeshi wao waliosaidia kukamata watu, kuwaua na kuwafukia kwenye massgraves.

... kule wa watusi na wahutu, pia raia na wanajeshi walishiriki

...kule colombia ma militia na raia wanashiriki na kuhusishwa

... iraq, raia na militia wanashiriki na kuhusishwa katika mauaji ya wenzao

...n.k. n.k.

Kwenye swala hili la mauaji na vita, Binadamu wakiwa desparate na kushinikizwa na wenzao wengi ndivyo walivyo!!

SteveD.
 
Nyani Ngabu

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Nyani Ngabu

Nyani Ngabu

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Nyani,
Mugabe si mmoja tu. Ameshakuwa kama network. Umesikia wanajeshi wanavyoogopa kupoteza utajiri wao na mamlaka waliyopata chini yake? Hilo ndilo tatizo la Zimbwabwe. Askari akishawekwa kwenye position ya kuamua mambo ya siasa anasema kuwa kura ni karatasi tu. Mugabe was willing to go, but his cronnies were not.
I still belive him and his thugs don't outnumber the good folks. I believe the thugs are far outnumbered. I believe if they (the good folks) are willing to sacrifice their blood, they can do it. I don't see a reason why they can't. At some point one has to say enough is enough....come what may, we are going to kick you out.
 
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Nyani Ngabu

Nyani Ngabu

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Nyani Ngabu...

...nina amini unafahamu kuwa hata gate la concentration camp la manazi lilikuwa na walinzi wake wa kijerumani.

...kule ujapan pia, prisons of war walikuwa na ma prison guard wao.

...kwa milosovic, bosinia, serbia na yugoslavia nao walikuwa na wanajeshi wao waliosaidia kukamata watu, kuwaua na kuwafukia kwenye massgraves.

... kule wa watusi na wahutu, pia raia na wanajeshi walishiriki

...kule colombia ma militia na raia wanashiriki na kuhusishwa

... iraq, raia na militia wanashiriki na kuhusishwa katika mauaji ya wenzao

...n.k. n.k.

Kwenye swala hili la mauaji na vita, Binadamu wakiwa desparate na kushinikizwa na wenzao wengi ndivyo walivyo!!

SteveD.
At this point I don't care who goes and kicks his a$$....be it the US...the UK....the UN....the AU....the World Comuunity...I really don't care. He needs to go. The world community said enough is enough to Hitler and his allies....Nato said enough is enough to Milosevic.....I don't care who does it...Mugabe needs to go, period.
 
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At this point I don't care who goes and kicks his a$$....be it the US...the UK....the UN....the AU....the World Comuunity...I really don't care. He needs to go. The world community said enough is enough to Hitler and his allies....Nato said enough is enough to Milosevic.....I don't care who does it...Mugabe needs to go, period.
Amina.....Amina......Amina
 
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Mahesabu

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Hivi wewe mauaji kwako ni hayo yanayotokea Zimbabwe tu.Mauaji yanayotokea Somalia sio mauaji,mauaji yaliyotokea Kenya hadi watu kuchomwa wakiwa kanisani kwako ni kawaida,mauaji yanayoendelea Sudan na Congo DRC kwako sio kitu, mauaji ni yale yanayotokea Zimbabwe.Lazima uelewe kwamba mauaji hata kama ni ya mtu mmoja lazima yakemewe lakini inapotokea watu wanakemea mauaji sehem moja na kubaliki mauaji sehem nyingine ni unafiki na ubinafsi wa wazi.
Wewe endelea kumeza kila unachopewa sikukatazi na wala sikulazimishi uamini ninachoamini.
MCHUKIA FISADI na REV KISHOKA wamekupata ila hapa hatakwambia 'shukrani kwa kuchangia'
 
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Mtu Mzima

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Najali maisha ya watu wengine hata kama tunatofautiana msimamo kisiasa.
Asante.
Nategemea next time utakemea kwa nguvu hizo hizo nchi zinazofadhili vikundi vya uasi huko Congo,Sudan na pia utakemea kambi za mateso na mauaji zinazoendeshwa na Marekani.Lakini hata kama utaona kwamba hilo sio muhimu ni sawa, ni mojawapo za tofauti zetu.

Mugabe kwa kura umri wake sasa wa miaka 84 tu unatosha kuonyesha kwamba hana muda mrefu kwenye siasa za Zimbawe lakini maisha ya Wazimbabwe wa kawaida yataendelea kuwa duni na hatarishi hata bila Mugabe kwa kuangalia historia.Nitakupa mifano michache tu hapa kwenye nchi ambazo kunakuwa na maslahi ya wakubwa:Somalia tangu dikteta Siad Bare atimuliwe Somalia hadi leo maisha yamezidi kuwa mabaya zaidi, tangu dikteta Mengistu atimuliwe Ethiopia leo waethiopia hakuna mabadiliko kwenye uwanja wa demokrasia,wapinzani wanaendelea kuuwawa na kutupwa gerezani,Congo DRC tangu kuondolewa kwa dikteta Mobutu ambaye naye aliwekwa na hao wakubwa, bado vikundi vya kijeshi vinaendelea kupokea silaha toka nchi hizo hizo zinazomshutumu Mugabe kwa hiyo hata kama Tsvangirai wanaemtaka wao (Kulingana na Matamshi ya Ufaransa) atakamata madaraka atakuwa mzuri iwapo atatimiza matakwa yao na atakuwa adui iwapo atatimiza matakwa ya Wazimbabwe au ataingilia maslahi ya Magharibi
 
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