Rais wa Finland - Utatuzi wa migogoro unahitaji umahiri sana tukikumbuka maisha ya Balozi Martti Ahtisaari

Rais wa Finland - Utatuzi wa migogoro unahitaji umahiri sana tukikumbuka maisha ya Balozi Martti Ahtisaari

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RAIS STUBB - UMUHIMU WA USULUHISHI, MARIDHIANO, AMANI NA HAKI

Hotuba ya rais Alexander Stubb jijini Dar es Salaam akiendelea na ziara yake nchini Tanzania

Rais wa Jamhuri ya Finland

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Picha: Matti Porre/Ofisi ya Rais wa Jamhuri ya Finland

Hotuba ya Rais wa Jamhuri ya Finland Alexander Stubb katika kumbukumbu ya Urithi wa Rais Martti Ahtisaari jijini Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, tarehe 15 Mei 2025​

Hotuba

15.5.2025

Angalia dhidi ya utoaji
Waheshimiwa, Mabibi na Mabwana, Marafiki wapendwa wa Martti,

Ninahisi kuheshimiwa na kupendelewa kuwa hapa Tanzania ili kushiriki kumbukumbu za legacy ya Martti na watu ambao wamefanya kazi naye kwa miongo mingi.

Tanzania ilikuwa na nafasi ya pekee sana katika maisha na kazi ya Martti. Kwa njia nyingi, alikuwa hapa kwamba alianza kazi yake kama mpatanishi.


Martti aliteuliwa kuwa Balozi wa Finland jijini Dar es Salaam mwaka 1973 na aliishi hapa kwa miaka minne. Wakati huo, aliifahamu Tanzania na watu wake vizuri sana.

Martti pia aliendeleza uhusiano mkubwa wa kuaminiana na vuguvugu mbalimbali za kudai uhuru na viongozi wao, wakiwemo SWAPO kutoka Namibia. Mahusiano haya yalichukua nafasi kubwa wakati Baraza Kuu la Umoja wa Mataifa UNGA lilipomteua Martti Ahtisaari kuwa Kamishna wa Umoja wa Mataifa wa Namibia Januari 1977. Mnamo Julai 1978, Katibu Mkuu wa Umoja wa Mataifa alimteua Ahtisaari kuwa Mwakilishi wake Maalum nchini Namibia. Hii ilikuwa kazi yake ya kwanza kama mpatanishi.
***

Baada ya muda wake huko Dar es Salaam, Martti alifanya kazi kama mpatanishi kwa miongo sita tofauti. Alipatanisha amani katika mabara matatu tofauti - Afrika, Asia na Ulaya - akiwa amevaa kofia tatu tofauti: kama mwakilishi wa Umoja wa Mataifa, kama Rais wa Finland na kama mpatanishi binafsi, Mwenyekiti wa CMI (zamani Crisis Management Initiative, sasa Martti Ahtisaari Peace Foundation).

Mafanikio yake makuu matatu yalikuwa Namibia, Aceh na Kosovo. Ingawa michakato hii yote ilikuwa karibu sana na moyo wa Martti, Namibia - na Afrika kwa upana zaidi - labda ilikuwa na athari kubwa zaidi katika kazi na mawazo yake.

Aceh na Kosovo zilikuwa michakato ambayo aliipatanisha kama mwanadiplomasia mwenye uzoefu. Kufikia wakati huo, alijua jinsi wakati muhimu ni katika upatanishi wa amani.

Alipochukua wadhifa huo kama Mwakilishi Maalum wa Katibu Mkuu wa Umoja wa Mataifa nchini Namibia kama mwanadiplomasia mdogo, hakukuwa na ukomavu. Wataalamu na viongozi wengi waliona kazi hiyo kama misheni haiwezekani (mission impossible) .

Martti mwenyewe alisema kuwa moja ya kazi zake kuu nchini Namibia ilikuwa kuzuru miji mikuu ya Afrika mara mbili kwa mwaka na kisha kurejea New York kuripoti juu ya maendeleo, ambayo mara nyingi yalikuwa madogo. Ikiwa mtu mwingine yeyote angesema hivi, inaweza kuonekana kuwa ya kijinga kidogo. Lakini Martti aliposema, aliweza kusema kwa njia iliyojaa matumaini. Ustadi huu hasa, uwezo wa kupata tumaini katika maeneo na masuala ambayo wengine hawakufanya, ulimfanya kuwa mpatanishi wa kipekee.
***


Ningependa sasa kumtazama Martti Ahtisaari na kazi yake kutoka mitazamo mitatu tofauti:
  • Kama mtu
  • Kama mtaalamu wa upatanishi
  • Kama sehemu ya historia ya kisasa
***
Kama mtu, ningemtaja Martti kwa maneno matatu: huruma, matumaini na ukweli.
Mara nyingi Martti alijielezea kama IDP ya milele (mtu aliyehamishwa akawa mkimbizi wa ndani). Alizaliwa Karelia na ilimbidi aondoke nyumbani kwake akiwa mvulana mdogo wakati Muungano wa Sovieti yaani Russia uliposhambulia Finland. Hili pengine likiweka kumbukumbu ndani yake juu ya mtazamo wa dunia, na kuchangia kwa huruma yake ya kipekee. Aliweza kuelewa hisia za wahusika kwenye mzozo na kuunganishwa kwa undani na aina tofauti za watu.

Kuwa mkimbizi wa ndani (IDP) wa milele hakukumfanya Martti awe mbishi au mwenye uchungu. Kinyume chake, aliamini katika matumaini sio tu mtazamo, bali pia njia. Alielewa kuwa jinsi tunavyoona mambo ina athari kubwa juu ya jinsi yanavyoishia. Huu ulikuwa mtazamo wake pia alipofanya kazi kwa zaidi ya miaka kumi kwa ajili ya uhuru wa Namibia, akiwa amevalia kofia tofauti, hata wakati wengine hawakuamini kuwa inawezekana.


Huko Martti, huruma na matumaini viliunganishwa na uhalisia usiofaa. Aliiona dunia jinsi ilivyokuwa na akatenda ipasavyo. Mchanganyiko wa sifa hizi ulimfanya awe mpatanishi wa kipekee. Pande zote mbili kwenye mzozo na jumuiya ya kimataifa zilimwamini. Alielewa kwamba uaminifu ni kitu ambacho kinaweza kujengwa na kinapaswa kutumiwa kwa hekima. Ingawa muda mwingi alikuwa mwepesi sana, mwenye kunyumbulika na mcheshi, aliweza kuchagua maswala na hali hizo ambapo wahusika wanahitaji kusikia kile ambacho ni cha kweli na kisichowezekana.


Lakini hata katika hali hizo aliweza kutoa mambo ya hakika yasiyopendeza kwa njia iliyohisiwa kuwa zawadi kwa wale wanaopokea ujumbe.
***


Martti alikuwa mtaalamu wa kweli. Kiukweli ni kwamba hakuwahi kujiona kama mpatanishi. Kwa kweli, alielezea kazi yake kama ile ya wakala mwaminifu. Hii ilimaanisha kwamba alichukua msimamo wa wazi kabisa, wa kanuni tangu mwanzo kabisa. Na hapo ndipo alipoanza mchakato wa kuchunguza kile kinachowezekana ndani ya mfumo aliopewa.

Katika Namibia na Kosovo, msimamo huu wa kanuni ulikuwa uhuru wa nchi hizi. Nchini Indonesia, sehemu ya kuanzia kwa mchakato huo ilikuwa uhuru wa jimbo la Aceh. Tangu mwanzo wa mchakato huo, alikuwa wazi sana kwamba hili ndilo suala pekee alilokuwa ameandaliwa kuchunguza katika jimbo la Aceh. Na ikiwa pande zote zilitaka kujadili uhuru, italazimika kutafuta mpatanishi mwingine. Martti alihisi kwamba njia bora ya kupata uaminifu ilikuwa kuwa wazi kabisa na wahusika kuhusu nia yake, na kisha wahusika wangeamua ikiwa alikuwa tayari kutekeleza jukumu hilo.

Misimamo hii yenye kanuni, haikuhusu itikadi. Badala yake, zilikuwa tathmini chafu za 'politik' za hali hiyo. Kwa Martti, sharti kuu la mchakato wa amani uliofanikiwa lilikuwa ni upatanishi wa mataifa makubwa na hii inaweka vigezo vya msingi vya mchakato huo. Bila maafikiano na mataifa makubwa, amani endelevu si ya kweli.


Wakati huo huo, Martti alikuwa na kanuni sana juu ya wazo kwamba wahusika tu kwenye mzozo wanaweza kufanya amani. Mpatanishi - au kwa upande wake, wakala mwaminifu - anaweza kusaidia wahusika kuchunguza vigezo vya amani, lakini wahusika lazima wafanye maamuzi ya mwisho. Hii ndiyo njia pekee ya kuhakikisha kwamba amani inakuwa endelevu.


Vigezo hivi vilikuwa muhimu kwa kazi zote muhimu za Martti. Hatua ya kuanzia ilikuwa kutafuta suluhu ambayo ingeongeza usawa na hisia ya haki, licha ya vigezo vilivyowekwa na 'realpolitik'.

Katika uhuru wa jimbo la Aceh, hii ilisababisha kuongeza vipengele mbalimbali vya uhuru, bila kutoa uhuru kwa mtu yeyote. Huko Kosovo, ilisababisha mfano, ambapo Waserbia walio wachache - ambao walikuwa wakishirikiana na Serbia na dhidi ya uhuru wa Kosovo - walipewa haki pana sana za wachache katika katiba ya Kosovo.
***


Ingawa baadhi ya sifa na mbinu ni za watu wote, kazi ya Rais Ahtisaari pia ni sehemu ya historia ya hivi karibuni.
Uhuru wa Namibia unahusishwa kwa karibu na mwisho wa Vita Baridi na ubaguzi wa rangi.

Muungano wa Kisovieti Russia ulipoanguka, mapambano kati ya itikadi yalipoteza umuhimu wake, angalau kwa muda. Kulikuwa na nafasi zaidi ya kufikiria juu ya kile ambacho kilikuwa kizuri kwa watu na maisha yao ya baadaye.

Huko Aceh, makubaliano ya amani yalitiwa saini baada ya 9/11, Afghanistan na Iraq. Wakati huo, kulikuwa na makubaliano yenye nguvu ya kimataifa juu ya hitaji la kupunguza tishio linaloletwa na w makundi wasio wa serikali wenye silaha (Non State Actors).

Mchakato wa hadhi ya Kosovo mnamo 2006-2007 ulifanyika wakati uhusiano kati ya Amerika, Ulaya na Urusi ulianza kuvunjika.
***

Nyakati za mafanikio zaidi katika taaluma ya Martti zilikuja wakati ambapo tulikuwa na imani zaidi katika taasisi za kimataifa za jumuiya ya kimataifa na sheria zinazokubaliwa kwa kawaida kuliko sisi leo. Mtu anaweza hata kuuliza jinsi masomo haya yanafaa kwa ajili ya kuleta amani ya zama hizi za kisasa.

Nafasi ya mjumbe maalum wa Umoja wa Mataifa mwanzoni mwa miaka ya 2000 ni tofauti sana na ile ya mjumbe maalum leo. Utata na kutokuwa na uhakika vimeongezeka, na michakato ya amani ni mibaya zaidi kuliko hapo awali.


Ningesema kwamba kujifunza masomo ya amani ni muhimu zaidi kuliko hapo awali. Martti hakuwahi kuzungumzia nyadhifa alizoshikilia. Siku zote alizungumza juu ya kazi alizopewa. Haja ya kuwatendea watu kwa utu, kuelewa mipaka na uwezekano wa muktadha uliotolewa na kupata masuluhisho ya vitendo kwa matatizo yanayosababishwa na mwanadamu ni ujuzi na sifa za ulimwengu kwa kila mtu ambaye amepewa kazi ya kufanya kazi kwa manufaa ya wote.
Asante!

Source : Speech by President of the Republic of Finland Alexander Stubb at the President Martti Ahtisaari Legacy Seminar in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, on 15 May 2025 - Presidentti
 
Hotuba ya rais profesa Alexander Stubb kwa Jumuiya ya Wanachuo Kikuu na wanafunzi :

Mada : Geopolitics na mabadiliko ya utaratibu wa sasa kimataifa ulio na wachezaji wengi siyo wawili


View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=Gj93WyzPIWk

Geopolitics and the transformation of the multilateral order.

President Stubb delivered a Public Lecture on ‘Geopolitics and the Transformation of Multilateral Order’ at the historical Taifa Hall.

Through a brief, powerful, and engaging Lecture, the author of New World Order and scholar, took the audience through a brief history of how the world has evolved through its systems of order, balance and dynamics.


‘There are three spheres of power: the Global East, the Global West, and the Global South.

There are tensions between the Global East and West, and now the Global South will determine the New World Order.

The Global South no longer needs to choose but now has the power to engage all parties on a multilateral platform.

President Stubb advocated for a multi-lateral order that empowers and gives everyone a voice and agency.

‘The paradox of the New World Order is that the world needs corporations. Yet, we see countries pulling out of corporations to channel their solutions to global challenges such as the Climate Crisis.’

President Alexander Stubb advocated for the reform of multilateral institutions, including the UN Security Council, WTO, the UN, and the Bretton Woods to forestall the global system evolving into disorder.



Born in Helsinki in 1968, President Stubb’s academic credentials are both exemplary and global. He holds a PhD in International Relations from the London School of Economics LSE , where he defended his thesis on Flexible Integration in the European Union in 1999.

Prior to that, he studied Political Science at Furman University in the United States, the Sorbonne University in Paris, and the College of Europe in Bruges—where he earned his Master of Arts and later returned as a visiting professor...

Behind the titles and accolades stands a man of intellect, humility, and great personal discipline. Professor Stubb is not only a former Prime Minister and seasoned diplomat, but also a lifelong scholar and teacher—deeply passionate about Europe, multilateralism, and the power of ideas.

He has mentored students, debated policy in lecture halls, and written boldly on identity, democracy, and what it means to lead with both strength and empathy.'

"A New World Order is upon us." Remarked the Chancellor of UoN , warning of the collapsing systems; from pandemics and conflict to climate crisis and youth unemployment.

He said that Africa needs investment, not aid. Jobs, not handouts, and with the UoN Big5, UoN is preparing graduates for the future
 

Migogoro, migongano katika ya urawala gandamizi na watu huru wanaotoa mawazo mbadala kama Mdude Nyagali, Tundu Lissu, Sheikh Ponda, Askofu Benson Kalikawe Bagonza, Jenerali Twaha Ulimwengu, msomi Fatma Karume, Rais Boniface Mwabukusi kwa kuwataja kwa uchache lazima watawala wazumilie na kukubali No Reforms No Election yenye dhana pana ya haki inayogusa maisha ya kila siku ya raia na maendekeo ya kiuchumi.
 

15 May 2025

Speech by President of the Republic of Finland Alexander Stubb at the Martti Ahtisaari Legacy Seminar in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, on 15 May 2025​



View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=muCVwArlPuA

Source : MFA_Tanzania
Script

15.5.2025

Check against delivery
Your Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, Dear Friends of Martti,
I feel honoured and privileged to be here in Tanzania to share memories of Martti with people who have worked with him over the decades. Tanzania had a very special role in Martti’s life and career. In many ways, is was here that he began his career as a mediator.
Martti was appointed Ambassador of Finland in Dar es Salaam in 1973 and lived here for four years. During this time, he got to know Tanzania and its people very well. He also developed strong relationships of trust with various independence movements and their leaders, including SWAPO from Namibia. These relationships played a key role when the UN General Assembly appointed Ahtisaari as UN Commissioner for Namibia in January 1977. In July 1978, the UN Secretary-General appointed Ahtisaari as his Special Representative to Namibia. This was his first assignment as a mediator.
***
After his time in Dar es Salaam, Martti worked as a mediator in six different decades. He mediated peace on three different continents – Africa, Asia and Europe – wearing three different hats: as a UN representative, as President of Finland and as a private actor, Chair of CMI (formerly Crisis Management Initiative, now Martti Ahtisaari Peace Foundation).
His three major achievements were Namibia, Aceh and Kosovo. While all of these processes were very close to Martti’s heart, Namibia – and Africa more broadly – had perhaps the most significant impact on his career and way of thinking. Aceh and Kosovo were processes that he mediated as a very seasoned diplomat. By then, he knew how critical timing is in peace mediation. When he took up the post of Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General for Namibia as a relatively young diplomat, many experts and leaders saw the job as a mission impossible.
Martti himself said that one of his main tasks in Namibia was to tour African capitals twice a year and then go back to New York to report on the developments, which were often minimal. Had anyone else said this, it might have sounded a bit cynical. But when Martti said it, he was able to say it in a way that was full of optimism. This particular skill, the ability to find hope in places and issues where others did not, made him an exceptional mediator.
***
Next, I would like to look at Martti Ahtisaari and his career from three different perspectives: Martti as a person, as a mediation professional, and as part of the modern history.
***
As a person, I would characterise Martti with three words: empathy, optimism and realism.
Martti often described himself as an eternal IDP (internally displaced person). He was born in Karelia and had to leave his home as a young boy when the Soviet Union attacked Finland. This probably shaped his personality and world view, and contributed to his exceptional empathy. He was able to understand the emotions of the parties to a conflict and connect deeply with very different types of people.
Being an eternal IDP did not make Martti cynical or bitter. On the contrary, he believed that optimism is not only an attitude, but also a method. He understood that the way we see things has a significant impact on how they end up. This was his approach also when he worked for more than ten years for the independence of Namibia, wearing different hats, even when others did not believe it was possible.
In Martti, empathy and optimism were combined with crude realism. He saw the world as it was and acted accordingly. The combination of these qualities made him an exceptional mediator. Both parties to a conflict and the international community trusted him. He understood that trust is something that can be built and should be used wisely. While most of the time he was very easy-going, flexible and funny, he was able to choose the issues and situations where parties need to hear what is realistic and what is not. But even in those situations he was able to deliver unpleasant facts in a way that felt almost like a gift to those receiving the message.
***
Martti was a true professional. The irony is that he never saw himself as a mediator. In fact, he described his work as that of an honest broker. This meant that he took a very clear, principled position from the very beginning. And only then did he begin the process of exploring what was possible within the given framework.
In Namibia and Kosovo, this principled position was the independence of these countries. In Indonesia, the starting point for the process was autonomy for the province of Aceh. From the beginning of the process, he was very clear that this is the only issue he was prepared to explore in Aceh. And if the parties wanted to discuss independence, they would have to find another mediator. Martti felt that the best way to gain trust was to be completely open with the parties about his intentions, and then the parties could decide whether he was up to the task.
These principled positions were not about ideology. Rather, they were crude ‘realpolitik’ assessments of the situation. For Martti, the key condition for a successful peace process was the alignment of the superpowers and this sets the basic parameters for the process. Without the consensus by the superpowers, sustainable peace is not realistic.
At the same time, Martti was very principled about the idea that only the parties to a conflict can make peace. A mediator – or in his case, an honest broker – can help the parties to explore parameters for peace, but the parties must make the final decisions. This is the only way to ensure that the peace is sustainable.
These parameters were central to all of Martti’s important tasks. The starting point was to find a solution that would maximise fairness and a sense of justice, despite the parameters set by ‘realpolitik’. In Aceh, this led to maximising the various aspects of autonomy, without giving independence to anyone. In Kosovo, it led to a model, where the Serb minorities – who were aligned with Serbia and against the independence of Kosovo – were given very broad minority rights in the constitution of Kosovo.
***
While some of the qualities and methods are universal, the work of President Ahtisaari is also part of recent history.
Independence of Namibia is closely linked to the end of the Cold War and apartheid. When the Soviet Union collapsed, the struggle between ideologies lost its relevance, at least for a while. There was more space to think about what was actually good for people and their future. In Aceh, the peace agreement was signed in the aftermath of 9/11, Afghanistan and Iraq. That time, there was a strong global consensus on the need to limit the threat posed by non-state armed actors. The Kosovo status process in 2006-2007 took place at a time when the relationship between the United States, Europe and Russia started to crumble.
***
The most successful moments in Martti’s career came at a time, when we had more faith in global multilateral institutions and commonly agreed rules than we do today. One might even ask how relevant these lessons are for modern peacemaking. The position of a UN special envoy in the early 2000s is very different from that of a special envoy today. Complexity and uncertainty have increased, and peace processes are messier than ever.
I would say that the lessons are more important than ever. Martti never talked about positions he held. He always talked about the tasks he was given. The need to treat people with dignity, to understand the limits and possibilities of the given context and to find practical solutions to man-made problems are universal skills and qualities for anyone who is given a task to work for the common good.
Thank
 
Lakini Martti Ahtisaari hata katika hali hizo aliweza kutoa mambo ya hakika yasiyopendeza kwa njia iliyohisiwa kuwa zawadi kwa wale wanaopokea ujumbe.

Martti Ahtisaari highlights: the qualities of a good mediator and the brand Ahtisaari; different negotiations and mediation scenarios


View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=QmnA3lVDItQ

The Norwegian Nobel Committee awarded Mr. Ahtisaari for his role as an outstanding international peace mediator. Through his constant efforts and personal commitment, Mr. Ahtisaari has demonstrated how important mediation can be for the resolution of international conflicts.
 
Mpatanishi / mwezeshaji wa maridhiano mbobevu Martti Ahtisaari asisitiza hakuna haja ya visingizio au kukimbia maridhiano, bali lazima tukae mezani na kuzungumza

View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=slPrQF2Sn8Q
President Ahtisaari’s legacy in peacemaking. The video is shown in our global Martti Ahtisaari Legacy Seminars that explore the future of peace mediation in an unstable world.
Source : CMIFinland
 
CCM MJIFUNZE KUHUSU UMUHIMU WA MARIDHIANO, NA HIZO 4R ZIWEBADILISHWE ZIWE ZA KWELI NA SIYO KAULI MBIU YA KILAGHAI


View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=xjEJREFY6is
Profesa anatoboa siri kuwa watawala wa Kenya mwaka 2007 -2008 walitishiwa watoto wao waliopo Marekani na Ulaya kuondoshwa vyuo vikuu vya huko ndipo wakakubali maridhiano, Watawala dhalimu hawahitaji kupewa pesa za walipa kodi wa ulaya na Marekani ya Kaskazini kama wataendelea na udhalimu wao dhidi ya raia n.k
How can Peace be Made? Session Two23 October 2015Martti Ahtisaari, the Humanitas Visiting Professor in Statecraft and Diplomacy 2015-16, will give two public lectures, participate in a Conversation with other invited speakers, and attend a concluding symposium based on the theme of How can Peace be Made? This is the final event of the series. Confirmed discussants include Professor Jan Zielonka (University of Oxford), Lord Hannay of Chiswick and Professor Jennifer Welsh (European University Institute). The symposium will be chaired by Professor Christopher Hill (University of Cambridge). Further information, including a programme, will follow shortly.
 
TOKA HABARI ZA KIMATAIFA, MAKALA YA KIUCHAMBUZI:

Pretoria, Republic of
South Africa

Rais wa Tanzania aachana rasmi na kinyago (mask) cha maigizo cha kuleta mageuzi kupitia 4R huku kukiwa na wimbi kubwa la kudumaza demokrasia Afrika Mashariki​


Tanzanian president drops pretence of reform amid retreat from democracy in east Africa​

Tanzanian president drops pretence of reform amid retreat from democracy in east Africa

President of Tanzania Samia Suluhu Hassan attends a meeting at the State House in Dar es Salaam on 8 February 2025. (Photo: EPA-EFE / Anthony Siame)

By Peter Fabricius Follow
11 May 2025 0

In the lead-up to the October 2025 elections, Tanzania’s president is retreating from democracy – along with the rest of the east African region.​

Democracy is in bad shape in east Africa and seems to be getting worse. Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu Hassan’s political reforms after she succeeded the authoritarian John Magufuli in 2021 raised a glimmer of hope – but she now seems to have regressed.
Reacting to the general retreat from democracy, Kenyan politician Martha Karua, a former member of Parliament and cabinet minister, and Raila Odinga’s running mate in the 2022 presidential elections, is leading a campaign against opposition party suppression in the region.


Her Pan-African Progressive Leaders Solidarity Network is demanding the “immediate withdrawal of charges against Mr Lissu and all political prisoners”. This refers to Tundu Lissu, the leader of Tanzania’s Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (Chadema) party, who was arrested and detained in April on treason charges. Chadema is pushing for electoral reforms ahead of the October general elections under the slogan “No Reforms, No Election”.
Karua’s group describes Lissu’s case as “emblematic of growing threats to democracy across Africa”. She has also joined the legal team defending Ugandan opposition leader Kizza Besigye and his ally Hajji Obeid Lutale, who were jailed without bail on charges of treason and illegal possession of weapons. Meanwhile, veteran Burundi opposition leader Agathon Rwasa has been sidelined from participating in next month’s elections.
Ugandan opposition leader Bobi Wine, who ran against President Yoweri Museveni in the last presidential elections, posted this week about visiting his bodyguard, Eddie Mutwe, and other jailed party members in prison. Mutwe was abducted last month by armed men. Wine said they had been tortured and that military chief Muhoozi Kainerugaba – Museveni’s son – had personally participated in the assault.


Kainerugaba, who seems beyond the control of his father or anyone else, openly boasted on social media that he was holding Mutwe in his basement. Kainerugaba regularly posts threats to Wine and his officials. This blatant aggression is particularly disturbing since it is widely believed Museveni is grooming him as a successor.
And Kenya is somewhat complicit, having allowed Ugandan agents to abduct Besigye in Nairobi last December. Opposition activists report a spate of such abductions across the region.
None of the eight East African Community member states is a full democracy, according to Freedom House. Its 2025 report ranked Kenya as Partly Free and the rest as Not Free. Tanzania was demoted from Partly Free last year. The average score for EAC members was 22.875 out of 100 – way below the Partly Free threshold of 36. And the overall score of all eight declined from 187 in 2024 to 183 in 2025.
While Kainerugaba seems more straightforward, Samia is rather enigmatic. As Nicodemus Minde, Institute for Security Studies researcher in Nairobi, recently wrote, after succeeding Magufuli following his death in 2021, Samia seemed set to reverse his legacy. She “proudly championed the ‘Four Rs’ of reconciliation, resilience, reform and rebuilding.”


She ended Magufuli’s ban on political rallies, repealed his repressive media laws and released then Chadema leader Freeman Mbowe from prison. Mbowe had spent eight months in jail on terrorism charges.
But last year the wheels started coming off her reform initiative. Chadema official Ally Kibao was abducted and murdered in September, and another, Aisha Machano, was brutally attacked in October. In August, hundreds of Chadema officials and supporters, including Mbowe and Lissu, were detained ahead of a planned rally.

It appeared the crackdown was linked to the November 2024 local elections. Chadema raised concerns that they would not be free and fair, mainly because the management of the polls remained firmly in the hands of government officials and not an independent electoral commission.
Proposals to have election results challenged in court have been ignored by the ruling party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM). So the election system remained “completely captured by the ruling party”, as Minde told ISS Today. CCM won the local polls by a landslide after most opposition candidates had been banned.
And now her government has cracked down again in the lead-up to the October national elections by charging Lissu with the exaggerated offence of treason because Chadema threatened to boycott these elections too, failing electoral reforms.


This week, the courts ordered the state to bring Lissu to court for his next appearance on Monday, 19 May. He has been on a hunger strike in protest against being forced to appear in court only virtually. He is insisting on habeas corpus to protect himself against possible harm in jail.
It seems likely that the CCM is subjecting Lissu to legal harassment so that he and his party will be effectively ruled out of the October elections, leaving the field open to the CCM.
What is unclear about Samia, though, is why she has reversed her reform course. Until quite recently, the prevailing narrative was that she was failing to face down opposition to her reforms from Magufuli hardliners, who remained strong in the CCM and feared a Chadema win in the October elections.

But Minde told ISS Today that having removed several Magufuli loyalists early on, “she’s now turned to most Magufuli loyalists to beef up her government ahead of the elections”. She has also “consolidated her power by eliminating any potential competition from within CCM and now with the treason case Lissu is facing”.
If this is true, it would suggest that Samia has at last become her own woman. Though not in the way many had hoped she would. DM
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Msuluhishi wa ndani Jaji Joseph Sinde Warioba, anayebezwa sana na CCM lakini anayeheshimiwa na CHADEMA

3 May 2025
Waziri Mkuu na Makamu wa Kwanza wa Rais Mstaafu, Jaji Joseph Warioba akifungua kongamano la wadau kuelekea uchaguzi mkuu lililoandaliwa na Chama cha Wanasheria Tanganyika (TLS)...

Warioba Afunguka Alichozungumza na Lissu Kuhusu 'No Reforms, No Election', Agusia Jitihada za Muafaka


View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=bWtyw4-FrjM
 

01 May 2025​

JE SAMIA SULUHU AMEGEUKA DIKTETA ILI KUEPUKA KUSHINDWA KTK UCHAGUZI TANZANIA?
DOKUMENTARI :

View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=ymGz-MPekKs

Rais wa kwanza mwanamke wa Tanzania, Samia Suluhu Hassan, aliingia madarakani mwaka 2021 kufuatia kifo cha ghafla cha mgonjwa wa COVID-19 John Pombe Joseph Magufuli.

Awali rais Samia Hassan akitajwa kuwa mwanamageuzi kwa kubadili sera tata za mwendazake John Magufuli na kufufua uchumi wa Tanzania, hatua yake ya hivi karibuni ya kumkandamiza kiongozi wa upinzani Tundu Lissu imeibua maswali ya kutisha.

Wakati Tanzania inakaribia uchaguzi wake wa 2025, serikali ya Rais Samia imekuwa ikipiga mabomu ya vitoa machozi na hata kuweka marufuku mikutano ya upinzani, kuwakamata wakosoaji, na kwa kutumia INEC kuzuia chama cha mpinzani wake mkuu kushiriki katika kura muhimu.

Je, haya ni matendo ya kukata tamaa ya kiongozi Samia Hassan kuogopa kupoteza madaraka? Au rais Samia Hassan anafuata kitabu cha michezo cha kiafrika kinachovaliwa vizuri cha ghiliba za uchaguzi? Dokumentari hii inachunguza:
  • Mageuzi ya kushangaza ya Dk. Samia Hassan baada ya kifo cha John Magufuli
  • ukuaji wa uchumi wa Tanzania chini ya uongozi wake
  • Ukandamizaji wa utaratibu wa sauti za upinzani
  • Kulinganisha na viongozi wengine wa Kiafrika waliokataa kukubali kushindwa
  • Kama demokrasia ya Tanzania inaweza kustahimili mtihani huu muhimu
Kwa uchambuzi wa kipekee na mitazamo ya msingi, tunachunguza kama "Iron Lady" wa Afrika rais Dk. Samia Hassan anakuwa dikteta mwingine tu - na hii inamaanisha nini kwa mustakabali wa Tanzania. : Je, jumuiya ya kimataifa inapaswa kuingilia kati?
 
Msuluhishi wa ndani Jaji Joseph Sinde Warioba, anayebezwa sana na CCM lakini anayeheshimiwa na CHADEMA

3 May 2025
Waziri Mkuu na Makamu wa Kwanza wa Rais Mstaafu, Jaji Joseph Warioba akifungua kongamano la wadau kuelekea uchaguzi mkuu lililoandaliwa na Chama cha Wanasheria Tanganyika (TLS)...


View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=bWtyw4-FrjM

Ametukanwa haswa
 
Wakati huo huo, Martti alikuwa na kanuni sana juu ya wazo kwamba wahusika tu kwenye mzozo wanaweza kufanya amani. Mpatanishi - au kwa upande wake, wakala mwaminifu - anaweza kusaidia wahusika kuchunguza vigezo vya amani, lakini wahusika lazima wafanye maamuzi ya mwisho. Hii ndiyo njia pekee ya kuhakikisha kwamba amani inakuwa endelevu.
Tutachunguza vigezo vya amani.

No reform no election.

Asante EU
 
Wakati Tanzania inakaribia uchaguzi wake wa 2025, serikali ya Rais Samia imekuwa ikipiga mabomu ya vitoa machozi na hata kuweka marufuku mikutano ya upinzani, kuwakamata wakosoaji, na kwa kutumia INEC kuzuia chama cha mpinzani wake mkuu kushiriki katika kura muhimu.
Hata mawe yatasema tu
 

16 May 2025

Ulaya wanajua Tanzania Siyo Kisiwa cha Amani. "Propaganda Haitoshi": Tuokoe Taifa"– Sauti ya Askofu Mwamakula.


View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=05EpWgO4NAQ
Huo ndiyo ukweli tofauti na propaganda za CCM .... Bunge la Ulaya EU nchi 27 mwanachama, IDU Brussels Forum 2025, ADU Forum Africa, Amnesty International n.k mbinyo bado unaongezeka kwa utawala uliopo madarakani Tanzania... nini madhara yake hasi kwa hali ya taswira hii mbaya ya mazingira gandamizi, yasiyo na haki ..

Rais wa nchi mojawapo mwanachama wa Umoja wa Ulaya /EU asisitiza maridhiano, muafaka na haki akiwa ziarani Tanzania :

Umoja wa Ulaya / EU nchi wanachama (countries) ni hizi :

Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Croatia, Republic of Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia,
Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain and Sweden.
 
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