Rais paul kagame hatarini kushitakiwa icc

[Herbalist Dr MziziMkavu]

​

ONYO lililotolewa na Ikulu ya Marekani dhidi ya Serikali ya Rwanda, linalomtaka Rais wa nchi hiyo, Paul Kagame, kuacha kuwasaidia waasi wa kikundi cha M23, lina kila dalili zinazomuweka kwenye kundi la viongozi wa Kiafrika ambao hatma yao baada ya kuachia madaraka inazungukwa na wingu la mashaka.

Rais wa Marekani, Barack Obama, ambaye mapema wiki hii alikaririwa na vyombo vya habari mbalimbali duniani akimtaka Rais Kagame kuacha kukisaidia kijeshi kikundi cha waasi wa M23, anaaminika kuitoa kauli hiyo kama msimamo wa serikali yake inayopinga watawala wanaojihusisha na uhalifu wa kivita.

Ingawa hadi sasa Rais Kagame hajatajwa na Ikulu ya Marekani kama mmoja wa viongozi wa Afrika wanaotuhumiwa kwa uhalifu wa kivita, onyo lililotolewa na Rais Obama linadhihirisha kuwepo kwa ushahidi unaomhusisha na matukio ya aina hiyo yaliyopata kuwagharimu baadhi ya marais walionyooshewa kidole na Marekani kwa aina hii hii anayonyooshewa sasa Kagame.

Wadadisi na wafuatiliaji wa mambo walioichambua kauli ya Rais Obama, wanaeleza kuwa aliitoa baada ya Marekani kujiridhisha na ushahidi ilioukusanya ukiihusisha Serikali ya Rwanda kuwasaidia waasi wa kundi la M23.

Wanaeleza kuwa Marekani baada ya kubaini ushirika wa majeshi ya Rwanda yaliyojipenyeza ndani ya makundi ya waasi wanaopigana na Serikali ya Kongo, huku wakitekeleza vitendo vya kinyama dhidi ya binadamu katika maeneo ya mashariki mwa nchi hiyo yenye utajiri mkubwa wa madini, imeamua kumtosa Kagame, ambaye amekuwa na uswahiba wa muda mrefu na taifa hilo.

Katika tathimini yao kuhusu uzito wa onyo la Rais Obama kwa Rais Kagame, wanaeleza kuwa hataweza kuepuka kitanzi cha mashitaka katika Mahakama ya Kimataifa ya Uhalifu wa Kivita (ICC).

Waasi wa kikundi cha M23, mbali na kuendesha mapambano dhidi ya majeshi ya Serikali ya Kongo, jambo linalopingwa na jumuiya ya kimataifa, pia wanatuhumiwa kwa ubakaji na mauaji ya watu wasiokuwa na hatia.

Tuhuma hizo pia zinaelekezwa kwa majeshi ya Rwanda, yanayodaiwa kushirikiana na waasi hao na ndizo zinazomuweka Rais Kagame katika hatari ya kufikishwa mahakamani na hata kuhukumiwa kama ilivyokuwa kwa aliyekuwa Rais wa Liberia, Charles Taylor, ambaye kwa sasa anatumikia kifungo cha miaka 50 jela baada ya kupatikana na makosa ya uhalifu wa kivita nchini Sierra Leone ambako zaidi ya watu 50,000 waliuawa katika vita ya wenyewe kwa wenyewe na wengine wengi wakiachwa na ulemavu wa kudumu.

Kama inavyotokea kwa Rais Kagame sasa, kwa Taylor pia ilikuwa hivyo hivyo, pale alipokuwa akionywa na jumuiya za kimataifa na yeye kudharau maonyo hayo.

Wakati wadadisi na wachambuzi wa mambo wakiwa na mtizamo huo kuhusu onyo la Serikali ya Marekani dhidi ya Rais Kagame kujiingiza kijeshi katika vita vya ndani ya Kongo, ushahidi uliokusanywa na taasisi za Umoja ya Mataifa za kutoa misaada ya kibinadamu unaonyesha kuwa wanajeshi wa Rwanda wanaopigana bega kwa bega na waasi wa M23 wamekuwa wakijihusisha na vitendo vya kihalifu dhidi ya binadamu.

Ni ushahidi wa aina hiyo ndio uliotumiwa na ICC, kumhukumu Taylor, aliyekuwa akituhumiwa kuvisaidia vikundi vya waasi vya Revolutionary United Front (RUF) na Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC) kwa kuvigawia silaha za kivita kwa muktadha wa kupewa madini ya almasi.

Stephen Rapp, mchambuzi wa sheria za makosa ya jinai wa Marekani, katika mahojiano yake na gazeti la The Guardian la nchini Uingereza, alieleza kuwa uongozi wa Serikali ya Rwanda una tuhuma za kujibu katika Mahakama ya ICC, kuhusu mapigano yanayoendelea Mashariki mwa Kongo.

Kauli hiyo ya Rapp inaunga mkono madai ya mara kwa mara ya mashirika ya kimataifa yanayojihusisha na utetezi wa haki za binadamu ya Human Right Watch, Save the Children, UNICEF na UNHCR, ambayo kwa nyakati tofauti yamekuwa yakidai kuwa na ushahidi wa kutosha wa waasi wa M23 kusaidiwa na Jeshi la Rwanda kufanya mauaji ya raia wasiokuwa na hatia katika miji mbalimbali ya Mashariki mwa Kongo.

Inadaiwa pia kuwa upo ushahidi unaoonyesha jinsi ambavyo waasi wa M23 wamekuwa wakiwatumia watoto wadogo katika vikosi vya majeshi na ndio ambao wamekuwa wakitangulizwa mstari wa mbele katika uwanja wa mapambano, hususan katika matukio ya uhalifu wa kivita.

Tuhuma nyingine zinazoelekezewa Serikali ya Kigali ni kufadhili kundi la waasi la CNDP, lililokuwa chini ya uongozi wa Jenerali Bosco Ntaganda, ambaye amejisalimisha kwenye Mahakama ya ICC mapema mwaka huu.

Sehemu kubwa ya wapiganaji wa kundi la Ntaganda sasa wameungana na waasi wa kundi la M23 na wamekuwa wakijiimarisha kiulinzi katika maeneo yenye utajiri mkubwa wa madini nchini Kongo.

Mtanzania

RAIS PAUL KAGAME HATARINI KUSHITAKIWA ICC - GUMZO LA JIJI

 

[bornagain]

Usicheze na damu za watu,mimi kila siku nasema na kila thread inayomhusu Kagame huwa naandika kuwa issue ya Kagame kushitakiwa The Hague it is a time ticking bomb which is waiting to explode.Unapocheza na Mmarekani inatakiwa ujue sana kuzichanga karata zako kwa umakini maana kazi ya mzungu yeyote ni kukutumia then wakishapata wanachokitaka wanakumwaga.

Marekani na Uingereza chini ya Rais Clinton na waziri mkuu Tonny Blair ndio walimsaidia Kagame na RPF yake kuikamata Rwanda kwa mkataba wa kwamba after 2 year Kagame awe ameshaandaa jeshi tayari kwa kuikamata Congo.Kwa kuwa Kagame muda aliopewa ulikuwa mfupi sana ilibidi atumie majeshi ya Uganda, Burundi na Tanzania kuivamia DRC.Sisi waTanzania kwenye vita ile tuliingia kichwa kichwa bila kujua eti tunamsaidia Laurent Kabila kwa kuwa eti alikaa nchini kwetu kama mkimbizi wa kisiasa kwa hiyo tukaingia Congo kumsaidia rafiki yetu eti aondoe utawala kandamizi wa Mobutu kwa mbali hatukujua kama tunamsapoti Kagame na wanyamulenge wenzake kutengeneza Hima Empire.Vita ilipokamilika mwaka 1997 sisi tulitoa majeshi yetu kwa kuwa tuliamini kuwa nchi ipo chini ya Kabila sasa.Lakini Wanyarwandwa wao walikuwa wanajua makubaliono yao na Kabila waligoma kutoka Congo na Kabila alipowataka kuondoka mwaka ule wa 1999 ndiyo akina Laurent Nkundabatwale wakaibuka na vikundi vya kumpinga Desire Kabila mashariki mwa Congo ambavo ndiyo hivo vinavoendeshwa na serikali ya Kagame.

Kuona hivo harakaharaka Desire Kabila akaliomba jeshi letu tukufu lirudi DRC kwa ajuili ya ulinzi na training,ilibidi tupeleke wanajeshi wa kuwatraini waCongoman kwa ajili ya kupata jeshi lenye nidhamu so from there Kagame anajua strength yetu kijeshi ndiyo maana tulivochangia wanajeshi wa kulinda amani Goma jamaa anaweweseka.

All in all point yangu nayotaka kuzungumza ni kwamba wamarekani ama mzungu yeyote akishapata anachokitaka its very easy kukudump kama kondom.Kwa hiyo hilo ndilo litakalotokea kwa Kagame hata kama siyo kesho nakuambia siku yaja nayo haitakawia Kagame lazima atakuwa na mashitaka ya kujibu.

 

[msafwa93]

jamaa ana akili kuliko kikwete,ila kikwete ni mjanja kuliko yeye...

 

[Masuke]

Usicheze na damu za watu,mimi kila siku nasema na kila thread inayomhusu Kagame huwa naandika kuwa issue ya Kagame kushitakiwa The Hague it is a time ticking bomb which is waiting to explode.Unapocheza na Mmarekani inatakiwa ujue sana kuzichanga karata zako kwa umakini maana kazi ya mzungu yeyote ni kukutumia then wakishapata wanachokitaka wanakumwaga.

Marekani na Uingereza chini ya Rais Clinton na waziri mkuu Tonny Blair ndio walimsaidia Kagame na RPF yake kuikamata Rwanda kwa mkataba wa kwamba after 2 year Kagame awe ameshaandaa jeshi tayari kwa kuikamata Congo.Kwa kuwa Kagame muda aliopewa ulikuwa mfupi sana ilibidi atumie majeshi ya Uganda, Burundi na Tanzania kuivamia DRC.Sisi waTanzania kwenye vita ile tuliingia kichwa kichwa bila kujua eti tunamsaidia Laurent Kabila kwa kuwa eti alikaa nchini kwetu kama mkimbizi wa kisiasa kwa hiyo tukaingia Congo kumsaidia rafiki yetu eti aondoe utawala kandamizi wa Mobutu kwa mbali hatukujua kama tunamsapoti Kagame na wanyamulenge wenzake kutengeneza Hima Empire.Vita ilipokamilika mwaka 1997 sisi tulitoa majeshi yetu kwa kuwa tuliamini kuwa nchi ipo chini ya Kabila sasa.Lakini Wanyarwandwa wao walikuwa wanajua makubaliono yao na Kabila waligoma kutoka Congo na Kabila alipowataka kuondoka mwaka ule wa 1999 ndiyo akina Laurent Nkundabatwale wakaibuka na vikundi vya kumpinga Desire Kabila mashariki mwa Congo ambavo ndiyo hivo vinavoendeshwa na serikali ya Kagame.

Kuona hivo harakaharaka Desire Kabila akaliomba jeshi letu tukufu lirudi DRC kwa ajuili ya ulinzi na training,ilibidi tupeleke wanajeshi wa kuwatraini waCongoman kwa ajili ya kupata jeshi lenye nidhamu so from there Kagame anajua strength yetu kijeshi ndiyo maana tulivochangia wanajeshi wa kulinda amani Goma jamaa anaweweseka.

All in all point yangu nayotaka kuzungumza ni kwamba wamarekani ama mzungu yeyote akishapata anachokitaka its very easy kukudump kama kondom.Kwa hiyo hilo ndilo litakalotokea kwa Kagame hata kama siyo kesho nakuambia siku yaja nayo haitakawia Kagame lazima atakuwa na mashitaka ya kujibu.

Mkuu mimi najua Kagame alikamata urais mwaka 2000, kwa hiyo unataka kusema Bizimungu alikuwa kama remote tu lakini mwenye madaraka alikuwa ni Kagame?

 

[rushasha]

​

ONYO lililotolewa na Ikulu ya Marekani dhidi ya Serikali ya Rwanda, linalomtaka Rais wa nchi hiyo, Paul Kagame, kuacha kuwasaidia waasi wa kikundi cha M23, lina kila dalili zinazomuweka kwenye kundi la viongozi wa Kiafrika ambao hatma yao baada ya kuachia madaraka inazungukwa na wingu la mashaka.

Rais wa Marekani, Barack Obama, ambaye mapema wiki hii alikaririwa na vyombo vya habari mbalimbali duniani akimtaka Rais Kagame kuacha kukisaidia kijeshi kikundi cha waasi wa M23, anaaminika kuitoa kauli hiyo kama msimamo wa serikali yake inayopinga watawala wanaojihusisha na uhalifu wa kivita.

Ingawa hadi sasa Rais Kagame hajatajwa na Ikulu ya Marekani kama mmoja wa viongozi wa Afrika wanaotuhumiwa kwa uhalifu wa kivita, onyo lililotolewa na Rais Obama linadhihirisha kuwepo kwa ushahidi unaomhusisha na matukio ya aina hiyo yaliyopata kuwagharimu baadhi ya marais walionyooshewa kidole na Marekani kwa aina hii hii anayonyooshewa sasa Kagame.

Wadadisi na wafuatiliaji wa mambo walioichambua kauli ya Rais Obama, wanaeleza kuwa aliitoa baada ya Marekani kujiridhisha na ushahidi ilioukusanya ukiihusisha Serikali ya Rwanda kuwasaidia waasi wa kundi la M23.

Wanaeleza kuwa Marekani baada ya kubaini ushirika wa majeshi ya Rwanda yaliyojipenyeza ndani ya makundi ya waasi wanaopigana na Serikali ya Kongo, huku wakitekeleza vitendo vya kinyama dhidi ya binadamu katika maeneo ya mashariki mwa nchi hiyo yenye utajiri mkubwa wa madini, imeamua kumtosa Kagame, ambaye amekuwa na uswahiba wa muda mrefu na taifa hilo.

Katika tathimini yao kuhusu uzito wa onyo la Rais Obama kwa Rais Kagame, wanaeleza kuwa hataweza kuepuka kitanzi cha mashitaka katika Mahakama ya Kimataifa ya Uhalifu wa Kivita (ICC).

Waasi wa kikundi cha M23, mbali na kuendesha mapambano dhidi ya majeshi ya Serikali ya Kongo, jambo linalopingwa na jumuiya ya kimataifa, pia wanatuhumiwa kwa ubakaji na mauaji ya watu wasiokuwa na hatia.

Tuhuma hizo pia zinaelekezwa kwa majeshi ya Rwanda, yanayodaiwa kushirikiana na waasi hao na ndizo zinazomuweka Rais Kagame katika hatari ya kufikishwa mahakamani na hata kuhukumiwa kama ilivyokuwa kwa aliyekuwa Rais wa Liberia, Charles Taylor, ambaye kwa sasa anatumikia kifungo cha miaka 50 jela baada ya kupatikana na makosa ya uhalifu wa kivita nchini Sierra Leone ambako zaidi ya watu 50,000 waliuawa katika vita ya wenyewe kwa wenyewe na wengine wengi wakiachwa na ulemavu wa kudumu.

Kama inavyotokea kwa Rais Kagame sasa, kwa Taylor pia ilikuwa hivyo hivyo, pale alipokuwa akionywa na jumuiya za kimataifa na yeye kudharau maonyo hayo.

Wakati wadadisi na wachambuzi wa mambo wakiwa na mtizamo huo kuhusu onyo la Serikali ya Marekani dhidi ya Rais Kagame kujiingiza kijeshi katika vita vya ndani ya Kongo, ushahidi uliokusanywa na taasisi za Umoja ya Mataifa za kutoa misaada ya kibinadamu unaonyesha kuwa wanajeshi wa Rwanda wanaopigana bega kwa bega na waasi wa M23 wamekuwa wakijihusisha na vitendo vya kihalifu dhidi ya binadamu.

Ni ushahidi wa aina hiyo ndio uliotumiwa na ICC, kumhukumu Taylor, aliyekuwa akituhumiwa kuvisaidia vikundi vya waasi vya Revolutionary United Front (RUF) na Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC) kwa kuvigawia silaha za kivita kwa muktadha wa kupewa madini ya almasi.

Stephen Rapp, mchambuzi wa sheria za makosa ya jinai wa Marekani, katika mahojiano yake na gazeti la The Guardian la nchini Uingereza, alieleza kuwa uongozi wa Serikali ya Rwanda una tuhuma za kujibu katika Mahakama ya ICC, kuhusu mapigano yanayoendelea Mashariki mwa Kongo.

Kauli hiyo ya Rapp inaunga mkono madai ya mara kwa mara ya mashirika ya kimataifa yanayojihusisha na utetezi wa haki za binadamu ya Human Right Watch, Save the Children, UNICEF na UNHCR, ambayo kwa nyakati tofauti yamekuwa yakidai kuwa na ushahidi wa kutosha wa waasi wa M23 kusaidiwa na Jeshi la Rwanda kufanya mauaji ya raia wasiokuwa na hatia katika miji mbalimbali ya Mashariki mwa Kongo.

Inadaiwa pia kuwa upo ushahidi unaoonyesha jinsi ambavyo waasi wa M23 wamekuwa wakiwatumia watoto wadogo katika vikosi vya majeshi na ndio ambao wamekuwa wakitangulizwa mstari wa mbele katika uwanja wa mapambano, hususan katika matukio ya uhalifu wa kivita.

Tuhuma nyingine zinazoelekezewa Serikali ya Kigali ni kufadhili kundi la waasi la CNDP, lililokuwa chini ya uongozi wa Jenerali Bosco Ntaganda, ambaye amejisalimisha kwenye Mahakama ya ICC mapema mwaka huu.

Sehemu kubwa ya wapiganaji wa kundi la Ntaganda sasa wameungana na waasi wa kundi la M23 na wamekuwa wakijiimarisha kiulinzi katika maeneo yenye utajiri mkubwa wa madini nchini Kongo.

Mtanzania

RAIS PAUL KAGAME HATARINI KUSHITAKIWA ICC - GUMZO LA JIJI

Tena wamemchelewesha sana. Damu ya binadamu aliyeumbwa na MUNGU haiwezi enda bure hata siku moja...

 

[bornagain]

Mkuu mimi najua Kagame alikamata urais mwaka 2000, kwa hiyo unataka kusema Bizimungu alikuwa kama remote tu lakini mwenye madaraka alikuwa ni Kagame?

Pasteur Bizimungu alikuwa pale kama kanyaboya tu mwenye mamlaka makubwa alikuwa Kagame ambae alikuwa Waziri wa ulinzi na makamu wa rais.By the way RPF wakati wanaanza harakati walitaka kuonyesha kama si chama cha kikabila kwa kumuweka kiongozi wao kuwa mhutu Pasteur Bizimungu na kumfanya kuwa rais, kama walivofanya kwa Laurent Desire Kabila kuaminisha dunia kuwa walioivamia Congo mwaka ule wa 1996 walikuwa ni Wacongomani simply because msemaji wa wapiganaji alikuwa ni Mkongoman.Wazungu wanajua wanachokifanya nakuambia Kagame hatakuwa salama maana ameua vya kutosha sasa damu za watu aliowaua zinaanza kumuandama.Cheki hiyo link chini ndiyo ujue Kagame yupo kwenye rank za akina Msolini na Hitler maana kwa Idd Amin jamaa alivuka zamani sana
http://sfbayview.com/2010/u-s-u-n-cover-up-of-kagames-genocide-in-rwanda-and-congo/

 

[Kifarutz]

Pasteur Bizimungu alikuwa pale kama kanyaboya tu mwenye mamlaka makubwa alikuwa Kagame ambae alikuwa Waziri wa ulinzi na makamu wa rais.By the way RPF wakati wanaanza harakati walitaka kuonyesha kama si chama cha kikabila kwa kumuweka kiongozi wao kuwa mhutu Pasteur Bizimungu na kumfanya kuwa rais, kama walivofanya kwa Laurent Desire Kabila kuaminisha dunia kuwa walioivamia Congo mwaka ule wa 1996 walikuwa ni Wacongomani simply because msemaji wa wapiganaji alikuwa ni Mkongoman.Wazungu wanajua wanachokifanya nakuambia Kagame hatakuwa salama maana ameua vya kutosha sasa damu za watu aliowaua zinaanza kumuandama.Cheki hiyo link chini ndiyo ujue Kagame yupo kwenye rank za akina Msolini na Hitler maana kwa Idd Amin jamaa alivuka zamani sana
U.S./U.N. cover-up of Kagame

Mkuu hebu funguka kidogo, ni nani hasa aliyeivamia kongo mwaka 1996? Mie ni miongoni mwa watu walioamini kuwa ni wakongoman walioivamia kongo mwaka huo

 

[KING COBRA]

Usicheze na damu za watu,mimi kila siku nasema na kila thread inayomhusu Kagame huwa naandika kuwa issue ya Kagame kushitakiwa The Hague it is a time ticking bomb which is waiting to explode.Unapocheza na Mmarekani inatakiwa ujue sana kuzichanga karata zako kwa umakini maana kazi ya mzungu yeyote ni kukutumia then wakishapata wanachokitaka wanakumwaga.

Marekani na Uingereza chini ya Rais Clinton na waziri mkuu Tonny Blair ndio walimsaidia Kagame na RPF yake kuikamata Rwanda kwa mkataba wa kwamba after 2 year Kagame awe ameshaandaa jeshi tayari kwa kuikamata Congo.Kwa kuwa Kagame muda aliopewa ulikuwa mfupi sana ilibidi atumie majeshi ya Uganda, Burundi na Tanzania kuivamia DRC.Sisi waTanzania kwenye vita ile tuliingia kichwa kichwa bila kujua eti tunamsaidia Laurent Kabila kwa kuwa eti alikaa nchini kwetu kama mkimbizi wa kisiasa kwa hiyo tukaingia Congo kumsaidia rafiki yetu eti aondoe utawala kandamizi wa Mobutu kwa mbali hatukujua kama tunamsapoti Kagame na wanyamulenge wenzake kutengeneza Hima Empire.Vita ilipokamilika mwaka 1997 sisi tulitoa majeshi yetu kwa kuwa tuliamini kuwa nchi ipo chini ya Kabila sasa.Lakini Wanyarwandwa wao walikuwa wanajua makubaliono yao na Kabila waligoma kutoka Congo na Kabila alipowataka kuondoka mwaka ule wa 1999 ndiyo akina Laurent Nkundabatwale wakaibuka na vikundi vya kumpinga Desire Kabila mashariki mwa Congo ambavo ndiyo hivo vinavoendeshwa na serikali ya Kagame.

Kuona hivo harakaharaka Desire Kabila akaliomba jeshi letu tukufu lirudi DRC kwa ajuili ya ulinzi na training,ilibidi tupeleke wanajeshi wa kuwatraini waCongoman kwa ajili ya kupata jeshi lenye nidhamu so from there Kagame anajua strength yetu kijeshi ndiyo maana tulivochangia wanajeshi wa kulinda amani Goma jamaa anaweweseka.

All in all point yangu nayotaka kuzungumza ni kwamba wamarekani ama mzungu yeyote akishapata anachokitaka its very easy kukudump kama kondom.Kwa hiyo hilo ndilo litakalotokea kwa Kagame hata kama siyo kesho nakuambia siku yaja nayo haitakawia Kagame lazima atakuwa na mashitaka ya kujibu.

PAUL KAGAME OPPONENTS PRESS FOR CHARGES OVER DRC CONFLICT


Rwandan opposition parties in exile will go to The Hague to urge action over claims regime is arming rebels across border
Pete Jones in Goma : guardian.co.uk, Monday 13 August 2012


Rwandan opposition parties in exile are to ask the international criminal court to press charges against the country's president, Paul Kagame, after a UN report accused his regime of supporting rebel forces in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Representatives of the United Democratic Forces party and the Rwandan National Congress will travel to The Hague on Friday to demand that the court examines claims that Kagame's regime is recruiting and arming the rebels in an attempt to annex the DRC's Kivu provinces. They also want an investigation into suggestions that Rwanda is stealing eastern Congo's mineral resources. Rwanda's alleged support for the M23 rebels has opened a diplomatic rift between Kigali and Kinshasa that several regional summits have failed to resolve. Kagame strenuously denies the claims and the Congolese president, Joseph Kabila, refuses to negotiate directly with the rebels, who have advanced to within 19 miles (30km) of Goma, the capital of North Kivu.
In late July the head of the US war crimes office, Stephen Rapp, suggested that Kagame and other implicated Rwandan government figures could face prosecution at the ICC if M23 committed atrocities in the DRC. Rapp said Kagame could potentially face charges of aiding and abetting crimes against humanity in the DRC. In May the former Liberian president Charles Taylor was given a 50-year sentence after being found guilty of similar charges. Rapp has also called for the arrest of the M23 leaders Bosco Ntaganda, Sultani Makenga and Innocent Zimurinda. The UN report prompted the US government to withhold $200,000 (£130,000) of military aid to Rwanda, and other countries followed suit, including the UK which suspended £16m of aid. The demand to bring charges against Kagame has support among Congolese as well as opposition Rwandan politicians. "The politicians in Kinshasa are aware of these charges and they support them, although there have been no official statements as yet," said Nzangi Butondo, a Congolese MP representing Goma. "We think now is the right time to [go to The Hague]. It is certainly something to raise publicity, but there is also the hope that the ICC will, as a result, at least launch an investigation into this affair."


US SUPPORT FOR RWANDA WANES AMID CONCERN OVER VIOLENCE IN CONGO
Washington signals shift in policy by cutting aid and rebuking Kagame administration for apparent support for rebels in DRC

Chris McGreal in Washington :The Guardian, Wednesday 1 August 2012

The US is retreating from years of solid public support for Rwanda's president, Paul Kagame, in a major shift that suggests Washington's concern at continued bloodletting in the Democratic Republic of Congo now outweighs western guilt over the 1994 Rwandan genocide.
The Rwandan government has hit back at the latest accusations of its support for rebels in the DRC, calling a detailed United Nations report that prompted the US, Britain and other countries to cut aid last week an orchestrated attempt to "cast Rwanda as the villain". But Washington appears unpersuaded after publicly endorsing the report which lays out evidence of Rwanda providing fighters and military equipment to rebels in the eastern DRC where 18 years of conflict have cost the lives of several million people.
The US state department broke with its history of limiting criticism to private communications to say "we have deep concerns about Rwanda's support to the Congolese rebel group that goes by the name M23". Washington cut military aid and its war crimes chief warned that the Rwandan leadership could find itself under investigation by the international criminal court.
Tom Malinowski, a former member of President Bill Clinton's national security staff and now Washington director of Human Rights Watch, said Washington acted in the face of what it regarded as undeniable evidence. "At no point in the last 18 years has the United States and Rwanda's other allies responded as strongly to evidence of wrongdoing by the Kagame government," he said. "At some point people get sick of being lied to. This administration, like past administrations, has gone out of its way to give the Rwanda government the benefit of the doubt and the ability to respond to critics when they've been charged with this kind of behaviour, and to explain themselves. "But when the evidence is this clear and the government continues to categorically deny what the US government knows to be true, it's very difficult to maintain patience. What we're seeing now is patience dissolving."
The report also accuses Rwanda of protecting an accused war criminal, Bosco Ntaganda, who heads M23 and was indicted by the international criminal court six years ago. Malinowski, who was a state department official before working at the White House, said that for many years Kigali was given considerable leeway because western inaction at the beginning of the 1994 genocide had contributed to the slaughter of about 800,000 Tutsis. It also helped that Kagame is admired in Washington and London for leading the reconstruction of Rwanda and overseeing a thriving economy even if doubts crept in about his tight control of politics which left little space for real opposition.
But Malinowski said there was a growing belief within the US administration that Rwanda was using one crime to cover up another.
"We all went through that awful searing experience and the sense of guilt that President Clinton expressed many times about the international community's failure to help Rwanda in that moment of need. Unfortunately Kagame has played on that guilt over the years to mask additional crimes that frankly we should also feel a little bit guilty about not having confronted," he said.
US policy is also guided by a 2006 law sponsored by then-senator Barack Obama which was intended to help Kinshasa protect its mineral resources from plunder and permit Washington to withhold aid from countries destabilising the DRC. There have been several reports over recent years detailing Rwandan military support for rebels in the DRC including one known as the "mapping exercise" which laid out the huge scale of killing and suffering in the late 1990s.
Even as the UN prepared to publish the latest report there was resistance to its acceptance from some in the US administration, led by Washington's ambassador to the UN, Susan Rice. She initially sought to block a crucial annex detailing evidence of Rwandan support for the DRC rebels from being attached to the main report and made public. But that move was undermined when the DRC government in Kinshasa protested and details were leaked.
Kinshasa this week described Rwandan support for the rebels as an open secret.
The US announced it was withdrawing $200,000 in military assistance to Rwanda. Britain, Rwanda's single largest bilateral donor which initially showed no willingness to act over the UN report, followed Washington's lead and said it would delay payment of the latest batch of £16m in aid. The Netherlands and Germany cut assistance too. Germany's development minister, Dirk Niebel, said he had warned Rwanda a month ago.
"Rwanda did not use this time to rebut these serious allegations," he said. "Suspending budget aid is a clear sign to the Rwandan government."
The US war crimes chief, Stephen Rapp, added to the pressure by warning that Rwanda's leaders could face investigation and prosecution by the international criminal court for aiding and abetting crimes against humanity if it could be shown they were arming Congolese rebels responsible for atrocities. Although Rwanda is not a signatory to the Rome statute creating the ICC, the DRC is and Rapp noted that the former Liberian president Charles Taylor was jailed for crimes committed in a neighbouring country.
The Kagame administration has reacted furiously to the shift in US policy, apparently in part because it was unexpected.Rwanda's foreign minister, Louise Mushikiwabo, accused western governments of treating her country like a child. "This child-to-parent relationship has to end … there has to be a minimum respect," she said. "As long as countries wave cheque books over our heads, we can never be equal."


RWANDA'S PAUL KAGAME WARNED HE MAY BE CHARGED WITH AIDING WAR CRIMES
US tells president he could face prosecution for arming groups that carried out atrocities in Democratic Republic of Congo

Chris McGreal in Washington : guardian.co.uk, Wednesday 25 July 2012

The head of the US war crimes office has warned Rwanda's leaders, including President Paul Kagame, that they could face prosecution at the international criminal court for arming groups responsible for atrocities in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
Stephen Rapp, who leads the US Office of Global Criminal Justice, told the Guardian the Rwandan leadership may be open to charges of "aiding and abetting" crimes against humanity in a neighbouring country – actions similar to those for which the former Liberian president, Charles Taylor, was jailed for 50 years by an international court in May.
Rapp's warning follows a damning United Nations report on recent Rwandan military support for M23, an insurgent group that has driven hundreds of thousands of people from their homes since April as it has seized territory in the eastern DRC.
The group is led by Bosco Ntaganda, known as the Terminator, who was indicted by the international criminal court six years ago for war crimes including the forced recruitment of child soldiers. The UN report accuses Rwanda of shielding Ntaganda from justice.
On Saturday, Washington said it would halt some military aid to Rwanda after the UN report.
The aid freeze and Rapp's public intervention mark a significant shift away from once-solid US support for Kagame, which was rooted in lingering guilt over international inaction during the 1994 genocide of Rwandan Tutsis.
Rapp, who previously served as chief prosecutor at the Rwanda genocide tribunal and later initiated the prosecution of Taylor over his crimes as president of Liberia in supporting rebels in neighbouring Sierra Leone, said Rwandan support for M23 and other armed groups "has to stop" because it "maintains the lawlessness and at the end of the day enables the ongoing commission of atrocities".
"There is a line that one can cross under international law where you can be held responsible for aiding a group in a way that makes possible their commission of atrocities," he said.
"Charles Taylor never set foot in Sierra Leone, and aided and abetted, and was convicted of aiding and abetting, the Revolutionary United Front with assistance that was substantial and, the judges said, without which the RUF could not have committed the atrocities to the extent they did commit them. Because of that evidence, Charles Taylor was convicted and sentenced to 50 years."
Rapp said the evidence by the UN group of experts of Rwandan government support for M23 and other armed groups, including sending weapons and troops into the DRC, exposed Kagame and other senior officials to investigation for war crimes.
"At this stage, I'm not sure if we are there in terms of criminal conduct," he said. "But if this kind of thing continued and groups that were being armed were committing crimes … then I think you would have a situation where individuals who were aiding them from across the border could be held criminally responsible."
The UN report, by a group of experts appointed by the security council, said it had "found substantial evidence attesting to support from Rwandan officials to armed groups operating in the eastern DRC", including shipping weapons and money to M23 in breach of a UN arms embargo and other sanctions.
"Since the earliest stages of its inception, the group documented a systematic pattern of military and political support provided to the M23 rebellion by Rwandan authorities," it said.
The report said the Rwandan government gave "direct assistance in the creation of M23 through the transport of weapons and soldiers through Rwandan territory", and recruited Rwandan youths, demobilised ex-combatants and Congolese refugees as M23 fighters.
It also offers evidence of "direct Rwandan Defence Forces (RDF) interventions into Congolese territory to reinforce M23" and "support to several other armed groups".
"RDF operational units are periodically reinforcing the M23 on the battlefield against the Congolese army," it said.
Many M23 members formerly served in another Rwandan-backed militia, the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP), which was responsible along with other militias for widespread atrocities over several years, including ethnic killings and mass rape. Ntaganda was the CNDP's military chief.
The experts accuse Rwanda of shielding Ntaganda from prosecution by the ICC for war crimes.
"Rwandan officials have insisted on impunity for their armed group and mutineer allies, including ex-CNDP General Bosco Ntaganda," they said.
Earlier this week, Kagame denounced western criticism of Rwanda's role in the DRC and blamed the continuing conflict on foreign powers that "don't listen", as well as the continuing threat from anti-Tutsi extremist forces, led by Hutus responsible for the 1994 genocide.
"This problem has not been caused by Rwanda and it has not been abetted by Rwanda," said Kagame. "Actually the problem of DRC came from outside. It was created by the international community, our partners, because they don't listen … and in the end they don't actually provide a solution. They just keep creating problems for us. We know better our problems, we know better about this region's problems."
Kagame also denied arming M23.
"The international community was saying that Rwanda is helping rebels, but helping them with what, and for what reason? They say we supply them with ammunition, but these people get guns from the Congolese army. The ammunition they have is from their Congolese armouries," he said. "We are not supplying even one bullet, we have not and we will not."
Kagame rejected accusations that Rwanda is shielding Ntaganda from the ICC. He said he told DRC's government that it should deal with the renegade general, but warned that arresting Ntaganda would only create more conflict.
"After that, members of the international community developed an idea that if Rwanda can't support them to arrest someone in another country, then they would put us together with those they want to arrest, and this is really how it turned out to be," he said.
The Rwandan leadership has faced accusations from the UN before, but the latest report has exposed it to unusual public criticism from Washington.
"We have a lot of influence with the Rwandans. We've been very supportive of them. We're prepared to speak frankly to them as we have privately in the past, and now publicly," Rapp said. "M23 was reinforced by Rwanda, and that has to stop. And that's the message we're delivering."
The US and Britain have long been accused of shielding Kagame from criticism over Rwanda's support for armed groups in the DRC and its plunder of minerals there.
Tony Blair, the former British prime minister, has been among the Rwandan president's strongest supporters, praising him as a "visionary leader" for the reconstruction and economic development of his country after the genocide.
Rwanda's invasion of what was then Zaire in 1996 to clear out refugee camps sheltering armed groups responsible for the genocide two years earlier was quietly backed by Washington and London, which did not challenge a second invasion two years later and Kigali's attempt to create a proxy administration in eastern DRC using loyal armed groups.
But the solid public support of Kagame grew increasingly difficult to defend given the scale of the suffering in DRC, with hundreds of thousands murdered and millions dying from disease and malnutrition caused by the conflict, and untold numbers of women raped, often repeatedly.
Earlier UN reports accused Kagame's forces of war crimes, including possibly genocide, in the eastern DRC. Others have criticised the increasingly authoritarian nature of the Rwandan president's rule, including the effective barring of political opposition.

US BACKS LIBYA IN DISPUTE OVER TRIAL LOCATION FOR SAIF AL-ISLAM GADDAFI

War crimes chief says national justice would be preferable to that of the ICC, which has spent months wrangling with Tripoli

Chris McGreal in Washington : guardian.co.uk, Wednesday 6 June 2012

The US is backing Libya in its dispute with the International Criminal Court as Tripoli and The Hague wrestle over jurisdiction to try Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, the son of the former dictator.
The US war crimes chief, Stephen Rapp, said Washington would like to see Gaddafi face a Libyan court because national justice is preferable – a reflection of continuing scepticism about the ICC even if cooperation has increased significantly since the open hostility of the Bush administration.
"Our preference is to try cases in the national system if you can have a process there that meets minimal standards of fair justice. The Libyan government says they can do that," said Rapp. "We certainly would like to see the Libyans provide a fair and appropriate justice at the national level. It won't be the same thing that happens in The Hague but The Hague is only for a relative handful of cases and the international system we see developing is one where countries do these cases themselves with international assistance, sometimes with international participation."
The ICC and the post-revolutionary administration in Tripoli have spent months wrangling over who has the greater authority to try Gaddafi for crimes he is alleged to have committed during last year's revolution, including the killing of unarmed protestors.
Gaddafi was captured by a revolutionary militia which has so far refused to surrender him either to the Tripoli or the ICC. Muammar Gaddafi was also indicted, but he is now dead, along with the regime's intelligence chief, Abdullah al-Senoussi, who is being held in Mauritania.
The new administration in Tripoli argues that Gaddafi should be tried at the scene of his crimes, Libya. The ICC last week dropped its demand that he be immediately handed over and said that he can remain in Libya while the court decides who has first claim.
Under the ICC statutes, it has jurisdiction if a government is unable or unwilling to put an accused on trial. Among other requirements for a national government to take precedence is that it has the ability to hold a fair trial.
The ICC chief prosecutor, Luis Moreno-Ocampo, last week told the Security Council, which authorised the prosecutions, that the dispute is a first for the 10-year-old court.
"This is the first time in the short history of the International Criminal Court that a state is requesting jurisdiction to conduct a national investigation against the same individual and for the same incidents under investigation by the International Criminal Court," Moreno-Ocampo said. "The challenge goes to the heart of the system of justice established in 1998 by the Rome Statute: national states have the primary obligation to conduct proceedings and the International Criminal Court's intervention will be complementary."
Lawyers for the Libyan government have argued that it has the ability to conduct a fair trial and should be permitted to do so "in furtherance of building a new and democratic Libya governed by the rule of law".
"To deny the Libyan people this historic opportunity to eradicate the long-standing culture of impunity would be manifestly inconsistent (with the principles of the ICC)," it said.
Rapp, who was the initial prosecutor at the war crimes trial of the former Liberian president, Charles Taylor, and was chief prosecutor at the Rwanda tribunal trying the leaders of the 1994 genocide, backed that position. Rapp, who is now head of the office of global criminal justice in Washington, said it is important where possible for the trials to be where the offenses were committed.
"It was an important part of this court that it would be at the scene of the crime, that it would be in Freetown," he said. The Rwanda genocide trials, held in neighbouring Tanzania, were criticised by survivors as too distant.
In contrast, an ad hoc special court was established in Sierra Leone with local and foreign judges to try most of those accused of crimes against humanity in the country's long civil war. But Taylor, who as president of neighbouring Liberia backed the rebels in Sierra Leone in return for diamonds, was moved for trial at The Hague using ICC facilities but still under the authority of the special court.
"Frankly I think we could have tried the Charles Taylor case just fine in Freetown," said Rapp. "But there was great concern, particularly in Liberia, that his presence in the region could be exploited for further instability."
The US support for Tripoli's position reflects its longstanding preference for ad hoc international courts, such as those that dealt with war crimes in Bosnia, Rwanda and Sierra Leone. That is in part borne out of continuing wariness of the ICC even if relations have improved dramatically under Obama.
The Bush administration, which joined Libya, Iraq, Israel and China in opposing establishment of ICC, was openly hostile to the court including seeking guarantees of immunity from prosecution for US citizens. However it later tempered its opposition, permitting the UN security council to refer crimes committed in Darfur to the ICC. The Obama administration has developed a working relationship with the court.


TAYLOR BOYCOTTS WAR CRIMES TRIAL
David Pallister and Chris McGreal :guardian.co.uk, Monday 4 June 2007


The former Liberian president Charles Taylor. Photograph: Ben Curtis/AP
Liberia's former president Charles Taylor dramatically failed to appear at the start of his trial for war crimes in the Hague today, with his British lawyer walking out of the court after a furious row with the presiding judge. The prolonged disruption marred what was meant to be an historic occasion as the first time a former African head of state was put on trial for crimes against humanity and war crimes. During the exceptionally barbaric civil war in Sierra Leone between 1989 and 2001, it is alleged Mr Taylor directed child soldiers, fuelled with drugs and alcohol, to kill their own parents in a conflict that saw tens of thousands of murders, mutilations and rapes. The dominant, searing image was of people with their limbs or ears hacked off or eyes gouged out. Mr Taylor's counsel, Karim Khan, who was repeatedly threatened with contempt by Justice Julia Sebutinde, said he had been sacked because his client had lost confidence in the ability of the UN-backed court to try him fairly because of a lack of resources.
In a letter read out by Mr Khan, Mr Taylor declared that he recognised the court but wanted to represent himself. He went on: "It is with great regret that I must decline to attend any further proceedings in this case. I cannot participate in a charade that does no justice to the people of Liberia and Sierra Leone. I choose not to be a figleaf of legitimacy for this court." He complained that he had only one senior lawyer, compared to nine on the other side.Although the judge directed Mr Khan to continue representing Mr Taylor for the opening address from the chief prosecutor, Stephen Rapp, Mr Khan insisted he could not. As he made to leave the courtroom, the judge snapped at him: "You don't just get up and waltz out of here." Mr Khan replied: "I must, and I do apologise."
Mr Rapp insisted Mr Taylor had been given every assistance.
Mr Taylor, 59, who has pleaded not guilty to 11 charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity, faces a maximum sentence of life imprisonment if convicted.
Human rights groups have welcomed the trial, at a special court presided over by international and Sierra Leonean judges, as an attempt to challenge the climate of impunity in which atrocities in some of Africa's most brutal wars have taken place.
The prosecution was expected to open the trial by detailing the 11 charges against Mr Taylor. He is accused of forming a "joint criminal enterprise" by giving Sierra Leonean rebel groups weapons and training in return for access to the country's diamond fields. It is alleged Mr Taylor was complicit in the campaign by the rebel Revolutionary United Front (RUF) against civilians, which included mutilation, usually the chopping off of arms or hands, and the abduction of women and girls as sex slaves and men and boys as soldiers. Many were held for years.
Mr Taylor, who ruled Liberia from 1997 to 2003, has pleaded not guilty to the charges, saying he has immunity from prosecution as head of state at the time of the alleged crimes. But at an earlier hearing the court invoked the precedents of the Nuremberg and Tokyo war crimes trials, and the tribunals for Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia, to rule that immunity did not extend to crimes against humanity. Mr Taylor faces life in prison if convicted. Britain has offered to jail him.
The former Liberian president will not be called to account by the special court for the long list of crimes he is alleged to have committed in his own country during an equally brutal 14-year civil war. Even so, Human Rights Watch, one of several groups that pressed for many years for Mr Taylor to be brought to justice, said the trial showed that leaders suspected of war crimes could be called to account.
"To see someone [tried] of the standing of Charles Taylor, who has been associated with abuses throughout west Africa, is really significant," said Elise Keppler, legal counsel for the group's international justice programme.
The court was jointly established by the Sierra Leonean government and the UN after a security council resolution in 2000. Mr Taylor was indicted in 2003, but he sought refuge in Nigeria - which eventually agreed to extradite him. Mr Taylor fled and was captured near Nigeria's border with Cameroon.
He is being held at the Hague for fear that a trial in Sierra Leone could destabilise the country. It is not his first stint in prison: in 1984, he was jailed in the US on an extradition warrant for allegedly embezzling $922,000 (£464,000) from the Liberian government. He escaped from a Massachusetts prison by sawing through a bar of his cell and sliding down a knotted sheet.
He resurfaced in Libya, establishing a relationship with Muammar Gadafy that proved fateful for Liberia and Sierra Leone. Mr Taylor also met the future RUF leader, Foday Sankoh, at a military training camp in Libya. After Mr Sankoh launched his insurgency in 1991, he turned to Mr Taylor and Mr Gadafy for support, offering diamonds in exchange for weapons. Although diamonds are not mined in Liberia, under Mr Taylor the country became a big diamond exporter.
Human rights groups also want Mr Taylor held to account for crimes in Liberia after his rebellion against the then president, Samuel Doe, in 1989. Mr Doe was tortured to death by one of Mr Taylor's allies, Prince Johnson. A video of the killing sold well in west Africa. But Mr Johnson split with Mr Taylor soon afterwards and seized control of the capital, Monrovia, prompting a long civil war underpinned by ethnic divisions; Mr Taylor went on to exploit practices of ritual killings in Liberia to sow terror in his 14-year war for power.


BODY OF GENOCIDE WITNESS FOUND IN RIVER
· Accused former Rwanda minister feared for his life
· War crimes tribunal would have heard key evidence

Jeevan Vasagar in Nairobi : The Guardian, Saturday 24 December 2005


A former Rwandan government minister accused of participating in the 1994 genocide has been found dead in mysterious circumstances in Brussels, it was confirmed yesterday. The naked and decomposing body of Juvenal Uwilingiyimana was pulled from a canal, more than three weeks after he disappeared from home on November 21. DNA tests have confirmed his identity but the cause of death has not yet been established because the body appears to have been mangled by passing boats. Mr Uwilingiyimana's hands were severed and his wedding ring is missing. "This is either because we are dealing with professional murderers or it's just by chance, that a boat cut off his hands," the family's lawyer, Sven Mary, said. According to the news agency Belga, an autopsy showed no signs of a violent death. After he was charged with genocide in June and an international arrest warrant was issued in August, the former minister for parks agreed to cooperate with investigators from the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), based in Arusha, Tanzania.
He was regarded as a potentially valuable witness who could help the ICTR prosecution penetrate the "akazu", the kitchen cabinet linked to the presidential family who are said to have directed the genocide. But the family's lawyer said the former minister withdrew cooperation shortly before his death. Mr Mary said: "He had to sign some documents, this is what the family says, identifying persons that he didn't want to identify. For him it wasn't the truth and he didn't want to work with them any more." On November 28, seven days after his disappearance, a letter said to have been written by Mr Uwilingiyimana was published on the internet. The letter suggested he had terminated his cooperation with the tribunal because he was put under pressure to identify high-ranking individuals. The authenticity of the letter has not been established. Mr Uwilingiyimana's lawyer said he feared prosecution if he did not cooperate with the ICTR."I know from his family that he had to cope with a lot of pressure. If he didn't work with the investigators, they had this international arrest warrant. "The moment he stopped working with them, the pressure began." The ICTR said in a statement yesterday that Mr Uwilingiyimana had agreed to cooperate voluntarily, and had been interviewed by investigators for several weeks.
His final interview took place on November 18 and he failed to appear for a scheduled session on the day he disappeared. In meetings with two senior ICTR officials, the prosecutor Hassan Bubacar Jallow and chief of prosecutions Stephen Rapp, he made no complaints about the investigators, the statement said. "However, he expressed concern, as he had often to the investigators, about the dangers that he and his family would face from powerful persons in the Rwandan exile community when he told the truth about these persons' responsibility for the Rwanda genocide." Tracking those most responsible for the genocide, which claimed the lives of 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus, has been slow and painstaking work. The mass murder was directed by high-ranking members of the former "Hutu Power" government, who organised the supply of uniforms, guns and machetes and the training of militias, but were not always present at the scenes of crimes. Prosecutors rely on the cooperation of insiders to gather evidence against more senior leaders of the genocide, offering reduced penalties in return. The ICTR statement expressed concern that Mr Uwilingiyimana's willingness to cooperate had made him a target.
"If the cause of death is determined to be homicide, the office of the prosecutor expresses the fervent hope that Belgian authorities will be able to arrest and try those responsible for a crime that obstructs justice for the victims of the Rwanda genocide," the statement said.
Alison des Forges, a senior adviser to the pressure group Human Rights Watch, said Mr Uwilingiyimana would have made a valuable witness, chiefly because of his personal contacts rather than his former ministerial position. "I think he would indeed have been very useful had he been willing to cooperate. He was in a position close enough to the family of the president to know quite a few things. There aren't many people who have this kind of information."Mr Uwilingiyimana fled to Belgium in 1998, where he was granted asylum.
Backstory
The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda was set up to try cases of alleged genocide. The first trial started in January 1997, in Arusha, Tanzania. The court has so far convicted 20 people and acquitted three. The conviction of Jean Kambanda, Rwanda's ex-prime minister, was the first time a head of government has been found guilty of genocide. Critics say the court works slowly and lacks clout.

 

[KING COBRA]

Usicheze na damu za watu,mimi kila siku nasema na kila thread inayomhusu Kagame huwa naandika kuwa issue ya Kagame kushitakiwa The Hague it is a time ticking bomb which is waiting to explode.Unapocheza na Mmarekani inatakiwa ujue sana kuzichanga karata zako kwa umakini maana kazi ya mzungu yeyote ni kukutumia then wakishapata wanachokitaka wanakumwaga.

Marekani na Uingereza chini ya Rais Clinton na waziri mkuu Tonny Blair ndio walimsaidia Kagame na RPF yake kuikamata Rwanda kwa mkataba wa kwamba after 2 year Kagame awe ameshaandaa jeshi tayari kwa kuikamata Congo.Kwa kuwa Kagame muda aliopewa ulikuwa mfupi sana ilibidi atumie majeshi ya Uganda, Burundi na Tanzania kuivamia DRC.Sisi waTanzania kwenye vita ile tuliingia kichwa kichwa bila kujua eti tunamsaidia Laurent Kabila kwa kuwa eti alikaa nchini kwetu kama mkimbizi wa kisiasa kwa hiyo tukaingia Congo kumsaidia rafiki yetu eti aondoe utawala kandamizi wa Mobutu kwa mbali hatukujua kama tunamsapoti Kagame na wanyamulenge wenzake kutengeneza Hima Empire.Vita ilipokamilika mwaka 1997 sisi tulitoa majeshi yetu kwa kuwa tuliamini kuwa nchi ipo chini ya Kabila sasa.Lakini Wanyarwandwa wao walikuwa wanajua makubaliono yao na Kabila waligoma kutoka Congo na Kabila alipowataka kuondoka mwaka ule wa 1999 ndiyo akina Laurent Nkundabatwale wakaibuka na vikundi vya kumpinga Desire Kabila mashariki mwa Congo ambavo ndiyo hivo vinavoendeshwa na serikali ya Kagame.

Kuona hivo harakaharaka Desire Kabila akaliomba jeshi letu tukufu lirudi DRC kwa ajuili ya ulinzi na training,ilibidi tupeleke wanajeshi wa kuwatraini waCongoman kwa ajili ya kupata jeshi lenye nidhamu so from there Kagame anajua strength yetu kijeshi ndiyo maana tulivochangia wanajeshi wa kulinda amani Goma jamaa anaweweseka.

All in all point yangu nayotaka kuzungumza ni kwamba wamarekani ama mzungu yeyote akishapata anachokitaka its very easy kukudump kama kondom.Kwa hiyo hilo ndilo litakalotokea kwa Kagame hata kama siyo kesho nakuambia siku yaja nayo haitakawia Kagame lazima atakuwa na mashitaka ya kujibu.

PAUL KAGAME OPPONENTS PRESS FOR CHARGES OVER DRC CONFLICT
Rwandan opposition parties in exile will go to The Hague to urge action over claims regime is arming rebels across border
Pete Jones in Goma : guardian.co.uk, Monday 13 August 2012
Rwandan opposition parties in exile are to ask the international criminal court to press charges against the country's president, Paul Kagame, after a UN report accused his regime of supporting rebel forces in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Representatives of the United Democratic Forces party and the Rwandan National Congress will travel to The Hague on Friday to demand that the court examines claims that Kagame's regime is recruiting and arming the rebels in an attempt to annex the DRC's Kivu provinces. They also want an investigation into suggestions that Rwanda is stealing eastern Congo's mineral resources. Rwanda's alleged support for the M23 rebels has opened a diplomatic rift between Kigali and Kinshasa that several regional summits have failed to resolve. Kagame strenuously denies the claims and the Congolese president, Joseph Kabila, refuses to negotiate directly with the rebels, who have advanced to within 19 miles (30km) of Goma, the capital of North Kivu.
In late July the head of the US war crimes office, Stephen Rapp, suggested that Kagame and other implicated Rwandan government figures could face prosecution at the ICC if M23 committed atrocities in the DRC. Rapp said Kagame could potentially face charges of aiding and abetting crimes against humanity in the DRC. In May the former Liberian president Charles Taylor was given a 50-year sentence after being found guilty of similar charges. Rapp has also called for the arrest of the M23 leaders Bosco Ntaganda, Sultani Makenga and Innocent Zimurinda. The UN report prompted the US government to withhold $200,000 (£130,000) of military aid to Rwanda, and other countries followed suit, including the UK which suspended £16m of aid. The demand to bring charges against Kagame has support among Congolese as well as opposition Rwandan politicians. "The politicians in Kinshasa are aware of these charges and they support them, although there have been no official statements as yet," said Nzangi Butondo, a Congolese MP representing Goma. "We think now is the right time to [go to The Hague]. It is certainly something to raise publicity, but there is also the hope that the ICC will, as a result, at least launch an investigation into this affair."
US SUPPORT FOR RWANDA WANES AMID CONCERN OVER VIOLENCE IN CONGO
Washington signals shift in policy by cutting aid and rebuking Kagame administration for apparent support for rebels in DRC
Chris McGreal in Washington :The Guardian, Wednesday 1 August 2012
The US is retreating from years of solid public support for Rwanda's president, Paul Kagame, in a major shift that suggests Washington's concern at continued bloodletting in the Democratic Republic of Congo now outweighs western guilt over the 1994 Rwandan genocide.
The Rwandan government has hit back at the latest accusations of its support for rebels in the DRC, calling a detailed United Nations report that prompted the US, Britain and other countries to cut aid last week an orchestrated attempt to "cast Rwanda as the villain". But Washington appears unpersuaded after publicly endorsing the report which lays out evidence of Rwanda providing fighters and military equipment to rebels in the eastern DRC where 18 years of conflict have cost the lives of several million people.
The US state department broke with its history of limiting criticism to private communications to say "we have deep concerns about Rwanda's support to the Congolese rebel group that goes by the name M23". Washington cut military aid and its war crimes chief warned that the Rwandan leadership could find itself under investigation by the international criminal court.
Tom Malinowski, a former member of President Bill Clinton's national security staff and now Washington director of Human Rights Watch, said Washington acted in the face of what it regarded as undeniable evidence. "At no point in the last 18 years has the United States and Rwanda's other allies responded as strongly to evidence of wrongdoing by the Kagame government," he said. "At some point people get sick of being lied to. This administration, like past administrations, has gone out of its way to give the Rwanda government the benefit of the doubt and the ability to respond to critics when they've been charged with this kind of behaviour, and to explain themselves. "But when the evidence is this clear and the government continues to categorically deny what the US government knows to be true, it's very difficult to maintain patience. What we're seeing now is patience dissolving."
The report also accuses Rwanda of protecting an accused war criminal, Bosco Ntaganda, who heads M23 and was indicted by the international criminal court six years ago. Malinowski, who was a state department official before working at the White House, said that for many years Kigali was given considerable leeway because western inaction at the beginning of the 1994 genocide had contributed to the slaughter of about 800,000 Tutsis. It also helped that Kagame is admired in Washington and London for leading the reconstruction of Rwanda and overseeing a thriving economy even if doubts crept in about his tight control of politics which left little space for real opposition.
But Malinowski said there was a growing belief within the US administration that Rwanda was using one crime to cover up another.
"We all went through that awful searing experience and the sense of guilt that President Clinton expressed many times about the international community's failure to help Rwanda in that moment of need. Unfortunately Kagame has played on that guilt over the years to mask additional crimes that frankly we should also feel a little bit guilty about not having confronted," he said.
US policy is also guided by a 2006 law sponsored by then-senator Barack Obama which was intended to help Kinshasa protect its mineral resources from plunder and permit Washington to withhold aid from countries destabilising the DRC. There have been several reports over recent years detailing Rwandan military support for rebels in the DRC including one known as the "mapping exercise" which laid out the huge scale of killing and suffering in the late 1990s.
Even as the UN prepared to publish the latest report there was resistance to its acceptance from some in the US administration, led by Washington's ambassador to the UN, Susan Rice. She initially sought to block a crucial annex detailing evidence of Rwandan support for the DRC rebels from being attached to the main report and made public. But that move was undermined when the DRC government in Kinshasa protested and details were leaked.
Kinshasa this week described Rwandan support for the rebels as an open secret.
The US announced it was withdrawing $200,000 in military assistance to Rwanda. Britain, Rwanda's single largest bilateral donor which initially showed no willingness to act over the UN report, followed Washington's lead and said it would delay payment of the latest batch of £16m in aid. The Netherlands and Germany cut assistance too. Germany's development minister, Dirk Niebel, said he had warned Rwanda a month ago.
"Rwanda did not use this time to rebut these serious allegations," he said. "Suspending budget aid is a clear sign to the Rwandan government."
The US war crimes chief, Stephen Rapp, added to the pressure by warning that Rwanda's leaders could face investigation and prosecution by the international criminal court for aiding and abetting crimes against humanity if it could be shown they were arming Congolese rebels responsible for atrocities. Although Rwanda is not a signatory to the Rome statute creating the ICC, the DRC is and Rapp noted that the former Liberian president Charles Taylor was jailed for crimes committed in a neighbouring country.
The Kagame administration has reacted furiously to the shift in US policy, apparently in part because it was unexpected.Rwanda's foreign minister, Louise Mushikiwabo, accused western governments of treating her country like a child. "This child-to-parent relationship has to end … there has to be a minimum respect," she said. "As long as countries wave cheque books over our heads, we can never be equal."
RWANDA'S PAUL KAGAME WARNED HE MAY BE CHARGED WITH AIDING WAR CRIMES
US tells president he could face prosecution for arming groups that carried out atrocities in Democratic Republic of Congo
Chris McGreal in Washington : guardian.co.uk, Wednesday 25 July 2012
The head of the US war crimes office has warned Rwanda's leaders, including President Paul Kagame, that they could face prosecution at the international criminal court for arming groups responsible for atrocities in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
Stephen Rapp, who leads the US Office of Global Criminal Justice, told the Guardian the Rwandan leadership may be open to charges of "aiding and abetting" crimes against humanity in a neighbouring country – actions similar to those for which the former Liberian president, Charles Taylor, was jailed for 50 years by an international court in May.
Rapp's warning follows a damning United Nations report on recent Rwandan military support for M23, an insurgent group that has driven hundreds of thousands of people from their homes since April as it has seized territory in the eastern DRC.
The group is led by Bosco Ntaganda, known as the Terminator, who was indicted by the international criminal court six years ago for war crimes including the forced recruitment of child soldiers. The UN report accuses Rwanda of shielding Ntaganda from justice.
On Saturday, Washington said it would halt some military aid to Rwanda after the UN report.
The aid freeze and Rapp's public intervention mark a significant shift away from once-solid US support for Kagame, which was rooted in lingering guilt over international inaction during the 1994 genocide of Rwandan Tutsis.
Rapp, who previously served as chief prosecutor at the Rwanda genocide tribunal and later initiated the prosecution of Taylor over his crimes as president of Liberia in supporting rebels in neighbouring Sierra Leone, said Rwandan support for M23 and other armed groups "has to stop" because it "maintains the lawlessness and at the end of the day enables the ongoing commission of atrocities".
"There is a line that one can cross under international law where you can be held responsible for aiding a group in a way that makes possible their commission of atrocities," he said.
"Charles Taylor never set foot in Sierra Leone, and aided and abetted, and was convicted of aiding and abetting, the Revolutionary United Front with assistance that was substantial and, the judges said, without which the RUF could not have committed the atrocities to the extent they did commit them. Because of that evidence, Charles Taylor was convicted and sentenced to 50 years."
Rapp said the evidence by the UN group of experts of Rwandan government support for M23 and other armed groups, including sending weapons and troops into the DRC, exposed Kagame and other senior officials to investigation for war crimes.
"At this stage, I'm not sure if we are there in terms of criminal conduct," he said. "But if this kind of thing continued and groups that were being armed were committing crimes … then I think you would have a situation where individuals who were aiding them from across the border could be held criminally responsible."
The UN report, by a group of experts appointed by the security council, said it had "found substantial evidence attesting to support from Rwandan officials to armed groups operating in the eastern DRC", including shipping weapons and money to M23 in breach of a UN arms embargo and other sanctions.
"Since the earliest stages of its inception, the group documented a systematic pattern of military and political support provided to the M23 rebellion by Rwandan authorities," it said.
The report said the Rwandan government gave "direct assistance in the creation of M23 through the transport of weapons and soldiers through Rwandan territory", and recruited Rwandan youths, demobilised ex-combatants and Congolese refugees as M23 fighters.
It also offers evidence of "direct Rwandan Defence Forces (RDF) interventions into Congolese territory to reinforce M23" and "support to several other armed groups".
"RDF operational units are periodically reinforcing the M23 on the battlefield against the Congolese army," it said.
Many M23 members formerly served in another Rwandan-backed militia, the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP), which was responsible along with other militias for widespread atrocities over several years, including ethnic killings and mass rape. Ntaganda was the CNDP's military chief.
The experts accuse Rwanda of shielding Ntaganda from prosecution by the ICC for war crimes.
"Rwandan officials have insisted on impunity for their armed group and mutineer allies, including ex-CNDP General Bosco Ntaganda," they said.
Earlier this week, Kagame denounced western criticism of Rwanda's role in the DRC and blamed the continuing conflict on foreign powers that "don't listen", as well as the continuing threat from anti-Tutsi extremist forces, led by Hutus responsible for the 1994 genocide.
"This problem has not been caused by Rwanda and it has not been abetted by Rwanda," said Kagame. "Actually the problem of DRC came from outside. It was created by the international community, our partners, because they don't listen … and in the end they don't actually provide a solution. They just keep creating problems for us. We know better our problems, we know better about this region's problems."
Kagame also denied arming M23.
"The international community was saying that Rwanda is helping rebels, but helping them with what, and for what reason? They say we supply them with ammunition, but these people get guns from the Congolese army. The ammunition they have is from their Congolese armouries," he said. "We are not supplying even one bullet, we have not and we will not."
Kagame rejected accusations that Rwanda is shielding Ntaganda from the ICC. He said he told DRC's government that it should deal with the renegade general, but warned that arresting Ntaganda would only create more conflict.
"After that, members of the international community developed an idea that if Rwanda can't support them to arrest someone in another country, then they would put us together with those they want to arrest, and this is really how it turned out to be," he said.
The Rwandan leadership has faced accusations from the UN before, but the latest report has exposed it to unusual public criticism from Washington.
"We have a lot of influence with the Rwandans. We've been very supportive of them. We're prepared to speak frankly to them as we have privately in the past, and now publicly," Rapp said. "M23 was reinforced by Rwanda, and that has to stop. And that's the message we're delivering."
The US and Britain have long been accused of shielding Kagame from criticism over Rwanda's support for armed groups in the DRC and its plunder of minerals there.
Tony Blair, the former British prime minister, has been among the Rwandan president's strongest supporters, praising him as a "visionary leader" for the reconstruction and economic development of his country after the genocide.
Rwanda's invasion of what was then Zaire in 1996 to clear out refugee camps sheltering armed groups responsible for the genocide two years earlier was quietly backed by Washington and London, which did not challenge a second invasion two years later and Kigali's attempt to create a proxy administration in eastern DRC using loyal armed groups.
But the solid public support of Kagame grew increasingly difficult to defend given the scale of the suffering in DRC, with hundreds of thousands murdered and millions dying from disease and malnutrition caused by the conflict, and untold numbers of women raped, often repeatedly.
Earlier UN reports accused Kagame's forces of war crimes, including possibly genocide, in the eastern DRC. Others have criticised the increasingly authoritarian nature of the Rwandan president's rule, including the effective barring of political opposition.
[h=1]US BACKS LIBYA IN DISPUTE OVER TRIAL LOCATION FOR SAIF AL-ISLAM GADDAFI[/h] War crimes chief says national justice would be preferable to that of the ICC, which has spent months wrangling with Tripoli
Chris McGreal in Washington : guardian.co.uk, Wednesday 6 June 2012
The US is backing Libya in its dispute with the International Criminal Court as Tripoli and The Hague wrestle over jurisdiction to try Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, the son of the former dictator.
The US war crimes chief, Stephen Rapp, said Washington would like to see Gaddafi face a Libyan court because national justice is preferable – a reflection of continuing scepticism about the ICC even if cooperation has increased significantly since the open hostility of the Bush administration.
"Our preference is to try cases in the national system if you can have a process there that meets minimal standards of fair justice. The Libyan government says they can do that," said Rapp. "We certainly would like to see the Libyans provide a fair and appropriate justice at the national level. It won't be the same thing that happens in The Hague but The Hague is only for a relative handful of cases and the international system we see developing is one where countries do these cases themselves with international assistance, sometimes with international participation."
The ICC and the post-revolutionary administration in Tripoli have spent months wrangling over who has the greater authority to try Gaddafi for crimes he is alleged to have committed during last year's revolution, including the killing of unarmed protestors.
Gaddafi was captured by a revolutionary militia which has so far refused to surrender him either to the Tripoli or the ICC. Muammar Gaddafi was also indicted, but he is now dead, along with the regime's intelligence chief, Abdullah al-Senoussi, who is being held in Mauritania.
The new administration in Tripoli argues that Gaddafi should be tried at the scene of his crimes, Libya. The ICC last week dropped its demand that he be immediately handed over and said that he can remain in Libya while the court decides who has first claim.
Under the ICC statutes, it has jurisdiction if a government is unable or unwilling to put an accused on trial. Among other requirements for a national government to take precedence is that it has the ability to hold a fair trial.
The ICC chief prosecutor, Luis Moreno-Ocampo, last week told the Security Council, which authorised the prosecutions, that the dispute is a first for the 10-year-old court.
"This is the first time in the short history of the International Criminal Court that a state is requesting jurisdiction to conduct a national investigation against the same individual and for the same incidents under investigation by the International Criminal Court," Moreno-Ocampo said. "The challenge goes to the heart of the system of justice established in 1998 by the Rome Statute: national states have the primary obligation to conduct proceedings and the International Criminal Court's intervention will be complementary."
Lawyers for the Libyan government have argued that it has the ability to conduct a fair trial and should be permitted to do so "in furtherance of building a new and democratic Libya governed by the rule of law".
"To deny the Libyan people this historic opportunity to eradicate the long-standing culture of impunity would be manifestly inconsistent (with the principles of the ICC)," it said.
Rapp, who was the initial prosecutor at the war crimes trial of the former Liberian president, Charles Taylor, and was chief prosecutor at the Rwanda tribunal trying the leaders of the 1994 genocide, backed that position. Rapp, who is now head of the office of global criminal justice in Washington, said it is important where possible for the trials to be where the offenses were committed.
"It was an important part of this court that it would be at the scene of the crime, that it would be in Freetown," he said. The Rwanda genocide trials, held in neighbouring Tanzania, were criticised by survivors as too distant.
In contrast, an ad hoc special court was established in Sierra Leone with local and foreign judges to try most of those accused of crimes against humanity in the country's long civil war. But Taylor, who as president of neighbouring Liberia backed the rebels in Sierra Leone in return for diamonds, was moved for trial at The Hague using ICC facilities but still under the authority of the special court.
"Frankly I think we could have tried the Charles Taylor case just fine in Freetown," said Rapp. "But there was great concern, particularly in Liberia, that his presence in the region could be exploited for further instability."
The US support for Tripoli's position reflects its longstanding preference for ad hoc international courts, such as those that dealt with war crimes in Bosnia, Rwanda and Sierra Leone. That is in part borne out of continuing wariness of the ICC even if relations have improved dramatically under Obama.
The Bush administration, which joined Libya, Iraq, Israel and China in opposing establishment of ICC, was openly hostile to the court including seeking guarantees of immunity from prosecution for US citizens. However it later tempered its opposition, permitting the UN security council to refer crimes committed in Darfur to the ICC. The Obama administration has developed a working relationship with the court.
TAYLOR BOYCOTTS WAR CRIMES TRIAL
David Pallister and Chris McGreal :guardian.co.uk, Monday 4 June 2007
The former Liberian president Charles Taylor. Photograph: Ben Curtis/AP
Liberia's former president Charles Taylor dramatically failed to appear at the start of his trial for war crimes in the Hague today, with his British lawyer walking out of the court after a furious row with the presiding judge. The prolonged disruption marred what was meant to be an historic occasion as the first time a former African head of state was put on trial for crimes against humanity and war crimes. During the exceptionally barbaric civil war in Sierra Leone between 1989 and 2001, it is alleged Mr Taylor directed child soldiers, fuelled with drugs and alcohol, to kill their own parents in a conflict that saw tens of thousands of murders, mutilations and rapes. The dominant, searing image was of people with their limbs or ears hacked off or eyes gouged out. Mr Taylor's counsel, Karim Khan, who was repeatedly threatened with contempt by Justice Julia Sebutinde, said he had been sacked because his client had lost confidence in the ability of the UN-backed court to try him fairly because of a lack of resources.
In a letter read out by Mr Khan, Mr Taylor declared that he recognised the court but wanted to represent himself. He went on: "It is with great regret that I must decline to attend any further proceedings in this case. I cannot participate in a charade that does no justice to the people of Liberia and Sierra Leone. I choose not to be a figleaf of legitimacy for this court." He complained that he had only one senior lawyer, compared to nine on the other side.Although the judge directed Mr Khan to continue representing Mr Taylor for the opening address from the chief prosecutor, Stephen Rapp, Mr Khan insisted he could not. As he made to leave the courtroom, the judge snapped at him: "You don't just get up and waltz out of here." Mr Khan replied: "I must, and I do apologise."
Mr Rapp insisted Mr Taylor had been given every assistance.
Mr Taylor, 59, who has pleaded not guilty to 11 charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity, faces a maximum sentence of life imprisonment if convicted.
Human rights groups have welcomed the trial, at a special court presided over by international and Sierra Leonean judges, as an attempt to challenge the climate of impunity in which atrocities in some of Africa's most brutal wars have taken place.
The prosecution was expected to open the trial by detailing the 11 charges against Mr Taylor. He is accused of forming a "joint criminal enterprise" by giving Sierra Leonean rebel groups weapons and training in return for access to the country's diamond fields. It is alleged Mr Taylor was complicit in the campaign by the rebel Revolutionary United Front (RUF) against civilians, which included mutilation, usually the chopping off of arms or hands, and the abduction of women and girls as sex slaves and men and boys as soldiers. Many were held for years.
Mr Taylor, who ruled Liberia from 1997 to 2003, has pleaded not guilty to the charges, saying he has immunity from prosecution as head of state at the time of the alleged crimes. But at an earlier hearing the court invoked the precedents of the Nuremberg and Tokyo war crimes trials, and the tribunals for Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia, to rule that immunity did not extend to crimes against humanity. Mr Taylor faces life in prison if convicted. Britain has offered to jail him.
The former Liberian president will not be called to account by the special court for the long list of crimes he is alleged to have committed in his own country during an equally brutal 14-year civil war. Even so, Human Rights Watch, one of several groups that pressed for many years for Mr Taylor to be brought to justice, said the trial showed that leaders suspected of war crimes could be called to account.
"To see someone [tried] of the standing of Charles Taylor, who has been associated with abuses throughout west Africa, is really significant," said Elise Keppler, legal counsel for the group's international justice programme.
The court was jointly established by the Sierra Leonean government and the UN after a security council resolution in 2000. Mr Taylor was indicted in 2003, but he sought refuge in Nigeria - which eventually agreed to extradite him. Mr Taylor fled and was captured near Nigeria's border with Cameroon.
He is being held at the Hague for fear that a trial in Sierra Leone could destabilise the country. It is not his first stint in prison: in 1984, he was jailed in the US on an extradition warrant for allegedly embezzling $922,000 (£464,000) from the Liberian government. He escaped from a Massachusetts prison by sawing through a bar of his cell and sliding down a knotted sheet.
He resurfaced in Libya, establishing a relationship with Muammar Gadafy that proved fateful for Liberia and Sierra Leone. Mr Taylor also met the future RUF leader, Foday Sankoh, at a military training camp in Libya. After Mr Sankoh launched his insurgency in 1991, he turned to Mr Taylor and Mr Gadafy for support, offering diamonds in exchange for weapons. Although diamonds are not mined in Liberia, under Mr Taylor the country became a big diamond exporter.
Human rights groups also want Mr Taylor held to account for crimes in Liberia after his rebellion against the then president, Samuel Doe, in 1989. Mr Doe was tortured to death by one of Mr Taylor's allies, Prince Johnson. A video of the killing sold well in west Africa. But Mr Johnson split with Mr Taylor soon afterwards and seized control of the capital, Monrovia, prompting a long civil war underpinned by ethnic divisions; Mr Taylor went on to exploit practices of ritual killings in Liberia to sow terror in his 14-year war for power.
BODY OF GENOCIDE WITNESS FOUND IN RIVER
· Accused former Rwanda minister feared for his life
· War crimes tribunal would have heard key evidence
Jeevan Vasagar in Nairobi : The Guardian, Saturday 24 December 2005
A former Rwandan government minister accused of participating in the 1994 genocide has been found dead in mysterious circumstances in Brussels, it was confirmed yesterday. The naked and decomposing body of Juvenal Uwilingiyimana was pulled from a canal, more than three weeks after he disappeared from home on November 21. DNA tests have confirmed his identity but the cause of death has not yet been established because the body appears to have been mangled by passing boats. Mr Uwilingiyimana's hands were severed and his wedding ring is missing. "This is either because we are dealing with professional murderers or it's just by chance, that a boat cut off his hands," the family's lawyer, Sven Mary, said. According to the news agency Belga, an autopsy showed no signs of a violent death. After he was charged with genocide in June and an international arrest warrant was issued in August, the former minister for parks agreed to cooperate with investigators from the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), based in Arusha, Tanzania.
He was regarded as a potentially valuable witness who could help the ICTR prosecution penetrate the "akazu", the kitchen cabinet linked to the presidential family who are said to have directed the genocide. But the family's lawyer said the former minister withdrew cooperation shortly before his death. Mr Mary said: "He had to sign some documents, this is what the family says, identifying persons that he didn't want to identify. For him it wasn't the truth and he didn't want to work with them any more." On November 28, seven days after his disappearance, a letter said to have been written by Mr Uwilingiyimana was published on the internet. The letter suggested he had terminated his cooperation with the tribunal because he was put under pressure to identify high-ranking individuals. The authenticity of the letter has not been established. Mr Uwilingiyimana's lawyer said he feared prosecution if he did not cooperate with the ICTR."I know from his family that he had to cope with a lot of pressure. If he didn't work with the investigators, they had this international arrest warrant. "The moment he stopped working with them, the pressure began." The ICTR said in a statement yesterday that Mr Uwilingiyimana had agreed to cooperate voluntarily, and had been interviewed by investigators for several weeks.
His final interview took place on November 18 and he failed to appear for a scheduled session on the day he disappeared. In meetings with two senior ICTR officials, the prosecutor Hassan Bubacar Jallow and chief of prosecutions Stephen Rapp, he made no complaints about the investigators, the statement said. "However, he expressed concern, as he had often to the investigators, about the dangers that he and his family would face from powerful persons in the Rwandan exile community when he told the truth about these persons' responsibility for the Rwanda genocide." Tracking those most responsible for the genocide, which claimed the lives of 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus, has been slow and painstaking work. The mass murder was directed by high-ranking members of the former "Hutu Power" government, who organised the supply of uniforms, guns and machetes and the training of militias, but were not always present at the scenes of crimes. Prosecutors rely on the cooperation of insiders to gather evidence against more senior leaders of the genocide, offering reduced penalties in return. The ICTR statement expressed concern that Mr Uwilingiyimana's willingness to cooperate had made him a target.
"If the cause of death is determined to be homicide, the office of the prosecutor expresses the fervent hope that Belgian authorities will be able to arrest and try those responsible for a crime that obstructs justice for the victims of the Rwanda genocide," the statement said.
Alison des Forges, a senior adviser to the pressure group Human Rights Watch, said Mr Uwilingiyimana would have made a valuable witness, chiefly because of his personal contacts rather than his former ministerial position. "I think he would indeed have been very useful had he been willing to cooperate. He was in a position close enough to the family of the president to know quite a few things. There aren't many people who have this kind of information."Mr Uwilingiyimana fled to Belgium in 1998, where he was granted asylum.
Backstory
The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda was set up to try cases of alleged genocide. The first trial started in January 1997, in Arusha, Tanzania. The court has so far convicted 20 people and acquitted three. The conviction of Jean Kambanda, Rwanda's ex-prime minister, was the first time a head of government has been found guilty of genocide. Critics say the court works slowly and lacks clout.

 

[Mkereketwa_Huyu]

Auliwe tu huyu Kanyoboya, alishaua watu wengi sana bado yeye tu kuhukumiwa, pumbaf.

 

[mhalisi]

Ufaransa walimtuhumu kuhusika na kifo cha Bizimungu. hivi bado Ufaransa ina ubalozi Kigali?

 

[Marnah]

number one terrorist

 

[Makanyaga]

Usicheze na damu za watu,mimi kila siku nasema na kila thread inayomhusu Kagame huwa naandika kuwa issue ya Kagame kushitakiwa The Hague it is a time ticking bomb which is waiting to explode.Unapocheza na Mmarekani inatakiwa ujue sana kuzichanga karata zako kwa umakini maana kazi ya mzungu yeyote ni kukutumia then wakishapata wanachokitaka wanakumwaga.

Marekani na Uingereza chini ya Rais Clinton na waziri mkuu Tonny Blair ndio walimsaidia Kagame na RPF yake kuikamata Rwanda kwa mkataba wa kwamba after 2 year Kagame awe ameshaandaa jeshi tayari kwa kuikamata Congo.Kwa kuwa Kagame muda aliopewa ulikuwa mfupi sana ilibidi atumie majeshi ya Uganda, Burundi na Tanzania kuivamia DRC.Sisi waTanzania kwenye vita ile tuliingia kichwa kichwa bila kujua eti tunamsaidia Laurent Kabila kwa kuwa eti alikaa nchini kwetu kama mkimbizi wa kisiasa kwa hiyo tukaingia Congo kumsaidia rafiki yetu eti aondoe utawala kandamizi wa Mobutu kwa mbali hatukujua kama tunamsapoti Kagame na wanyamulenge wenzake kutengeneza Hima Empire.Vita ilipokamilika mwaka 1997 sisi tulitoa majeshi yetu kwa kuwa tuliamini kuwa nchi ipo chini ya Kabila sasa.Lakini Wanyarwandwa wao walikuwa wanajua makubaliono yao na Kabila waligoma kutoka Congo na Kabila alipowataka kuondoka mwaka ule wa 1999 ndiyo akina Laurent Nkundabatwale wakaibuka na vikundi vya kumpinga Desire Kabila mashariki mwa Congo ambavo ndiyo hivo vinavoendeshwa na serikali ya Kagame.

Kuona hivo harakaharaka Desire Kabila akaliomba jeshi letu tukufu lirudi DRC kwa ajuili ya ulinzi na training,ilibidi tupeleke wanajeshi wa kuwatraini waCongoman kwa ajili ya kupata jeshi lenye nidhamu so from there Kagame anajua strength yetu kijeshi ndiyo maana tulivochangia wanajeshi wa kulinda amani Goma jamaa anaweweseka.

All in all point yangu nayotaka kuzungumza ni kwamba wamarekani ama mzungu yeyote akishapata anachokitaka its very easy kukudump kama kondom.Kwa hiyo hilo ndilo litakalotokea kwa Kagame hata kama siyo kesho nakuambia siku yaja nayo haitakawia Kagame lazima atakuwa na mashitaka ya kujibu.

bornagain
Hapo kwenye bold, nia yao wao hao wakubwa ni kupata nini kutoka DRC through Kagame? Hujafafanua hapo

 

[Koba]

Wishful thinking...that won't happen labda kwenye mahakamani zenu za mbuzi!

 

[bornagain]

bornagain
Hapo kwenye bold, nia yao wao hao wakubwa ni kupata nini kutoka DRC through Kagame? Hujafafanua hapo

Nia ya Bill Clinton na Tonny Blair ilikuwa ni kuikamata DRC ili waingize makampuni ya America na Uingereza kuchimba madini DRC na kupora rasilimali zingine za DRC kama magogo.Nasema hivo kwa sababu kipindi cha Mobotu Seseseko hakuna kampuni ya Marekani iliyoukuwa inachimba madini yeyote DRC.Mobutu alikuwa akichimba madini kushirikiana na rafiki zake kupitia nchi za Belgium na Ufaransa.
Ndiyo maana baada ya vita ile ya kumtoa Mobutu makampuni ya Uingereza na Marekani yalimiminika kuchimba madini Congo na kipindi cha mgogoro wa vita mashariki mwa DRC makampuni ya uchimbaji ya Uingereza na Marekani yalikuwa yakilindwa na majeshi ya Rwanda free of charge.So in short Marekani wanacheza ngoma wanayoijua vizuri sana

 

[Makanyaga]

Nia ya Bill Clinton na Tonny Blair ilikuwa ni kuikamata DRC ili waingize makampuni ya America na Uingereza kuchimba madini DRC na kupora rasilimali zingine za DRC kama magogo.Nasema hivo kwa sababu kipindi cha Mobotu Seseseko hakuna kampuni ya Marekani iliyoukuwa inachimba madini yeyote DRC.Mobutu alikuwa akichimba madini kushirikiana na rafiki zake kupitia nchi za Belgium na Ufaransa.
Ndiyo maana baada ya vita ile ya kumtoa Mobutu makampuni ya Uingereza na Marekani yalimiminika kuchimba madini Congo na kipindi cha mgogoro wa vita mashariki mwa DRC makampuni ya uchimbaji ya Uingereza na Marekani yalikuwa yakilindwa na majeshi ya Rwanda free of charge.So in short Marekani wanacheza ngoma wanayoijua vizuri sana

Nimekuogopa una data, sijui huwa unazipata wapi, maana data kama hizi ni rare kuzikuta kwenye magazeti. You must have a very reliable source.Nakupa big up sana!

 

[Koba]

Nia ya Bill Clinton na Tonny Blair ilikuwa ni kuikamata DRC ili waingize makampuni ya America na Uingereza kuchimba madini DRC na kupora rasilimali zingine za DRC kama magogo.Nasema hivo kwa sababu kipindi cha Mobotu Seseseko hakuna kampuni ya Marekani iliyoukuwa inachimba madini yeyote DRC.Mobutu alikuwa akichimba madini kushirikiana na rafiki zake kupitia nchi za Belgium na Ufaransa.
Ndiyo maana baada ya vita ile ya kumtoa Mobutu makampuni ya Uingereza na Marekani yalimiminika kuchimba madini Congo na kipindi cha mgogoro wa vita mashariki mwa DRC makampuni ya uchimbaji ya Uingereza na Marekani yalikuwa yakilindwa na majeshi ya Rwanda free of charge.So in short Marekani wanacheza ngoma wanayoijua vizuri sana

Hadithi za kutunga hizi pelekea watoto wa chekechea wakupigie makofi sio JF.

 

[TANMO]

Ufaransa walimtuhumu kuhusika na kifo cha Bizimungu. hivi bado Ufaransa ina ubalozi Kigali?

Mkuu, Bizimungu hajafa...

 

[bornagain]

Mkuu hebu funguka kidogo, ni nani hasa aliyeivamia kongo mwaka 1996? Mie ni miongoni mwa watu walioamini kuwa ni wakongoman walioivamia kongo mwaka huo

Wanyarwanda ndiyo walioivamia DRC mwaka 1996 wakiwa backed na US pamoja na majeshi ya Tanzania na Uganda
How America ran

 

[Rock City]

Hivi yu wapi Bizimungu?